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Foundations of Crime Science > References > Flashcards

References Flashcards

1
Q

Due to societal change: increase in the availability of desirable goods and changes in society that facilitated theft, burglary and other property crime

A

Felson and Clarke, 1998

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2
Q

Crime rates are difficult to measure- is crime rising, falling or staying the same

A

Laycock 2013

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3
Q

Criminologists have argued from a number of perspectives, the criminal justice system has not been particularly successful in pointing to innovative or effective crime control strategies

A

Clarke 1983; Felson 1994

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4
Q

Scientists are (ideally) rational; they base their arguments upon logic and they use data. In carrying out experiments they formulate hypotheses and use scientific method to test their ideas

A

Laycock 2013

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5
Q

ProMap

A

Bowers and Johnson

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6
Q

Problem-oriented Policing

A

Goldstein 1997

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7
Q

SARA

A

Eck and Spelman, 1987

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8
Q

For example, in England and Wales the theft of and from vehicles was significantly reduced by problem solving action taken by central government in the early 1990s in pressing the motor manufacturers to fit deadlocks and immobilisers at the point of manufacture

A

Laycock, 2004; Farrell, et. al., 2011

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9
Q

By 2012 theft of and from vehicles had reduced in England and Wales by over 65%

A

Laycock 2013

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10
Q

Crime science is the application of science to the phenomenon of crime

A

Wortley 2018

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11
Q

Crime science has an unequivocal commitment to science itself as a methodology for helping to find better ways of responding to crime, be the concern with prevention, disruption, detection or offender management. The position taken in crime science is broadly Popperian

A

Popper, 1957, 1959, 1972

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12
Q

Crime science focuses on understanding crime and explore how the crime happened in the first place

A

Clarke 2004

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13
Q

The study of criminology looks at the characteristics of offenders and how they are formed, the structure of society and the operation of social institutions, the formulation and application of law, the roles and functions of the criminal justice system.

A

Wortley 2018

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14
Q

Moreover, when we examine the operation of the criminal justice system we encounter a great deal of policy and practice that is based on popular sentiment, ideology, political expediency, intuition, moralistic assumptions, ‘good ideas’ and ‘what we have always done’ rather than good science.

A

Wortley 2018

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15
Q

Crime science is the application of scientific methods and knowledge from many disciplines to the development of practical and ethical ways to reduce crime and increase security

A

Wortley 2018

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16
Q

Situational Crime Prevention

A

Clarke 1976

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17
Q

Routine Activities Approach/Theory

A

Cohen and Felson 1979

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18
Q

Geometry of Crime and Pattern Theory

A

Brantingham and Brantingham 1981

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19
Q

In comparison to traditional criminology, environmental criminology does not focus on variation across individuals in offending behavior

A

Wilcox and Gialopsos 2014

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20
Q

Crime Triangle

A

Eck and Clarke 2003

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21
Q

According to the crime triangle theory, it is the lack of control of these elements that produces opportunities for crime

A

Boba & Santos 2005

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22
Q

Crime triangles are used in problem-orientated policing to show police how to analyse crime problems

A

Fisher and Lab 2010

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23
Q

It has encouraged police to work with property and business owners to reduce community crime problems

A

Cullen & Wilcox 2010

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24
Q

Research suggests that cooperating in partnership with place managers leads to a significant reduction in crime

A

Cullen & Wilcox 2010

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25
Q

Overall, as the popularity of the crime science perspective continues to grow, many more researchers and practitioners will likely agree with the assertion that “place should be a central component in crime theory and crime prevention”

A

Eck & Weisburd, 1995

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26
Q

The crime event is a multi-staged process comprising a beginning, middle and end.

A

Cornish 1994

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27
Q

Offender treatment programmes were the dominant model for crime reduction at the time, and so concerns that ‘nothing works’

A

Martinson, 1974

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28
Q

From disparate disciplinary roots and with different foci, these approaches shared a common interest in crime events (rather than criminality) and the immediate circumstances in which crime occurs (rather than presumed distal causes)

A

Wortley & Townsley 2017

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29
Q

Three years before Martinson’s (1974) ‘nothing works’ report, WHO published a book that anticipated the attack on rehabilitation and set out a radical prescription for crime prevention.

A

C. Ray Jeffery (1971)

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30
Q

In essence, operant conditioning holds that our behaviour is contingent upon the consequences it produces – behaviour that is rewarded is reinforced and behaviour that is punished is discouraged. Applying this principle to crime, Jeffery asserted that ‘there are no criminals, only environmental circumstances that result in criminal behaviour. Given the proper environmental structure, anyone will be a criminal or a non-criminal’

A

C. Ray Jeffery (1971)

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31
Q

In England and Wales, violent crime fell 49 percent, burglary 59 percent, and vehicle theft 65 percent between 1995 and 2007

A

Hoare 2009

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32
Q

How does the security hypothesis attempt to explain the crime drop

A

Nature of crime is changing: many crime types fell in the 1990s while others including phone theft and e-crimes increased. Therefore, technological progress brought new criminal opportunities that caused increases in phone theft, e-crime, and other new-technology crimes. Hypothesis is that change in the level and quality of security has been a key driving force behind the crime drop.

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33
Q

With variation by country and crime type, there were significant declines in crime across the European countries for which reliable comparison could be made using the International Crime Victims Survey

A

Van Dijk 2006

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34
Q

Significant falls in crime have been identified in other countries including Australia, Canada, and Japan and elsewhere

A

Rosenfeld 2009

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35
Q

Security Hypothesis - hypothesise that the change in the quantity and quality of security has been a key driving force behind the crime drop.

A

Farrell’s et al.

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36
Q

Four factors, however, can account for virtually all of the observed decline in crime: increases in the number of police, the rising prison population, the waning crack epidemic and the legalisation of abortion

A

Levitt 2004

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37
Q

Abortion only played a small part in the crime drop.

A

Blumstein and Rosenfeld 2008

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38
Q

In fact, the one thing in common amongst all these countries, including the United States, is that they have all made a huge investment in security during the past 25 years, affecting almost every aspect of everyday life.

A

Clarke and Newman 2006

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39
Q

Perhaps a more significant factor inhibiting crime across the Western world is the universal growth in the possession and use of private security measures by households and companies over the past few decades. ICVS-based trend data on the use of precautionary measures confirm that in all Western countries, without exception, the use of measures to prevent property crimes such as car thefts and household burglaries has risen drastically over the past 15 years.

A

Van Dijk 2007

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40
Q

A criminal career is the longitudinal sequence of crimes committed by an individual offender

A

Blumstein et al. 1986

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41
Q

Researchers have long been interested in the patterning of criminal activity throughout the course of criminal careers. It can be defined as ‘A criminal career is the longitudinal sequence of crimes committed by an individual offender’

A

Blumstein et al. 1986

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42
Q

Criminal career researchers investigate whether this peak reflects a peak in the prevalence of offenders or in the frequency of offending (or both). Actually, the existing evidence suggests that this peak reflects mainly variations in prevalence, and that individual offenders commit offences at a fairly consistent frequency during their criminal careers

A

Farrington 1986

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43
Q

The major critics of the criminal careers approach, WHO? , argue that all criminal career features reflect the single underlying construct of ‘criminal propensity’. According to this argument, if criminal propensity is high, the frequency of offending will be high, the age of onset will be early and the age of desistance will be late, ultimately the duration of the career will be long.

A

Gottfredson and Hirschi 1986

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44
Q

Person-situation interaction explains how successful situational interventions are in crime prevention

A

Cornish & Clarke 2008

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45
Q

Traditional personality theorists conceptualise traits as behavioural tendencies that predicted how an individual would behave throughout their life, i.e. aggressive person will be aggressive in many situations. However behavioural theorists argued that behaviour varies and is a response to different situational contexts

A

Mischel 1968

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46
Q

Interaction as reciprocal relationships: situational effects on the person - impact may occur at the motivational, cognitive and behavioural level. The process to offend may be created by situational pressures and provocations, e.g. crowded, airless nightclub may induce stress that increases the probability of aggression

A

Homel & Clarke 1994

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47
Q

Then the decision of the of the motivated offender to proceed with an offence is governed by an assessment of opportunities offered by the situation, e.g. a burglar will select a house showing signs that the owner is away over a house showing signs of occupancy

A

Macintyre 2002

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48
Q

Finally, the actual modus operandi of the offender is a direct response to the particular situational contingencies encountered, e.g. The type of sex acts performed on victims by child sex offenders depends upon the age and gender of the child

A

Leclerc, Proulx, Lussiere & Allaire 2009

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49
Q

When asked why he robbed banks, Willie Sutton is famously said to have replied, “Because that’s where the money is”

A

Cocheo 1997

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50
Q

The rational choice perspective was one outcome of a general shift of focus in British criminology that took place during 1970s

A

Cornish and Clarke 1983

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51
Q

While traditional criminology tended to see criminals driven by their conditioning and environment, more recent economics based theories portray them as rational decision makers who base their decisions to commit crimes on an analysis of the risks of the venture compared with the expected profits. That is, the criminal does a cost-benefit analysis

A

Piquero & Hickman 2002

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52
Q

The starting point of rational choice perspective is that crime is chosen for its benefits. Rational choice theory asserts that if the benefits of crime are high and the costs low, crime will occur. However, if the benefits of crime are lower than the costs, crime will not occur. An implication of this theory, then, is that if the costs of crime are made to be high, would be rational offenders will be restrained or deterred from committing it

A

Paternoster & Bachman 2001

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53
Q

At the heart of the rational choice perspective lies the assumption that criminal and delinquent offenders are goal-oriented and seek to exhibit a measure of rationality on some level they consider the potential costs and benefits of crime and act accordingly

A

Cornish & Clarke 1986

54
Q

Partly because of its perceived association with economics, and partly because it does not conform with conventional views about what constitutes criminological theory, the rationale choice perspectives has faced a range of misunderstandings, misperceptions and criticisms.

A

Wortley 2017

55
Q

One of the criticisms often levelled against rational choice is that it only applies to prudent crimes, that is, offences for which the offender is able to calculate a clear benefit

A

Trasler 1986; Tunnel 2002

56
Q

Researches have classically distinguished between instrumental violence – a planned attack with a clearly formulated purpose (e.g. financial gain) – and expressive violence – an impulsive reaction to events carried out in the heat of the moment

A

Bowker 1985

57
Q

While it has been shown that the distinction between instrumental and expressive violence is not clear cut – WHO?, for example, have argued that even expressive violence involves rationality – a great deal of violence undoubtably has its genesis in interpersonal conflicts and other environmental precipitators, and involves little premeditation.

A

Tedeschi and Felson 1994

58
Q

An analysis of Australian homicide statistics, just 19% of cases were classified as instrumental

A

Davies Mousas 2007

59
Q

WHO? argue that even though all assume that crime is the outcome of choice, they differ in their concept of what constitutes a “rational” choice.

A

Paternoster & Bachman 2001

60
Q

WHO? argue that most of these differences can be subsumed under the concept of wide and narrow formulations of rational choice.

A

Opp (1997)

61
Q

This means that criminal decision making is inevitably less than perfect. Because offending involves risk and uncertainty, offenders are rarely in possession of all the necessary facts about costs and benefits. Offenders generally do their best within the limits of time, resources, and information available to them. This is why their decision making characterized as rational, although in a limited way

A

Paternoster & Bachman 2001

62
Q

WHO? paper distinguishes three different senses of irrationality: unresponsiveness to incentives, deviation from narrow self-interest, and failure of rational expectations.

A

Caplan’s 2006

63
Q

Within criminology, the rational choice perspective claims to shed light on all forms of criminality, including the impulsive or irrational ones, enabling such forms of criminal behavior to become more plausible

A

De Haan & Vos 2003

64
Q

The rational choice theory has created a salient research agenda exploring how offenders make the decision to transform a criminal orientation into an actual criminal event. And it has led to fruitful insights into how structuring physical environments and surveillance strategies can undermine or enhance situational crime prevention

A

Clarke & Felson 1993

65
Q

Rational choice perspective’s most important policy application to date has been in the field of situational crime prevention, which is a broad set of techniques designed to reduce opportunities for crime

A

Clarke 1997

66
Q

Situational precipitators and rational choice are not contradictory explanations for crime but can be seen as complementary stages of the offending process

A

Wortley 2001

67
Q

Crime events normally require a physical convergence of three minimal elements: (1) a likely offender, (2) a suitable target, and (3) the absence of a capable guardian

A

Cohen and Felson 1979

68
Q

Offender Mobility

A

Townsley 2017

69
Q

‘least effort principle’

A

Zipf 1949

70
Q

the average journey for burglary is 1.88 miles compared to 2.36 miles for car theft

A

Wiles and Costello (2000)

71
Q

for 1-500$ people travelled 1 mile on average, but for 1000$ + pay off they travelled for 2.1 miles on average

A

Snook 2004

72
Q

• Repeat victimization is when a target is offended multiple times

A

Pease and Farrell in Wortley and Townsley 2017

73
Q

Domestic abuse study - Hospital records in Liverpool showed that 62% of calls were RV

Boost explanation as the offender knows that they have gotten away with it before so knows that there is minimal consequences

A

Johnson 1973

74
Q

DIPPING THIEVES - through hotspot analysis, one could analyse the area of problem for dippers; i.e. Piccadilly Circus due to its overcrowded nature and high tourist population

A

Wortley 2019

75
Q

Geographic Profiling - Burglary Case Study

A

Rossomo & Rombouts; in Wortley and Townsley 2008

76
Q

CSA to deconstruct internal child sex trafficking.

A

Braylet, Cockbain and Laycock 2011

77
Q

WHO? similarly uses CSA on child sex offenders and analyses the intervention markers and SCP (Clarke) measures one can take at each of these steps.

A

Leclerc (2011)

78
Q

“Interventions to achieve these goals have been tested and now form part of a growing evidence base of cost effective measures to reduce the harms associated with violence and prevent its occurrence. The impact of violence on the health of individuals and the costs it imposes on health care systems - £2.9 billion annually - are substantive; akin to those for other major public health priorities such as smoking and alcohol. Thus, the potential benefits of adopting an evidence-based approach to violence prevention are also substantive in terms of both improved population health and reduced health care costs”

A

Bellis et al 2012

79
Q

WHO? defined situational crime prevention as “ comprising measures (1) directed at highly specific forms of crime (2) that involve the management, design or manipulation of the immediate environment in as systematic and permanent a way as possible (3) so as to reduce the opportunities for crime and increase the risks as perceived by a wide range of offenders”

A

Clarke 1983

80
Q

Crime displacement is the relocation of a crime from one place, time, target, offense, tactic, or offender to another as a result of some crime-prevention initiative. By far, spatial displacement is the form most commonly recognized, although the other five are also frequently acknowledged by those who study crime-prevention effects. Formally, the six possible forms of displacement include temporal (offenders change the time at which they commit crime), spatial (offenders switch from targets in one location to targets in another location), target (offenders change from one type of target to another target type), tactical (offenders alter the methods used to carry out crime), offense (offenders switch from one form of crime to another), and offender (new offenders replace old offenders who have been removed or who have desisted from crime)

A

(Eck, 1993)

81
Q

Indeed, most focused empirical examinations of displacement within specific crime-prevention evaluations have been peripheral to the aim of determining program effectiveness, with some exceptions

A

Weisburn et al 2016

82
Q

CPTED is an acronym for Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design which asserts that “the proper design and effective use of the built environment can lead to a reduction in the fear and incidence of crime, and an improvement in the quality of life”

A

Crowe, 2000

83
Q

CPTED emphasises crime prevention techniques that exploit the opportunities in the environment “both to naturally and routinely facilitate access control and surveillance, and to reinforce positive behaviour in the use of the environment”

A

Crowe, 2000

84
Q

A study showed how some burglars used territoriality to evaluate risk and territoriality was also supported by the findings from a study of fear of crime

A

Brown and Bentley 1993

85
Q

Research on territoriality has shown it to be most effective at the local level

A

Brown and Altman, 1981

86
Q

Indeed, WHO? observes how territoriality varies between cultures, neighbourhoods and individual groups. Although still controversial, enhanced levels of territoriality have been linked to reduced levels of recorded crime and fear of crime

A

Merry (1981)

87
Q

Physical design has the capacity to promote informal or natural surveillance opportunities for residents and their agents and surveillance is part of capable guardianship

A

Painter and Tilley, 1999

88
Q

Studies by WHO and WHO have all indicated an association between design features and levels of crime; particularly features that allowed unrestricted pedestrian movement through residential complexes

A

Newman 1973, Poyner 1983

89
Q

Researchers have also found that busier streets with some pedestrian movement have experienced reduced levels of recorded crime

A

Hillier and Shu, 2000

90
Q

The significance of the physical condition and ‘image’ of the built environment and the effect this may have on crime and the fear of crime has long been acknowledged

A

Lynch, 1960

91
Q

Vacant premises have been found to represent crime ‘magnets’

A

Spelman 1993

92
Q

Within reason, activity generation and support seeks to place inherently “unsafe” activities (such as those involving money transactions) in “safe” locations (those with high levels of activity and with surveillance opportunities). Similarly, “safe” activities serve as magnets for ordinary citizens who may then act to discourage the presence of criminals. This approach clearly contains elements of territoriality, access control and surveillance.

A

Crowe 2000

93
Q

Cul-de-sacs at lower risk unless they are leaky, ie with a footpath exit leading to shops, or to maze of other footpaths BUT - once targeted by offenders, cul-de-sacs have higher risk of repeat victimisation

A

Armitage (2006)

94
Q

simple linear cul de sacs have lower crime, but sinuous ones are vulnerable

A

Hillier 2004

95
Q

Burglary is 10-20% higher in major and minor roads, but in private roads they are 30% lower. There is a small increase in burglary on major roads, and minor roads have no effect on burglary rates but there is a 13% lower burglary rates on private roads. There is a 10% lower burglary rate in linear streets cul de sac and a 27% lower burglary rate in sinuous cul de sacs

A

Johnson & Bowers 2010

96
Q

The Death and Life of Great American Cities
She Opposed ‘slum’ clearance projects in Boston. Against organising cities into large, sprawling, segregated areas of different land use, with large schools, shopping precincts, extensive parks and reliance on cars. She says “the bedrock attribute of a successful city district is that a person must feel personally safe and secure on the street among all these strangers”
She Advocated ‘eyes on the street’ - streets of mixed use, small city blocks, criss-crossing streets and high density living with no parks or open spaces. She said that mixed usage encourages vibrancy and activity around the clock, self policing, increased levels of surveillance.

A

1961 Jane Jacobs

97
Q

Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design. Coined CPTED
He Advocated and discussed the role of the immediate environment in crime and focuses on the effect of the environment on biology such as lead paint.
Problem Theoretical rather than practical, actual ideas largely ignored, but label used to define the field

A

1971 C. Ray Jeffrey

98
Q

Defensible Space: Crime Prevention Through Urban Design.
He Opposed and was concerned about crime in high-rise urban residential blocks
He Advocated ‘defensible space’ - ‘a surrogate term for the range of mechanisms; real and symbolic barriers, strongly-defines areas of influence, and improved community surveillance; that combine to bring an environment under the control of its residents.’ (he had a narrower focus than Jeffrey around the role of architecture, urban planning and interior design)

A

1972 Oscar Newman

99
Q

CRAVED

A

Concealable, Removable, Available, Valuable, Enjoyable, Disposable.

100
Q

Mobile phones are CRAVED. Theft 44% robbery 20% from vehicle 10% burglary 16%. It is mostly males 15-24 years old who are committing this crime

A

Harrington & Mayhew, 2001

101
Q

EVIL DONE

A
  • Exposed - open and visible
  • Vital - critical infrastructure
  • Iconic - well known
  • Legitimate - receive public support
  • Destructible - able to be damaged
  • Occupied - people killed
  • Near - minimize effort and planning
102
Q

EVIL DONE a crime reduction/prevention method that can be adapted for terrorism. These things are what makes a target attractive

A

Clarke and Newman (2006) Outsmarting the terrorist.

103
Q

The point of situational crime prevention increases risk and effort to commit crimes in order to reduce rewards and desire for criminality

A

Freilich et al 2019

104
Q

found that EVIL DONE could provide a viable counter-terrorism strategy as it will allow a better and more intelligent allocation of resources

A

Romyn and Kebbell 2013

105
Q

it is impossible and too expensive to protect all of the potential targets that terrorists may choose

A

Mueller 2010 + Stewart 2008

106
Q

through evaluating 102 situationally based crime prevention studies, that displacement occurs in only a minority of cases

A

Guerette and Bowers 2009

107
Q

funding and technical assistance from the Police allowed the Kansas City Police to launch a comprehensive, scientifically rigorous experiment to test the effects of police on crime → patrols were varied within 15 police beats. Routine PP was eliminated in five beats, labelled “reactive” beats (meaning officers entered these areas only in response to calls from residents). Normal, routine police were maintained in five “control” beats. In five “proactive” beats, the patrol was intensified by two or three times the norm.

A

Kelling et al (1972-3

108
Q

encourages police to work with community groups to solve the root causes of crime in the local community

A

Goldstein (1979)

109
Q

CASE STUDY: Newport News
o Results were encouraging
o 39% decrease in in downtown robberies
o 35% decrease in apartment complex burglaries
o 53% decrease with theft from parked vehicles

A

ECK and SPELMAN 1987

110
Q

‘Broken Windows’ theory

A

Wison and Kelling 1962

111
Q

report assessed forensic science’s methods and developed recommendations to increase validity and reliability among many of its disciplines

A

The National Academy of Science (NAS) 2009

112
Q

Recognised ongoing efforts to improve forensic science in the wake of the 2009 NAS report. As PCAST noted, forensic science has a validity problem that is in desperate need of attention.

A

President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology PCAST

113
Q

“serious coordinated action is required to meet the standards expected of forensic science in the future”

A

Robertson and Roux

114
Q

In May 2004, following the Madrid train bombings on 11 March 2004—37-year-old US born attorney and Muslim convert Brandon Mayfield was arrested as a ‘material witness’ and spent 2 weeks in solitary confinement in a federal jail. Three FBI dactyloscopists categorically—but wrongly—identified a finger-mark on a plastic bag containing detonators found in a van parked near the station from which three of the four affected trains had departed as his

A

Broeders 2006

115
Q

“nature never repeats”

A

Lambert Adolphe Jacques Quételet (1796–1874),

116
Q

Indeed, empirical research supports the effects of bias in some forensic disciplines; for example, fingerprinting, the same forensic experts may arrive at different conclusions when identical evidence is presented within different extraneous contexts (e.g. whether the detective believes the suspect is guilty, or the suspect confessed)

A

Dror 2006, 2008

117
Q

It seems, however, that at least in complex situations (such as with DNA mixtures) DNA does require and rely on human examiners making a variety of subjective judgements that are susceptible to bias. Indeed, in contrast to the view that DNA is objective, some have proposed that DNA analysis interpretations may be subjective and may even be influenced by a variety of factors

A

Thompson 2009

118
Q

confirmed that DNA mixture interpretation is subjective. When expert DNA examiners were asked for their interpretation of data from an adjudicated criminal case in that jurisdiction, they produced inconsistent interpretations.

A

Dror 2011

119
Q

Crime and terrorism can be compared on at least three main dimensions:

  • Methods (including actions, organization, and functioning)
  • Motives (short- and long-term goals)
  • Profiles (who is involved)
A

Mullins 2008

120
Q

Definitions application. Although the definitions themselves are different, in criminal law the definition isn’t always applied consistently and uniformly, For example, in analyses of how legal agents make decisions in rape cases

A

Koski, 2003; LaFree, 1989

121
Q

“deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits, but rather a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to an ‘offender.’”. Similarly, whether a case is classified as terrorism ultimately depends on a process of social construction, as no matter how seemingly heinous an act, there are invariably at least some individuals who will not see it as terrorism. This fundamental reality is recognized by the common truism that “one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter.”

A

Howard Becker 1963

122
Q

all terrorist groups strive to get maximum publicity for their actions and points out that because of this fact (p. 132) the modern news media plays “a vital part in the terrorist’s calculus.” Because a common goal of terrorism is to gain media attention, terrorist events are often carefully staged. This is much less common with other crimes - although it does happen occasionally, as in the case of hate crimes or serial homicides or rapes.

A

Hoffman 1998

123
Q

points out that “the intent of terrorist violence is psychological and symbolic, not material.” Nevertheless, terrorist groups do face the ongoing challenge of generating support for their operations and indirectly at least, this requires money and material support.

A

Crenshaw 1983

124
Q

The situational prevention strategy provides room for an enormous spectrum of possible measures in relation to terrorism. An important measure to make it more difficult to hijack an aeroplane was the introduction of access controls and the x-raying of hand luggage before boarding an aircraft. This contributed to decreasing the number of aeroplane hijackings during the 1970s and 1980s.

A

(Bjorgo, 2015).

125
Q

The advantage of the situational prevention strategy is first and foremost that some measures can have immediate and measurable effects on specific terrorism problems. The aforementioned introduction of stricter access controls and hand luggage checks were clearly one of the main reasons for the heavy reduction in the number of aeroplane hijackings in the 1970s and 1980s

A

Clarke & Newman, 2006

126
Q

Situational prevention measures also have some limitations and side effects. It is by no means certain that situational prevention measures will reduce the number of terrorist attacks. Some of the (relatively few) measures to prevent terrorism that have been properly evaluated have been shown to have either a positive effect (with some displacement to other targets), no effect, or a negative effect

A

Lum, Kennedy, & Sherley, 2006

127
Q

Critics claims that if “target hardening” makes it more difficult to impact some types of target, the terrorists will instead target their attacks at less protected “soft” targets. If it becomes too difficult to smuggle bombs onto aeroplanes, terrorists will choose to strike at other targets instead, for example, trains, where it is practically impossible to check passengers and luggage in the same way as one can in airports

A

Cauley & Im, 1988; Enders & Sandler, 1993

128
Q

Although the introduction of metal detectors in airports more than halved the number of aeroplane hijackings from 1972 to 1973, there was a significant increase in the number of hostage taking actions in the following years, including against embassies. And when the embassies’ security was reinforced, the number of assassinations increased

A

Enders & Sandler, 1993

129
Q

warned that government actions that increase the “costs” of terrorist acts will induce substitution into other kinds of terrorist operations whose prices are relatively “cheaper”.

A

Sandler et al. 1983

130
Q

However, displacement may not always occur due to more protected areas than others, situation crime prevention methods demonstrates how rarely it does

A

Hesseling, 1994

131
Q

Architecture, Biodiversity Conservation and Industrial Ecology

A

Borrion et al 2019

Foundations of Crime Science (1 decks)

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