Memory Evaluations Flashcards

1
Q

MSM: Not unitary

A

One limitation of the MSM is evidence of multiple short and long-term stores. For example, KF suffered brain damage which resulted in difficulty dealing with verbal information in STM but a normal ability to process visual information. This suggests there must be at least two STM stores. In addition to this, several researchers have demonstrated that there are multiple LTM stores. Tulving suggests there are three separate LTM stores: procedural, semantic and episodic. This evidence suggests that the MSM may provide an oversimplified explanation of these memory stores.

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2
Q

MSM: Case Study Evidence

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Psychologists have also shown that different areas of the brain are involved in STM and LTM from their study of individuals with brain damage. For example, HM had an operation to remove the hippocampus from both sides of his brain to reduce the severe epilepsy he had suffered.
Although HM’s personality and intellect remained intact, he could not form new LTMs. However, he could remember things from before the surgery. This provides support for the MSM’s notion of separate stores as HM was unable to transfer information from his STM to his LTM, but he was able to retrieve information from before his surgery (i.e. from LTM).

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3
Q

MSM: Research Support

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One strength of the MSM is support from studies showing that STM and LTM are different. For example, Baddeley found that acoustically similar words were harder to recall immediately whereas semantically similar words were harder to recall after a 20 minute delay; thus indicating that STM and LTM are separate stores as each uses a different type of coding. Further support comes from research into the serial position effect (Glanzer and Cunitz) and studies using brain scanning techniques (e.g. Beardsley found that the prefrontal cortex is active during STM but not LTM tasks).
These studies clearly show that STM and LTM are separate and independent memory stores, as claimed by the MSM

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4
Q

LTM stores: Neurological Evidence

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There is evidence from brain scan studies that different types of memory are stored in different parts of the brain. Tulving et al asked their participants to perform various tasks whilst scanning their brain with a PET scanner. They found that semantic memories involved the left prefrontal cortex whilst episodic memories involved the right prefrontal cortex.
This supports Tulving’s theory as it shows there is a physical reality to the different LTM stores. These findings have been confirmed in later research, further supporting the validity of the finding.

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5
Q

LTM Stores: Clinical Evidence

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One strength of Tulving’s explanation of multiple LTM stores is that there is supporting evidence from clinical studies of patients with amnesia.
HM displayed normal functioning in his semantic memory (e.g. he understood the concept of a dog), but impaired functioning in his episodic memory (could not recall having recently stroked a dog). Clive Wearing was a professional musician and played the piano without difficulty, however he could not remember having learnt to play, suggesting an impaired episodic memory but functioning procedural memory. Both of these cases support the idea of a clear separation of different types of LTM, as although the episodic store was impaired in both cases the other stores were unaffected.

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6
Q

LTM Stores: Problems with clinical evidence

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One limitation of using clinical evidence to support Tulving’s theory is that it is difficult to reach a firm conclusion. A major problem is that they lack control of variables. The brain injuries experienced by participants are usually unexpected. The researcher has no way of controlling what happened to the patient before or during the injury. The researcher also has no knowledge of the individual’s memory before the damage. Without this, it is difficult to judge exactly how much worse it is afterwards.
This lack of control limits what clinical studies can tell us about different types of LTM as we are not able to establish a causal relationship between a particular brain region and a type of LTM.

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7
Q

WMM: Clinical Evidence

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Support for the WMM comes from the case study of KF, who was injured in a motorcycle accident. Following his accident, KF had poor STM ability for auditory information but could process visual information normally. For instance his immediate recall of letters was better when he read them (visual) than when they were read to him (acoustic). This demonstrates that KF’s phonological loop was damaged but his visuo-spatial sketchpad was intact. The research strongly supports the WMM and the existence of two separate slave systems, therefore providing support for the idea of a multi‐component STM system.

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8
Q

WMM: Research Support: Dual-task Performance

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Further support for the WMM comes from dual‐task studies by Baddeley et al. When participants carried out a visual and a verbal task at the same time, their performance on each was similar to when they carried out the two tasks separately. But when both tasks were visual (or both were verbal), performance on both declined substantially. This is because both visual tasks compete for the same slave system (VSS), which has a limited capacity, whereas there is no competition when performing a verbal and a visual task together. Dual‐task studies provide evidence for the existence of multiple components within our STM and support the idea of a separate phonological loop and visuo‐spatial sketchpad.

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9
Q

WMM: Problems with the Central Executive

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A limitation of the The WMM is that critics have suggested the concept of the central executive is too vague and doesn’t really explain anything.
Other psychologists have suggested that the notion of a single CE is wrong, and there are probably several components. This criticism is supported by case studies such as EVR, who had a cerebral tumour removed. He performed well on tests requiring reasoning, which suggested that his CE was intact. However, he had poor decision-making skills (e.g. where to eat), which suggests that there are several components and not all of his CE was wholly intact. Therefore, the account offered by the WMM is unsatisfactory because it is probably more complex than Baddeley and Hitch proposed and therefore challenges the integrity of the WMM.

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10
Q

Interference: Validity Issues

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A limitation of interference as an explanation of forgetting is that as most supporting research (e.g. McGeoch and McDonald) is lab-based the findings may not be applicable to real-life. Researchers are able to control confounding variables so that studies show a clear link between interference and forgetting. One example of how this occurs is in the time periods between learning lists of words and recalling them. In lab studies, these time periods may be very brief (e.g. 20 minutes) and so therefore not reflect a real-life experience. The combination of artificial materials and unrealistic procedures pose a problem with this theory as it may not be a valid explanation for real-life forgetting.

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11
Q

Interference: Limited Explanation

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One weakness is that interference may only offer a limited explanation of forgetting in everyday situations.
This is because the conditions necessary for interference to occur are relatively rare. This is very unlike lab studies, where the high degree of control means a researcher can create ideal conditions for interference. For instance, two memories have to be fairly similar in order to interfere with each other. This may happen occasionally in everyday life, but not often. This suggests that most forgetting may be better explained by other theories, such as retrieval failure due to a lack of cues, and therefore interference as an explanation of forgetting may have low external validity.

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12
Q

Interference: Real-World

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One strength is that there is evidence of interference effects in more everyday situations. Baddeley and Hitch asked rugby players to recall the names of the teams they had played against during a rugby season. The players all played for the same time interval (over one season) but the number of intervening games varied because some players missed matches due to injury. Players who played the most games (most interference) had the poorest recall. They concluded that this was the result of retroactive interference, as the learning of new information (new team names) interfered with the memory of old information (earlier team names). This is a strength because it shows that interference can operate in at least some real-world situations, increasing the validity of the theory.

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13
Q

Retrieval Failure: Research Support

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There is an impressive range of research support for retrieval failure as an explanation for forgetting. In addition to Carter and Cassaday’s study, other researchers have found evidence of state‐dependent forgetting using a range of different substances to create an alternative state of consciousness. For example, Darley et al researched the impact of marijuana on an individual’s recollection. It was found that individuals who were under the influence of marijuana when they put money in a ‘safe place’ were less able to recall where this location was once they were no longer under the influence of the drug. This evidence adds weight to the argument that the emotional and physiological state that a person is in at the time of encoding is important at the time of retrieval.

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14
Q

Retrieval Failure: Questioning Context Effects

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One weakness is that context effects are actually not very strong, especially in real life. Baddeley argued that different contexts have to be very different for an effect to be seen. For example, it would be hard to find an environment as different from land as underwater. In contrast, learning something in one room and recalling it in another is unlikely to result in much forgetting because these environments are generally not different enough. This is a limitation because it means that the real life applications of retrieval failure due to contextual cues may not explain much forgetting.

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15
Q

Retrieval Failure: Recall versus Recognition

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A limitation of retrieval failure as an explanation of forgetting is that contexts may depend substantially on the type of memory being tested.
Godden and Baddeley replicated their underwater experiment but used a recognition test instead of recall. Participants had to say whether they recognised a word read to them from a list, instead of retrieving it themselves. When recognition was tested there was no context-dependent effect, performance was the same in all four conditions. This suggests that retrieval failure is a limited explanation for forgetting because it only applies when a person has to recall information rather than recognise it.

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16
Q

Misleading Info: Real-World Application

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A strength of research into misleading information is that is has important practical applications in the real world. The consequences of inaccurate EWT in the real world can be very serious. Leading questions can have such a distorting effect on memory that research has resulted in police officers changing their questioning technique (Cognitive Interview) in order to avoid the effect of misleading information. Research into the effectiveness of this questioning technique has demonstrated that the Cognitive Interview consistently provides more accurate information than the standard interview (Köhnken et al).
This shows that psychologists can help improve the way the legal system works, especially by protecting innocent people from faulty convictions based on unreliable EWT.

17
Q

Misleading Info: Low Ecological Validity

A

A lot of research into misleading information has questionable ecological validity. For instance, Loftus and Palmer’s participants watched film clips in a lab; a very different experience from witnessing a real life event. Participants may not take the experiment seriously and/or their anxiety level may not reflect their response to a real accident. Foster et al found that if participants thought they were watching a real-life robbery, and also thought their responses would influence the trial, their identification of a robber was more accurate. In addition to this, Yuille and Cutshall also found that witnesses to an armed robbery gave very accurate reports of the crime, despite initially being given two misleading questions. This suggests that misleading information may have less influence on real-life EWT than Loftus’ research suggests.

18
Q

Misleading Info: Demand Characteristics

A

An additional problem with lab-based research in this field is that participants may be affected by demand characteristics. For example, Zaragoza and McCloskey argue that demand characteristics are likely to occur as participants want to appear helpful and not let the researcher down. As a result, participants may guess when they are asked a question they do not know the answer to. This is a weakness as conclusions drawn from lab-based research may lack validity as they may not reflect natural behaviour and recall of eyewitnesses.

19
Q

Anxiety: Unusualness not anxiety

A

One problem with research conducted into the weapon focus effect is that it may not actually test the effects of anxiety. Pickel suggested that the reason people focus on the weapon may be because they are surprised at what they see, rather than because they are scared. In a study Pickel used scissors, a handgun, a wallet or a raw chicken as hand-held items in a hairdressing salon video (where scissors would be high anxiety, low unusualness). Eyewitness accuracy was significantly poorer in the high unusualness conditions (chicken and handgun).
This suggests that the weapon focus effect is due to unusualness rather than anxiety/threat and therefore tells us nothing specifically about the effects of anxiety on EWT.

20
Q

Anxiety: Research Support

A

here is further research support for the positive role of anxiety on EWT accuracy. Christianson and Hubinette interviewed 58 witnesses to bank robberies in Sweden. Some witnesses were directly involved (e.g. bank workers) and some were indirectly involved (bystanders). It was found that recall was more than 75% accurate across all witnesses. The direct victims (most anxious) were even more accurate.
These findings from actual crimes confirm that anxiety does not reduce the accuracy of recall for eyewitnesses, and may even enhance it. As these findings are similar to Yuille and Cutshall’s research we can also consider this a reliable explanation.

21
Q

Anxiety: Methodological Limitations

A

A problem with research into the effects of anxiety on EWT accuracy is the methodological limitations of the experiments used. Natural and field experiments, such as Christianson and Hubinette’s bank robbery study, have very limited control over what happened to participants in the intervening time (e.g. post-event discussions), and therefore findings could be affected by these confounding variables. Although lab experiments do have higher control of confounding variables, the IV of anxiety level is manipulated by the researcher. This results in an artificial task where demand characteristics may influence the validity of research. This is a weakness as this means that much of the research has considerable methodological limitations so therefore it is difficult to draw valid conclusions.

22
Q

Cognitive Interview: Research Support

A

One strength of the cognitive interview is evidence that it works.
For example, a meta-analysis of 55 studies was conducted to compare the effectiveness of the ECI with the standard police interview (Köhnken et al). The ECI consistently provided more accurate information than the standard interview, only 4 studies showed no difference. This shows that the CI is an effective technique in helping witnesses to recall information that is stored in memory, and therefore this gives police a greater chance of catching and charging criminals, which is beneficial to society as a whole.

23
Q

Cognitive Interview: Quality not Quantity

A

A criticism of the CI is that its effectiveness has largely been in terms of quantity of information rather than quality. The procedure is designed to enhance the quantity (amount) of correct recall without compromising the quality (accuracy) of that information. Köhnken et al found an 81% increase of correct information, but also a 61% increase of incorrect information (false positives) when the ECI was compared to a standard interview. This means that police need to treat all information collected from the cognitive interview process with caution, as accuracy is not guaranteed.

24
Q

Cognitive Interview: Time-Consuming

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Another criticism of the CI is the amount of time and training needed to implement it, resulting in a reluctance to use these techniques.
From interviews with police, Kebbell and Wagstaff report a problem with the CI in practice. Police officers suggest that this technique requires more time than is often available and that instead they prefer to use deliberate strategies aimed to limit an eyewitness report to the minimum amount of information that the officers feel is necessary. In addition, the CI requires special training and many forces have not been able to provide more than a few hours. These limitations have meant that the use of the CI in police interviews has not been widespread or effectively/properly implemented, and therefore it may be more beneficial to focus on just a few key elements.