Political Culture Flashcards

1
Q

What drove Elizabethan policy?

A

Elizabethan policy was driven by fears of ceaseless social disorder

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2
Q

What happened during the Tudor era with regards to the nature of the state?

A

The Tudor era saw the emergence of centralising tendencies (e.g. Tudor Revolution in government)

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3
Q

What helped form a centre-periphery links in the Tudor state?

A

Centre-periphery links were facilitated by the county commissioners encouraging ‘civic duty’ from 1580s onwards

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4
Q

How can we characterise Tudor institutions?

A

Tudor institutions ranged from ad hoc to permanent institutions, creating flexible centre-periphery links

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5
Q

How can the range of institutions facilitating centre-periphery links be illustrated?

A

The Star Chamber bound circuit judges to collective responsibility, re-enforcing emerging ideas of delegated authority- publicising royal policy kingdom-wide

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6
Q

What is the consensus in historiography with regard to institutions?

A

There is consensus in historiography that efficiency of central institutions is difficult to gauge

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7
Q

How does A. Fletcher support an interpretation of growing state influence?

A

A. Fletcher’s county study shows that 57% of ALL statues on Justices were passed in the Tudor era

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8
Q

What does S. Hindle claim contrary to traditional historiography?

A

S. Hindle claims that contrary to traditional historiography, Tudor government had pervasive social depth and centre-periphery interests commonly aligned

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9
Q

What was the nature of criminal courts by 1600?

A

By 1600 criminal courts were the busiest they’ve ever been

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10
Q

What does C. Brooks claim in regards to cultural approaches to disputes?

A

C. Brooks claims in regard to disputes that there was a cultural shift from personal justice to legalised mechanisms

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11
Q

What does traditional historiography of Tudor government ignore?

A

Traditional historians arguably ignore how multilateral governments were: they provided an authority FOR the state not at the expense of the state

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12
Q

What does S. Hindle concede with regards to Elizabethan government?

A

S. Hindle concedes that Elizabethan government lacked scale and modern bureaucracy

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13
Q

What was the nature of cultural developments of understandings of the state?

A

There was little definitional clarification of cultural understandings of state such as common weal, body politic, state

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14
Q

According to A. Giddens, what was there more use of in the political nation under Elizabeth? What is a problem of this?

A

A. Giddens suggests that there was an increase in coercive power during Elizabeth’s reign - but there is of course evidence of this in earlier monarchs

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15
Q

What was governance in the Tudor era dependent upon?

A

Tudor governance was dependent on achieving compliance of subjects below gentry status- otherwise changes in the pace of power could prove self-destructive

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16
Q

How can an increase in the reach of the Privy Council be exemplified?

A

The Privy Council’s increase in reach can be seen in Lord Keeper Bacon’s threatening of county officials with royal visitors in the 1570s

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17
Q

What was the nature of the Privy Council - region relationship?

A

The Privy council rarely tested its power against local particularism

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18
Q

What does S. Hindle criticise about coverage of the sixteenth-century state?

A

S. Hindle criticises interpretations of the state being a set of institutions rather than as a network of relationships- we should look at goverNANCE rather than governMENT

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19
Q

What are the two aspects of the Tudor state covered in historiography?

A

The historiography of the Tudor state covers both institutions and their impact and ideology and its adoption

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20
Q

What can be said about the nature of the Tudor state as a relationship?

A

The state arguably did not begin and end with G.. Elton’s points of contact- there was delegation and ideological assimilation to consider

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21
Q

Who claims that the ‘state’ was a participatory culture?

A

C. Herrup claims the ‘state; to be a participatory culture - common weal and civic duty

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22
Q

Who is a contemporary source that supports the idea of the state being a participatory culture?

A

Sir John Fortescue suggests that dominum politicum et regale was dependent on the commitment of persons and property to the commonwealth

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23
Q

What was the relationship between popular politics and intellectual culture in Tudor England?

A

The Tradition of active political participation was stimulated by Humanist culture - but link this to ideas of humanism little impact

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24
Q

Who characterises the Privy Council as semi-republican?

A

P. Collinson characterises the Privy Council as semi-republican

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25
Q

How does D. Sacks depict the relationship between traditional political culture and new?

A

Traditional ideas of community centred governance and emerging ordered kingship were not compatible

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26
Q

How can we support the idea of old and new political cultures not meshing, how can we criticise?

A

D. Sacks interpretation of new and old political culture can be supported by looking at Elizabeth’s Golden Speech (1601) and can be criticised be considering the Great Chain of Being

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27
Q

What must be remembered about the impact of political culture in creating citizens out of subjects?

A

Although at the centre the idea of citizenry was taking form, its spreading depended on literacy rates

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28
Q

What can be said about the role of religion in political culture?

A

An increase in politicisation does not have to be secular and ration as is often assumed, but can be deeply religious

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29
Q

What did P. Williams assert about England by 1600?

A

P. Williams asserted that by 1600 England was more intensely governed

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30
Q

Who is the doyen for traditional interpretations of Tudor parliaments?

A

The doyen for traditional interpretations of Tudor parliaments is J. Neale- he suggests that parliament was for legislation and tax with intermittent meetings until it became a force of reckoning under Elizabeth

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31
Q

Who is both a traditional and a revisionist historian for the history of Tudor parliaments and why?

A

G. Elton, originally he suggested that the Commons was a collection of local representatives which grew into being a political partner of the crown, however he later revised this to highlight Commons and Lords tensions and the lack of faction in parliament

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32
Q

What has been a recent shift in historiography of Tudor parliaments?

A

A recent shift in historiography of Tudor parliaments is that we often now focus on the co-operation which existed rather than the faction and self-interest- as these were intermittent not continual

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33
Q

Why did Tudor bills often fail?

A

Tudor bills often failed because they lacked drafts, there was insufficient lobbying, parliamentary sessions were too short, and monarchical veto

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34
Q

How many bills did Elizabeth veto between 1559-1581?

A

Elizabeth vetoed 26 bills in the period 155-1581 (i.e. her “first reign”)

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35
Q

What was the traditional interpretation of Mary’s parliaments?

A

The traditional interpretation of Mary’s parliaments was that she was a “sterile” legislative failure (J. Neale)

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36
Q

Who is the doyen for revisionist historiography of Marian parliaments?

A

The doyen for revisionist historiography of Marian parliaments is J. Loach, she argues that Mary faced little opposition to her legislation, but concedes she was less active than her siblings

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37
Q

What was the average “acts passed” rate for Elizabeth and Edward versus Mary according to D. Dean?

A

According to D. Dean, the average acts passed rate for Elizabeth and Edward was around 30, while Mary averaged around 15

38
Q

What is a criticism of pre-1990s historiography from D. Dean?

A

D. Dean criticises pre-1990s historiography for inferring too much from singular documents- such as the creation of J. Neale’s ‘puritan choir’ from one list

39
Q

What can be said about opposition to legislation in parliament?

A

Individual bouts of opposition to legislation in parliament aren’t indicative of evolving opposition organisation but rather of Crown mismanagement

40
Q

What is the focus of revisionist historiographies of the history of parliaments?

A

revisionist historiographies of the history of parliaments focus on crown management and mismanagement

41
Q

What can be said about the role of Cecil in Elizabethan parliaments?

A

Claims have been staked that when Cecil became Lord Burghley (1571) a power vacuum was left in the Commons because he had moved to the lords

42
Q

How does M. Graves characterise the period 1571-98?

A

M. Graves characterises the period 1571-98 as the era of lord Burghley- i.e. the regnum cecilium

43
Q

What does regnum cecilium mean?

A

Regnum cecilium means reign of Cecil- it was an insult in contemporary gossip but is often used now by historians to highlight his influence

44
Q

Where did Mary face issues with parliament?

A

Mary’s issues with parliament came from the Lords rather than the Commons- this plays into the wider idea that there was largely inner-chamber co-operation

45
Q

How does H. Miller characterise the House of Lords?

A

H. Miller put forward the argument that the House of Lords was more than a peerage- it was a political asset of involvement in the highest echelons of the body politic which provided access to authority which could be manipulated for personal gain

46
Q

Where was organised opposition situated where there was any?

A

What little organised opposition there was against policy was situated in the House of Lords- e.g. with Elizabeth’s settlement

47
Q

Which historian leads the charge for more intricate parliamentary studies?

A

C. Russel suggests that each parliamentary session was an event in its own right and we should begin treating it as such

48
Q

Who claims that the late fifteenth-century had a pre-Machiavellian movement?

A

P. Strohm claims that the late fifteenth-century under Henry VII had a pre-Machiavellian movement

49
Q

What is a source which illustrates the influence of Henry VIIs time in exile?

A

The Spanish Ambassador in 1498 wrote that Henry wished to “govern in the French fashion” but could not

50
Q

What is the traditional interpretation of Henry VIIs political culture?

A

Traditional interpretations of Henry VIIs political culture suggest that it permeated throughout the whole Tudor era, and that he was reformist, not just a mere Medieval monarch

51
Q

Who suggests that Henry VII created a distinctly Tudor political culture?

A

D. Grummit suggests that Henry VIIs reign saw the creation of a distinctly Tudor political culture

52
Q

What was Henry’s political culture influenced by?

A

Henry’s political culture was influenced by, and moulded by Henry around, intellectual movements on the continent which had spread from Italy to France- he had been exposed to this while in exile

53
Q

What does D. Rundle suggest about VIIs governance style?

A

D. Rundle suggests that Henry VII was the first to apply Renaissance-style politics to English political life

54
Q

How does D. Starkey characterise the early Tudor era?

A

D. Starkey characterises the early Tudor era (pre-1550) as the age of household- i.e. of visual politics established by Yorkists impacting political action and patronage

55
Q

How did the Chamber change during Henry VIIs rule?

A

During Henry VIIs rule, the Chamber in the 1490s became a profound financial institution

56
Q

What has been interpreted from Lord Stanley’s fall from power (1495)?

A

Lord Stanley’s fall from power after the Perkin Warbeck plot (1495) shows the emerging political morality of the Tudor era where self-interest and mutability were defining features but he could also have been a victim of this very culture- as there is evidence of Henry knowing about the plot

57
Q

When was the Privy Council estimated to have been created and what was unique about it?

A

The Privy Council was estimated to have been created in 1495, uniquely it was made up of yeomen and grooms rather than ‘feudal-baronial’ knights and esquires- supporting the New Monarchy thesis

58
Q

What role did physicality play in political culture at court?

A

At court, physical space allowed an expression of authority and helped the monarch keep track of political discourse and relationships

59
Q

How can the duplicity of courtiers, and the dislike of “evil councillors” be shown?

A

The nature of courtiers and dislike of “evil councillors” is evident in the fact that feudal-baronial types kept Henry VIIs death secret for two days in order to mobilise Henry VIII against Empson and Dudley

60
Q

What political culture surrounded the Yorkshire Rebellion of 1489?

A

When the Earl of Northumberland was murdered by rebels in April 1489, literary response from John Skelton alluded to the role of fortune (“Chaunce”)- highlighting the changing political culture of loyalties being proven rather than assumed

61
Q

Outline the use of The Bowge of Courte (1498)?

A

The Bowge of Course was traditional anti-court satire written by John Skelton which ascribed courtiers to medieval vices such as flattery and suspicion

62
Q

Outline the use of The Comfort of Lovers (1510)?

A

The Comfort of Lovers was a dream allegory expressing the difficulties of grappling with changing political dynamics, anti-Tudor plots, and fears of falling from favour written by Stephen Hawes

63
Q

Outline the use of Flamank’s Conversation (1504)?

A

Flamank’s Conversation was written by a Calais soldier and explores suspicion of Henry VIIs later years- e.g. the calais plot to murder the garrison captains

64
Q

What stabilised early Tudor Kingship?

A

Early Tudor kingship was stabilised by the acquiring of knowledge- e.g. Henry VII had spies feeding him information from the periphery months into his reign

65
Q

What was an issue with Henry VIIs political culture?

A

Henry VII failed to wholly reconcile at a deep-level Yorkist and Lancastrian loyalties- this engendered mistrust and factionalism

66
Q

What does J. Rose assert about counsel in Tudor political culture?

A

J. Rose suggests that counsel lubricated all political relationships, and that it appeared by type of adviser in different political lexicons

67
Q

What has been a recent shift in historical study of advise in Tudor England?

A

A recent shift (2010s) in historiography has been the move away from studying council toward counsel- however this IS more difficult to study as it was an informal exchange

68
Q

What are the three approaches to studying political discourse?

A

Studying political discourse can be done through an institutional lens, a linguistic lens, or a variable lens (i.e. gender, age, social status)

69
Q

What is the focus of institutional studies of political discourse?

A

Institutional studies of political discourse focus on record keeping and suggest that its increase is indicative of progress

70
Q

What is a criticism of institutional studies focusing on record keeping?

A

Record keeping may not have been a conscious attempt to modernise, but rather an unintended consequence of holding individuals accountable

71
Q

What is the focus of linguistic studies of political discourse?

A

Linguistic studies of political discourse tend to focus on contemporary commentaries such as More’s Utopia

72
Q

What is the focus of variables studies of political discourse?

A

Variables studies of political discourse tend to focus on singular monarchs or individual political actors

73
Q

Who is the doyen for institutional studies of political discourse?

A

A. MacDonald is the doyen for institutional studies of political discourse

74
Q

Who is the doyen for linguistic studies of political discourse?

A

R. Mason is the doyen for linguistic studies of political discourse

75
Q

Who is a key historian for variable studies of political discourse and why?

A

J. Guy is a key historian for variable studies of political discourse because he made the distinction between feudal-baronial advisers and Humanist-Classical

76
Q

What is an issue with studying Tudor political discourse?

A

An issue with studying Tudor political discourse is that contemporary language can be difficult to disentangle- e.g. counsel counsail, counsill

77
Q

What is a contemporary acknowledgement of the varying understandings of counsel which existed in the Tudor era?

A

Come back 2 this boo

78
Q

What is the issue with the informality of counsel?

A

Since counsel is an informal discourse based upon invisible norms, where it is most obvious one explicit statements might actually be evidence of an abnormality, as counsel is most needed in periods of crisis.

79
Q

How can the value of counsel to the monarch be shown?

A

The value of counsel to a monarch is evident in Elizabeth’s request that Cecil counsel her ‘against her pryvate will’

80
Q

What does J. Bodin argue about counsel?

A

J. Bodin argues that ideas of the Perfect Prince not needed counsel are hypothetical because the Wise Prince would always seek counsel

81
Q

What can be said about the role of the public in expressing opinion to the monarch?

A

The role of the public in expressing their views in public domains for political action was dependent upon elite engagement with all levels of the body politic

82
Q

What was the contemporary opinion of flattery?

A

Flattery was something viewed as detrimental to the Humanist culture of rhetoric and decorum, and yet, it was used- e.g. Elizabeth using it to manipulate faction to her will

83
Q

Who suggests that there’s a clear shift at the centre from conciliar bodies being ad hoc to permanent within the sixteenth-century?

A

J. Rose suggests the centre saw a clear shift from ad hoc conciliar bodies to permanent ones- we can say that the contemplation of the Elizabethan interregnum supports such an interpretation

84
Q

What was the nature of Tudor institutional changes?

A

Tudor institutional changes were nearly always reactionary to immediate needs or concerns of the wider body politic

85
Q

What had the biggest impact on the English tradition of advice giving?

A

The biggest impact on English advice giving was Henry VIIIs Great Matter, because he was so immovable and committed to his goals and because it offered space for self-interest

86
Q

What happened to the trope of the Evil Councillor / Counsellor under Elizabeth?

A

Under Elizabeth, J. Rose argues the trope of the Evil Councillor (or counsellor) became infused with the Popish/ Prophetic dichotomy

87
Q

According to G. Elton what impact did Thomas Cromwell have on political discourse?

A

G. Elton suggests that while pre-1530s counsel had functioned as political discourse, Cromwell morphed this dialogue into administrative mechanisms with which crown goals could be met

88
Q

What is J. Guy’s classification of counsel?

A

J. Guy suggests that “good counsel” is an inspirational myth of contemporaries, but if that is the case then “bad counsel” must be a necessary fiction

89
Q

How can the necessary fiction of the evil councillor be deployed with regard to High Politics?

A

The necessity of the evil councillor trope in High Politics can be seen in Elizabeth’s contemplation of puppeteering Mary, Queen of Scots councillors- they would have been the ones most blamed, and it would have served much use.

90
Q

What can be said about the changing role of ecclesiastic counsel in the Tudor era?

A

Ecclesiastic counsel always found a setting- it had specific settings in parliamentary sermons and the Chapel Royal, but could permeate wider conciliar bodies

91
Q

When did counsel in Tudor England fail?

A

Counsel in Tudor England failed when it was perceived to have violated non-spoken boundaries of legitimate political discourse