Britain 1951-1997 Flashcards
1951 election: conservative success
The 1947 Industrial Charter was a pamphlet and a policy statement, drafted by the Conservative party, in which it pledged to accept a mixed economy, committed to labour rights. Commitment to the Welfare State.
They reorganised the party under Lord Woolton and younger Tory MP’s such as Butler began to bring new ideas and confidence to the party, especially after the 1950 election.
The nationalisation issue (especially of iron and steel) gave them a cause round which they could rally and on which they could attack the government (strong platform for opposition attacks). Churchill was undeniably a very popular figure, though he had lost the 1945 election.
1951 election: Labour weakness
Bevanite Rebellion 1951 – forced by financial difficulties to make savings in public expenditure, Attlee imposed charges on dental treatment, spectacles and prescriptions. Bevan (constructed NHS) led number of ministers into resigning from the Cabinet, ‘death knell’ of Attlee’s government.
Entry into the 1950 Korean War – angered the left within the Labour Party. Left argued that the party should be independent in foreign affairs and act with the UN and this event showed that Britain was becoming too pro-American (sheepishly following the US in a Cold War engagement), especially as it was dependent on the US financially (Marshall Aid).
1951 election socio-economic Problems
Austerity (after 1947) wasn’t being perceived as bringing economic recovery quickly enough.
Taxation at 45% at a standard rate was seen as too high. Rationing is continued.
1951 election electoral issues.
The 1948 Representation of the People Act introduced boundary changes, meaning that Labour had to win 2% more of the popular vote to win the same number of seats because the redistribution of seats meant that some of their seats became marginal or simply increased the number of votes they could win in already safe seats.
The problem for Labour was made worse by the decline in the Liberal party, whose vote declined from 2.6 million in 1945 to 730,556 in 1951. As a financially stretched party in decline, they decided to contest only 109 seats. A lot of ex-Liberal voters turned to the Conservatives, helping them to win Labour marginal seats.
Conservative Domination labour division
Bevanites split from the moderates; 1952, Bevan published In Place of Fear, which argued that: It is essential that we should keep clear before us that one of the central principles of socialism is the substitution of public for private ownership. Anthony Crosland, on the right of the party, believed that in terms of social policy, the emphasis should be on social equality rather than economic equality. This led to divisions with the left of the party over Clause IV of the Labour party about nationalisation.
Nuclear Policy: The left of the party wanted unilateral nuclear disarmament so that more money was available for social reforms, while others on the left argued that Britain should disarm so that the Soviet Union should not fall too far behind in the arms race with the West. The right of the party were opposed to unilateralism and wanted Britain to maintain its independent nuclear deterrent. However, on this issue Bevan was less radical and rejected unilateralism at the Party Conference of 1957. Nonetheless, he opposed the party’s approval of the rearmament of Germany and its inclusion in NATO. which he believed would alienate the Soviet Union. These divisions were so great that in 1955 Bevan was expelled from the parliamentary party for challenging official Labour policy.
These divisions came to a head at the 1960 party conference. Gaitskell had defeated Bevan for the leadership of the party in 1955 and believed that this gave him the go-ahead to take the party in a more centrist direction. Defeated for a third successive election in 1959, Gaitskell argued that the left had weakened the party with their unilateralist views, which he argued were unpopular with the country. However, the left of the party attacked the party’s nuclear policy and at the party conference forced a unilateralist policy on the party using the block vote of the unions
Conservative Domination economy
Given the low level of industrial output after the war some industrial growth was almost inevitable. Industrial growth was also stimulated by an increase in trade after the Korean War; countries had more money available to spend on goods rather than defence policy
wages rose faster than prices so that people were able to buy more with the money they earned. In 1951 the average weekly wage of an adult was £8.30, but by 1964 it had risen to £18.35.
500 per cent rise in car ownership during the period and television ownership went up from 4 percent of the population to 91 per cent.
However
Britain’s growth rate was not as impressive as other countries (Italy had a growth rate in GDP of 5.6%, Germany 5.1%, Britain 2.3%). Britain’s share of world trade shrank from 25% to 15
Conservative domination: Housing
The government had promised to build 300,000 new houses per year and they were mostly able to meet their target, reaching 354,000 in 1954 and building some 1.7 million homes while in office. The number of people who owned their own property rose from 25 per cent before the Second World War to 44 per cent by 1964.
However
1957 Rent Act abolished rent controls and resulted in more houses available to rent, although it also led to rents rising, with some tenants finding it much harder to afford leases.
Conservative economic policy success (Domination period)
Chancellorship of R. A. Butler from 1951 to 1955. Increased borrowing allowed government expenditure, particularly on health, education and housing to rise. The Welfare State saw increased spending throughout the period; the amount of GDP spent on it rose from 16.1 per cent in 1951 to 19.3 per cent in 1964. (See housing)
Conservative economic policy failure (domination period)
Macmillan’s leadership as successive Chancellors attempted to avoid high inflation or deflation, using interest rates and import controls to manage the economy. If spending or wages rose too rapidly, taxes and interest rates were increased and import controls prevented purchases from abroad; but if there was a fall in demand for goods, taxes and interest rates were lowered and import controls relaxed.
Macmillan’s leadership as successive Chancellors attempted to avoid high inflation or deflation, using interest rates and import controls to manage the economy. If spending or wages rose too rapidly, taxes and interest rates were increased and import controls prevented purchases from abroad; but if there was a fall in demand for goods, taxes and interest rates were lowered and import controls relaxed.
Unemployment continues to rise throughout this entire period. 1951: 367,000; 1952: 468,000; 1959 621,000.
Conservative domination education success
Edward Boyle, the Minister of Education, pushed for the abolition of the 11 plus and the first purpose built comprehensive schools were constructed under the Conservatives. In fact, more comprehensive schools were opened in the second half of the twentieth century under the Conservatives than under Labour
This change was taken even further in 1963 with the Robbins Report which attempted to take the comprehensive principles into further education by expanding universities and providing larger grants so that students were not deterred by a lack of funds. 6,000 new schools and 11 universities were built.
Conservative domination leadership success
Anthony Eden was respected due to his personal appeal, long war-time service, considered charming, good-looking
Macmillan led the Conservative party from 1957 to 1963, during which time he won the 1959 election and increased the Conservative majority to 100, despite this being just three years after the disastrous Suez affair. His appearances on television won him much support and despite satirists mocking him as ‘Super-Mac’ he was able to turn this image to his advantage with the famous comment ‘Never had it so good’.
Macmillan gained the reputation of a world-class statesman, in part through his realisation that the British Empire had to be dismantled, despite protests from within the party. He made this clear in 1960 with his call for the need to recognise ‘the wind of change’ blowing through Africa and grant independence to those who wanted it.
Conservative leadership Domination (failures)
Embarassment of the 1956 Suez Crisis led to Eden’s resignation.
Harold Macmillan’s cabinet reshuffle of July 1962, due to declining Conservative popularity, earned him the name Mac the Knife, as the details of this were leaked to the press.
Profumo Affair 1963: John Profumo, Secretary of State for War, had an extramarital affair with a 19 year old, lied about it in the HoC. Rumours circulated that Keeler (the 19 year old) may have had attachments to a Captain Ivanov (Soviet attache)
1964 election victory Conservative weakness
The process of choosing a leader by sounding out the cabinet and MPs was seen as rather ridiculous in a democratic age, particularly as it brought to power a man of aristocratic background, lacking in Commons experience and perceived by many to be out of touch with ordinary people. Douglas-Home was chosen by an old-boy network, which included many old Etonians; a clear sign to many that the Conservative party had not changed its image. There was resentment among some party members, and Enoch Powell and Iain Macleod stated they would not serve under Douglas-Home.
Profumo Affair 1963: John Profumo, Secretary of State for War, had an extramarital affair with a 19 year old, lied about it in the HoC. Rumours circulated that Keeler (the 19 year old) may have had attachments to a Captain Ivanov (Soviet attache)
By 1961 a balance of trade deficit was evidence of a downturn in the economy as the country was importing more than it was exporting. By 1962 unemployment was rising and the number of days lost to strikes was increasing. By 1962 unemployment was rising and the number of days lost to strikes was increasing.
1964 election labour strengths
The Labour Party appeared more united than it had been. Their divisions over nuclear weapons, Europe, and nationalisation had not disappeared. Harold Wilson, who was elected leader in February 1963 was able to gloss over them by presenting Labour as modern, dynamic and progressive. Their manifesto promised a range of policies to promote faster economic growth and full employment, as well as improved welfare and health services, better housing. Wilson pledged to harness science to economic planning and create a Britain ‘forged in the white heat of this technological and scientific revolution’. He stressed how different he was from the Old Etonians who led the Tory Party by presenting himself as a man of the people: Yorkshire-born, grammar-school boy and football fan.
