Conservatism Flashcards
What is conservatism
Conservatism is a form of change, changing to conserve. Change is inevitable. Conservatism believes that change must occur in an appropriate manner and drawing upon the good that has been done before. Conservatism advocates change but in the form of ongoing repair and development instead of the construction of something entirely new. Conservatism is therefore known as a doctrine of maintenance.
Origins of conservatism
Conservatism is a reaction to the enlightenment. After the American Revolution (1775-1783) it became difficult for politicians and philosophers to argue against the principles of the enlightenment without appearing intolerant. Any critique of the enlightenment seemed outdated such as absolute monarchism and divine right of kings. The French revolution 1789 confirmed the spirit of the enlightenment over throwing the king. This led to terrible consequences such as the public beheading of King Louis XVI and this became known as the period of the terror. These events made it possible to criticise progress without denying the spirit of the enlightenment and to accept reform while rejecting revolution.
Conservatism - human nature
Conservatism stresses human frailty and fallibility. Conservatives deny any possibility of a perfect utopian society, comprising of flawless, rational beings. Human nature is fixed and constant and politicians should accommodate not alter.
Conservatism - the state
Order and authority – the state has a disciplinary function and the main goal of the state is to provide order, security and authority. Without order there can be no liberty.
Organic origins – although conservatives have a Hobbesian view of the state, committed to government by consent, they are actually sceptical about state which arrives through rational discussion. Conservatives prefer a state which emerges gradually.
A ruling class – conservatives are comfortable with a state which is hierarchal, reflecting the elitist society which they endorse. Conservatism acknowledges the notion of a ruling class, whose power is aristocratic and hereditary rather than democracy. There is a merit to those who were born and trained to rule the state, showing paternalism. This would show pragmatic and empirical characteristics for new necessary laws, averting social upheaval and revolution.
The nation state – the state became a mega community that enfolded all classes and therefore provided a natural basis for the state. Nation and state are intertwined hence the importance of constitutions.
Conservatism - society
Localism – society is a collection of localised communities. These communities provide individuals with security, status and inspiration.
Organicisim – society is not something that can be created, it emerges gradually. Conservatives see the reality of an unplanned organic society proof that human life is subject to complex forces beyond the scope of reason.
Empiricism – because it’s organic, conservatives view society in empirical terms, issues are dealt with practically and evidentially. This empirical take on society in contract to the normative view taken by progressive ideologies like liberalism.
Tradition – the effectiveness of an empirical, conservative society rests on tradition. Customs and habits provide security in an uncertain world, with history and experience shaping whatever changes became necessary. Tradition merges with organicism.
Hierarchy – conservatives do not see society as egalitarian. The imperfections of humanity lead seamlessly to inequalities within human nature, which leads to a society where the wiser establish a hierarchy. This is natural according to Burke.
Judaeo-Christian morality – there is a strong attachment to religion, particularly the Old Testament with a belief of original sin. Therefore this is a strong emphasis on marriage, self contained families and individuals being accountable for their own actions. In a typical conservative society religious principles like altruism and compassion help bind people together and curb the imperfections of human nature.
Property – property is often something inherited by one generation and not something acquired by autonomous individuals. There is a connection between property and a paternalistic society. Those with property have a stake in existing society and discourage revolution.
New right conservatives are more zealous about property, wishing not just to preserve but to extend property ownership throughout society. Those who own property are better placed to resist state led incursions upon their liberty.
Conservatism - economy
Conservatism supports capitalism. Due to their sceptical view of human nature the dynamic of nature of capitalism is concerning. Traditional conservatives are known as capitalisms reluctant supporters. They recognise assault on capitalism is also on property, inequality, hierarchy and the status quo. However they are sceptical of the belief that markets are at their most effective when they are left alone (which is a classical/neo-liberal belief).
Traditional conservatives resolve the problem by supporting a moderate form of capitalism where free markets are tempered by state intervention, such as tariffs and duties, known as protectionism. This is consistent with their emphasis upon national identity and one nation conservatism.
New right were in favour of liberal sympathetic view of free market economics, referred to as Reaganomics and Thatcherism favoured privatisation.
New right vs traditional conservatism
The new right argues that disengaging almost completely from the economy the state could focus on its true Hobbesian purpose of order and security. The new right believes that a free market economy will be a prosperous economy. This might promote popular capitalism and destroy socialism. A free market would also help to fund the police, armed forces and any agencies to defend the conservative society.
Key thinker - Hobbes
Human Nature – he had a sceptical view of human nature, arguing that it was needy and vulnerable and therefore likely to commit destructive acts. Human nature was thus shaped by a restless desire for the acquisition of good, an immovable distrust of others and a constant fear for violent death. In absence of authority mankind is left to form its own version of acceptable and unacceptable conduct, since every mans version is different this could lead to war. He believed mankind would eventually realise that the state of nature was inimical to self interest and would agree to have a sovereign state with the right to make laws.
The state – prior to the emergence of a state there was no cooperation or voluntary arrangements between individuals and therefore none of the natural rights later cited by liberals. For the state to accomplish its side of the bargain, Hobbes claimed it would be autocratic. If power was dispersed Hobbes said conflict would occur. He argued the principle reason for the state was the creation of order and security.
Traditional conservatism : aftermath of the French Revolution
conservatisms origins were grounded in the French revolution of 1787. By offering a radical interpretation of enlightenment values, challenged established notions of state and society across Europe. Although conservatives were primarily concerned about the effects this would have on their own security. Edmund Burke offered the first philosophy coherent objection to what the French revolution had represented.
Traditional conservatism : opposition to Burke
conservatisms opponents have since argued that Burke’s thesis reflections in France merely provided a justification for existing society – one in which he like other members of the ruling class had a vested interest in. Supporters of Burke:
Traditional conservatism : supporters of Burke
William Pitt – like Burke he displayed a reverence for order and prosperity and showed an antipathy to revolutionary change, extolled tradition, endorsed the notion that society should be compromised a multitude of small communities. They also believed that the state emerged organically and defended the principle of paternalistic, aristocratic rule.
• George Canning – he championed the abolition of slavery and prepared legislation to allow Catholics to participate in parliament. He echoed his arguments supporting the American Revolution, campaigning against the corruption in the British colonies.
• Robert peel - his reasoning was that if the interests of the newly enriched were not harnessed to the existing social and political structure, there was danger that those with the same interests would be harnessed with no vested interest in evolving the status quo (which is a conservative rationale for reform that was central to Burke’s explanation for the French revolution). He believed in order and security. As Home Secretary (18280-30) he established the metropolitan police force in London.
Key thinker Edmund Burke
Human Nature – Burke stressed mankind’s fallibility and its tendency to fail more than succeed. He denounced the idealistic society than the French revolution represented. The state – he argued that both a mysterious dynamism that was beyond reasoning and planning. In political and social context, Burke insisted that change must be cautious and organic and denounced the French revolution for discarding history and tradition. Society – he said that with all organic societies, a ruling class was inevitable and desirable. Burke condemned the new French republic for its highly centralised structures, praising a society of little platoons, a multitude of small, diverse and largely autonomous communities. Burke argued that while change was necessary it should be on the basis of fact and experience-empiricism and tradition rather than theory and idealism. He criticised the French revolution for discarding what was known in favour of an entirely new society.
The emergence of one nation conservatism
Dating from the 1870s and linked to British politicians like Benjamin Disraeli. This denotes a belief that conservatism should prioritise national unity by attending the condition of society’s poorer classes. It has been used by conservative politicians to justify greater state intervention in society and the economy and thus higher levels of public spending and taxation. The governments of Canning and Peel served to stem the effect of the French revolution. Although the threat of disorder and insurrection persisted throughout the 19th century. There were demands for greater democracy, less aristocracy and this all required further development of conservative thinking. Sensing that socialism and its stress upon class conflict, there was a grave threat to stability and tradition. Conservatives like Bismarck and Disraeli understood that the case for orderly change would need to be refined. To ensure social cohesion and orderly change, new themes were needed to offset the class-conscious politics encouraged by early socialist Marx.
One nation against revolutionaries
It was at this point that the nation emerged in conservative thinking. Until the 19th century nationalism had been associated with anti imperialism and anti monarchism. Burkean opposed French revolutionaries were self styled patriots and other European revolutions were seen as patriotic movements. Until the 19th century the nation was seen as anything but a conservative concept. Disraeli and Bismarck understood nationalisms conservative potential. Unlike contemporary liberal, whose individualistic outlook led them to deny social class – Disraeli embraced class differences, but in a way which fostered unity rather than rupture. Against the rhetorical background of one nation conservatism, Disraeli and Bismarck argued that society’s classes were all members of the same national family. Revolutionary politics (including Marxism) represented an attack on the nation itself. For Disraeli the nation was not an alternative to the status quo but the essence of it. All nation states have a vested interest in defending it. Disraeli therefore poured scorn on supposed links between the workers of one nation and those of another.
One nation society
One nation conservatives updated Burke’s notion of an organic society affinity between a nations poorer and richer classes. Arguing that the nations aristocracy and had a paternalistic duty to elevate the condition of the people. Once this obligation was recognised by all classes, social and political progress could be achieved harmoniously and without the horrors of class war and revolution. However in pursuit of this one nation strategy, neither Disraeli nor Bismarck advocated mere kindness on the part of the society’s haves. They endorsed state sponsored social reform. The one nation conservatism of mid late 19th century became associated with legislation that tempered the effects of laissez faire capitalism, supposedly on behalf of the nation’s working classes. In England this resulted in the Factory Act 1974 and the Artisans Dwellings Act 1875, restricting the freedom of factory owners and landlords respectively. Bismarck’s chancellorship of Germany (1871-90) was regarded as the first welfare state, providing German workers with state backed insurance against sickness, accident and destitution in old age. His conservatism led to the imposition of tariffs and import controls confirming traditional conservative attitudes to free market capitalism.
Response to egalitarianism and challenges to conservative thinking
During the 20th century political debate was shaped by two events. World War one led to the spread of communism and socialism. World War Two led to the emergence of fascism. These developments had a profound impact upon the evolution of tradition conservatism.
For most of the 20th century, conservatives of the Soviet Union as the most powerful threat posed by the ideology egalitarianism – which enfolds both socialism and communism. Egalitarianism inherently challenged conservatisms belief in property, hierarchy and only modest reform.
In the UK the conservative fear of egalitarianism was underlined by the franchise in 1918. This flooded the electorate with working class voters. This accelerated the growth of the labour party. They were committed to wholesale common ownership. Until the late 20th century, conservatives would state that socialism and communism were inevitable unless stern political action was taken.
Response to egalitarianism and developing ideas
Traditional conservatism sought to temper the effects of a capitalist economy with a view to sustaining a society based on property ownership and equality. Macmillan spoke of a middle way between capitalism and socialism, one that would address economic inequalities while respecting property rights, culture, tradition, national identity, all themes close to conservative’s hearts. Conservatism was prepared to sanction a much greater degree of state intervention and stifle socialism. Between 1935–37, conservative politicians supported public health and factory acts. After 1945 conservatism took further steps towards an acceptance of a big government. Across Europe conservatives seemed to yield ideas of rival ideologies. They also embraced Keynesian economics and welfare states and mixed economics which involved state ownership. This was opportunist and pragmatic. Conservative politicians needed to win elections which were now dominated by working class voters.
Response to fascism and Christian democracy
Outside the UK, traditional conservatism after 1945 evolved rather differently. Western European nations felt the effects of fascism more accurately; the effects of this had an impact on the psychology of continental conservatives such as West Germany’s Adenauer. After 1945 European conservatives developed a variant of traditional conservatism – Christian democracy.
Similarities to UK conservatism (Christian democracy)
- The belief of Judaeo-Christian morality as a force for binding society together.
- The belief in authority and hierarchy.
- The commitment to social conservatism, the same emphasis on marriage and family life, and the same scepticism towards socially liberal causes such as abortion and sexual equality
- Scepticism towards free market economics , therefore stresses the social market
- Draws upon RC principles of obligation and communal duty but echoes Disraeli’s paternalistic conservatism
- Acceptance of an enlarged state, Christian democracy was comfortable with Keynesian capitalism, high public spending and an expensive welfare state
The response to fascism and the impact of Christian democracy
Christian democracy is distinct from British and American conservatism in the attitude towards the nation state. In Germany, Italy and Spain fascism left conservative politicians explicitly weary of nationalism and traditional notions of patriotism. The experience of invasion and national shame during the war affected conservative attitudes towards national identity and national self determination.
One effect of World War Two was that it made continental conservatives amenable to supranationalism. The RC influence within Christian democracy was helpful for continental conservatives, given that the RC church itself practises supranational authority.
British conservatives were suspicious that the real aim of Christian democracy supranationalism was to eliminate the nation as a feature of conservative philosophy and instead make the religion the main focus of communal identity. British conservatives regard Christian democracy as a form of no nation conservatism and therefore something for which they feel little affinity.
Key thinker Michael Oakeshott
Human Nature – most men were fallible but not terrible and imperfect but not immoral. Though incapable of perfect societies, humanity could secure pleasure and improvement through everyday life. He tried to make conservatism more optimistic than liberalism and socialism. But he said there ideologies with clear ideas of society produced intolerance, impatience and frustration. He was dismissive of normative politics with simplistic visions that overlook the complexity of reality. He liked empirical and pragmatic approach to politics and life.
The state – argued the state existed to prevent the bad rather than create the good. He stated the best things in life emerge from routine. His celebrated ‘nautical metaphor’ – we all sail a bondless sea with no appointed destination and the job of the government is to keep the ship afloat. His critics claim his philosophy was to fatalistic and underestimates our ability to shape circumstances. For new right philosophers his mentality allowed socialist ideas to advance unchallenged after 1945.
New right conservatism - an American export, development of US, UK and European ideas
In the UK and Europe during the 20th century conservative’s stress of order, authority and traditional communities was challenged by a fear of market forces enhancing inequalities which would enrage working class voters. UK and European traditional conservatives supported interventionist economic policies such as Keynesianism and high spending on state welfare. Conservatives placed more emphasis on laissez faire capitalism, private property and minimal government. These attitudes reflected the communities that developed organically. These were essentially liberal attitudes, from the views of the USA’s founding fathers and the constitution based on John Locke. These ideas blended with Christian morality, patriotism and a strong (yet limited) government. American conservatism had always involved a synthesis between classical liberalism and social conservatism. From the 1970s onwards, conservatives in Europe were increasingly convinced by the American model.
The crisis of traditional conservatism and the path to new thinking
New right conservatism emerged as an analysis of the crisis engulfing states like the UK in the 1970s. This was characterised primarily by inflation, unemployment, unsustainable welfare spending, crime rates and a growing sense that society was becoming ungovernable.
The crisis represented a growing condemnation of traditional conservatism. After 1945, traditional conservatives endorsed a post war consensus involving Keynesian economics, state welfare and social liberalism. The New Right believed traditional conservatives were contributing to a rapidly declining economy, a bloated welfare state, a permissive society and an increasingly feeble economy. Thus lacking in moral and formal authority and will struggle to resist socialism at home and communism abroad.
The new right interpretation in most of Europe was largely resisted. European conservatives remained faithful to the ideas of Christian democracy. However in the UK and USA were much more willing to challenge traditional conservative thinking. This was expressed by Thatcher and Reagan.
Neo-liberalism
Neo-liberalisms main concern is the salvation of individual liberty. Neo-liberalism is principally associated with Friedrich Von Hayek whose 1944 thesis ‘The Road to Serfdom’ is regarded as the bible of neo-liberal thinking. His views were reinforced by American economist Milton Friedman in the UK by think tanks such as Adam Smith Institute of Economic Affairs.
There aims were to extend freedom by rolling back the frontiers of the state to create a free market economy. They wanted a drastic reduction in taxation, tighter control of government spending, end dependency culture on welfare states, deregulation and privatisation of services carried out by government and a reduction of statist bodies (trade unions, local councils).
