Developmental Psychology Module 2 Flashcards

Question

Vlach & Sandofer (2012)

Answer 1

54 3-year-olds 54 undergraduates Instructions Play a game to measure things Learning Phase: 6 measuring activities, using a familiar object to measure an object During one of the six activities, the experimenter labeled the unfamiliar object as a Koba Testing phase: immediately, 1 week, 1 month later 10 objects and said, hand me the koba We tried fast mapping, they didn't fast map but they redid the experiment Exp 2: 162 3 year olds Learning Phase Randomly Assigned 1. Memory support: salience -> “this toy is special” 2. Memory support: salience and repetition 3. Memory support: salience, repetition, and generation

Answer 2

refers to cognitive processes heavily influenced by emotions, making decisions or judgments based on feelings rather than logic; essentially, "hot" means thinking with emotions, while

Answer 3

describes cognitive processes that are largely independent of emotion, relying more on rational thinking and analysis; "cold" means thinking without them.

Answer 4

Expectations that each entity has 1 name

Answer 5

Three and 4 year olds 37- Monolingual French Speaking 69- Monolingual English peaking 56- Bilingual English + Another Language

Answer 6

First sentences Most children combine words into simple sentences by the end of the second year Telegraphic speech: short utterances that leave out non-essential words; generally two-word utterances Syntactic Bootstrapping- strategy of using the grammatical structure to infer meaning

Answer 7

short utterances that leave out non-essential words; generally two-word utterances

Answer 8

strategy of using the grammatical structure to infer meaning Children also figure out the meanings of new words by using the grammatical structure of the sentences in which those words occur

Answer 9

An early demonstration of this phenomenon involved showing 2-year-olds a video of a duck using its left hand to push a rabbit down into a squatting position while both animals waved their right arms in circles. As they watched, some children heard “The duck is kradding the rabbit”; others heard “The rabbit and the duck are kradding.” The children then saw two videos side by side, one showing the duck pushing on the rabbit and the other showing both animals waving their arms in circles. Instructed to “Find kradding,” the two groups looked at the event that matched the syntax they had heard while watching the initial video. Those who had heard the first sentence took kradding to mean what the duck had been doing to the rabbit, whereas those who had heard the second sentence thought it meant what both animals had been doing. Thus, the children had arrived at different interpretations for a novel verb based on the structure of the sentence in which it occurred.

Answer 10

Mastery of regularities of language Increasing ability to recognize patterns and generalize toward novel words Overreregularization

Answer 11

speech errors in which children treat irregular forms of words as if they were regular preschoolers were shown a picture of a made-up animal, which the experimenter referred to as “a wug.” Then the children saw a picture of two of the creatures, and the experimenter said, “Here are two of them; what are they?” Children as young as 4 readily answered “wugs.” Since the children had never heard the word wugs before, their ability to produce the correct plural form cannot be attributed to imitation. Instead, these results provide evidence that the participants had learned the English plural, generalizing beyond words they had previously heard.

Answer 12

how do children develop an understanding of how to use words to communicate?

Answer 13

refers to the understanding of how language is typically used in a specific cultural context

Answer 14

Exp 1: “Can you give it to me?” + a point familiar= greater than chance “Can you give me the blicket” point familiar far less than chance Experiment 2: “Can you give me the one my sister found?” +gaze familiar = chance “Can you give me the blickety?” + gaze familiar= less than chance

Answer 15

how do we develop the ability to feel and to regulate our emotions?

Answer 16

similar physiological experiences

Answer 17

Regulations When young infants are distressed, frustrated, or frightened, there is little they can do to fix the situation. Their parents typically try to help them regulate their emotional arousal by attempting to soothe or distract them (Gianino & Tronick, 1988). For example, caregivers tend to use caressing and other affectionate behavior to calm a crying 2-month-old. Over the next few months, they increasingly include vocalizations (e.g., talking, singing, shushing) in their calming efforts, as well as in their attempts to divert the infant’s attention. Holding or rocking upset young infants while talking soothingly to them seems to be the most reliable approach, and feeding them if they are not highly upset is also effective (Jahromi, Putnam, & Stifter, 2004). Thus, the emotional states of young infants are externally controlled by a process known as co-regulation, in which a caregiver provides the needed comfort or distraction to help the child reduce distress.

Answer 18

Neural Foundation Physiological Responses Expressive Responses Subjective Feeling States Valence, Arousal Categorial Associated Conditions Thought Action Tendencies

Answer 19

Discrete (Categorical: Are they categories of behaviors) or Dimensional

Answer 20

“An emotion is a hereditary pattern-reaction involving profound changes of the bodily mechanisms as a whole, but particularly of the visceral and glandular systems.”

Answer 21

Love Fear Rage

Answer 22

“... the course of development, emotional behavior becomes more and more specific, both as regards arousing stimuli and form of response.”

Answer 23

Facial expressions, ect.To determine if early emotions were discrete (categorical) or undifferentiated (dimensional), researchers could examine evidence from developmental psychology, neuroimaging, and behavioral studies, looking for distinct patterns of emotional expression, neural activity, and physiological responses at different ages.

Answer 24

Differential (or discrete) emotions theory- Tomkins (1962), Izard (2007) Discrete emotions theory argues that neurological and biological systems have evolved to allow humans, from infancy, to experience and then express a set of basic emotions through adaptation to our surroundings

Answer 25

Emotions are evolutionarily determined Emotions are discrete (categorical) from one another from very early in life Each emotion is associated with a specific and distinctive set of bodily responses and facial reactions Universal Automatic Subcortical Motivate & Regulate Cognition and Action

Answer 26

Basic (primary) emotions Set of neural/bodily/expressive/feeling/motivational states Generated rapidly and automatically in the presence of an ecologically valid stimulus To enact an adaptive neural response -> behavioral response

Answer 27

Identify a sequence of distinct discrete basic emotions Studied facial expressions of infants in emotion-eliciting situations - Birth - Interest - Contentment (Joy) - Disgust - Distress 2 months - Anger - Sadness 4 months - Surprise 7 months - Fear

Answer 28

151 infants 2 sessions- longitudinal 4 months 12 months Eliciting Situation Tickle Sour taste Arm restraint Masked stranger Facial expressions coded Joy Surprise Anger Disgust Fear Sadness Interest

Answer 29

(contrasts the previous things) Basic function of emotions: to promote action toward achieving a goal Emotions only become discr4ete from one another as children experience appropriate socially relevant interactions and cognitive appraisal is possible (ie., i see someone i recognize, i am happy)

Answer 30

Emotions begin undifferentaited -> emerge with cognition The first expressions- are precursors Wariness -> fear Frustration -> anger Pleasure -> joy

Answer 31

Theoretical Assumptions Differentiated- require elementary cognition Cognition organizes emotions into distinct meanings Promoting active consequences Response to the appraisal of threats to well-being Require some sense of self and other Functional (Undifferentiated) Early in development Absence of coordination between internal and external 6-9 months- begin socialization of feelings -> greater synchrony Gradual- socialization of less synchrony 8-10 years- display rules

Answer 32

Require cognitive capacities Objective self awareness (sometimes) moral standards Understanding of others (theory of mind)

Answer 33

Primary emotions are happiness, anger, fear, surprise, sadness, and disgust Don’t require a lot of subcortical energy Secondary emotions are self-conscious emotions and have the ability to vary more through culture and context bc they vary more about the context their in and the social system

Answer 34

33-37 months Interactions with Parents Free-play task situations Easy- 4-piece puzzle, ball toss 2 feet, copy a line Difficult- 25-piece puzzle, ball toss 12 feet, copy a triangle Code: Shame- body collapse, mouth corners down, eyes lowered, “I’m no good at this.” Code: Pride: erect posture, smile, eye contact with parents, “I did it!”

Answer 35

5th graders 130 USA 118 Japan While playing around, you throw a ball and it hits your friends in the face. How would you feel on 1-5 scale You would feel inadequate because you can’t throw a ball. (shame) You would apologize and make sure your friends feel better. (guilt) You would think that maybe your friend needs more practice at catching. (blaming)

Answer 36

15 stories of real-life situations How would you feel?

Answer 37

Early Experience Matters Self Development <-> Knowledge of Others Importance of non-conscious processes Emphasis on developmental goals

Answer 38

Focus on Environment Learned Behaviors Practical Applications (Behavior Modification)

Answer 39

the study of the evolutionary bases of behavior imprinting a form of learning in which the newborns of some species become attached to and follow adult members of the species informed theory of attachment

Answer 40

Study of behavior within an evolutionary context Behavior had adoptive, survival value Imprinting Learning to follow caregivers Humans do not imprint

Answer 41

The most encompassing model of the general context of development is Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model. This perspective treats the child’s environment as “a set of nested structures, each inside the next, like a set of Russian dolls”. Each structure represents a different level of influence on development. The child is at the center, with a particular constellation of characteristics (genes, gender, age, temperament, health, intelligence, and so on).

Answer 42

Microystem Mesosystem Exosystem Macrosytem Chronosystem Person-Processes-Context-Time Person Processes Proximal Processes Systematic interactions of individual enviroment

Answer 43

the immediate environment that an individual child experiences and participates in

Answer 44

the interconnections among immediate, or microsystem, settings

Answer 45

environmental settings that a child does not directly experience but that can affect the child indirectly

Answer 46

the larger cultural and social context within which the other systems are embedded

Answer 47

historical changes that influence the other systems

Answer 48

According to Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model (see Chapter 9), children’s development is affected by a variety of contexts that are nested into a set of hierarchical systems. The family is the child’s most proximal context and thus the one that has the most direct influence on development. Yet the family itself is affected by the contexts in which it is embedded, including cultural contexts, economic contexts, and work contexts.

Answer 49

The modern study of language development emerged from a theoretical debate. In the 1950s, B. F. Skinner proposed a behaviorist theory of language development (Skinner, 1957). Behaviorists believed that development is a function of learning through reinforcement and punishment of overt behavior. Skinner argued that parents teach children to speak by means of the same kinds of reinforcement techniques that are used to train animals to perform novel behaviors. Noam Chomsky (1959) countered Skinner by pointing out some of the reasons why language cannot be learned via reinforcement and punishment. One key reason was noted earlier in this chapter: we can understand and produce sentences that we have never heard before (generativity). If language learning proceeds by means of reinforcement and punishment, how could we know that a sentence like “Colorless green ideas sleep furiously” is a grammatical English sentence, whereas “Green sleep colorless furiously ideas” is not (Chomsky, 1957)? Similarly, how could children produce words they have never heard before, like wented, or know that wugs is the plural of wug? Children appear to know details about the structure of their native language that they have not been taught — facts that are unobservable and thus impossible to reinforce — contrary to Skinner’s proposal.

Answer 50

universal grammar- innate knowledge about the principles and rules that govern grammar in all languages.Chomsky’s account is consistent with the fact that, despite many surface differences, the world’s languages are fundamentally similar. His strongly nativist account also provides an explanation for why most children learn language with exceptional rapidity, while nonhumans (who presumably lack a Universal Grammar) do not. The Universal Grammar hypothesis is highly relevant to investigations of emerging languages like Nicaraguan Sign Language, discussed in Box 6.4.

Answer 51

attachment with other and emotional understanding

Answer 52

How do we form social relationships? How do we think about ourselves in relation to other people?

Answer 53

^ are defined by observed behaviors and reported thoughts Define us of our understanding of ourselves Define our understanding of others Engage us in our social worlds

Answer 54

don't confuse bonding with imprinting

Answer 55

Suggested that immediate post-birth skin-to-skin contact between infant and mother would establish a life-long secure attachment relationship between the parent and child And it didn’t work. WHat happened immediately after birth did not predict quality of relationship by parent and child by a year old Peope are not like ducks or geese- we need a long period of time to develop warm emotional relationships

Answer 56

Attachment An emotional relationship between two people that endures across space and time Usually, attachments are discussed in regard to their relation between infants and specific caregivers Attachemnts persits abd are developed into adulthood

Answer 57

Freud (psychiatrist), Dollard and Miller (Behaviorists), Harlow, Bowlby, and Ainsworth

Answer 58

Proposed early experience was important (if not critical) for later development Early relationship quality creates a “prototype” for later rrelationships Quality of early relationships was established through feeding and toilet training

Answer 59

Thought that even very young children have a sexual nature that motivates their behavior and influences their relationships. Erogenous zones- in Freud’s theory, areas of the body that become erotically sensitive in successive stages of development The Developmental Processes (Under Freud) Id- in psychoanalytic theory, the earliest and most primitive personality structure. It is unconscious and operates with the goal of seeking pleasure Id is ruled by the pleasure principle- goal of achieving maximal gratification as quickly as possible. Oral Stage- the first stage in Freud’s theory, occurring in the first year, in which the primary source of satisfaction and pleasure is oral activity Ego- in psychoanalytic theory, the second personality structure to develop. It is the rational, logical, problem-solving component of personality Whereas “the id stands for the untamed passions,” the ego “stands for reason and good sense” (Freud, 1933/1964). Anal stage- the second stage in Freud’s theory, lasting from the second year through the third year, in which the primary source of pleasure comes from defecation. In this stage, the child’s erotic interests focus on the pleasurable relief of tension derived from defecation. Conflict ensues when, for the first time, the parents begin to make specific demands on the infant, most notably their insistence on toilet training. Phallic Stage- pans the ages of 3 to 6. In this stage, the focus of sexual pleasure again migrates as children become interested in their own genitalia and curious about those of caregivers and playmates. Freud believed that during the phallic stage, children identify with same-sex caregivers, giving rise to gender differences in attitudes and behavior. Freud also believed that young children experience intense sexual desires during the phallic stage, and he proposed that their efforts to cope with them leads to the emergence of the third personality structure, the superego. Superego- in psychoanalytic theory, the third personality structure, consisting of internalized moral standards. The superego is essentially what we think of as conscience and is based on the child’s adoption of their caregivers’ standards for acceptable behavior. The superego guides the child to avoid actions that would result in guilt, which the child experiences when violating these internalized standards. Latency period- lasts from about age 6 to age 12. It is, as its name implies, a time of relative calm, with sexual desires hidden away in the unconscious. The fifth and final stage, the genital stage.the fourth stage in Freud’s theory, lasting from age 6 to age 12, in which sexual energy gets channeled into socially acceptable activities. Genital stage- begins with the advent of sexual maturation. The sexual energy that had been kept in check for several years reasserts itself with full force, directed toward peers. Sexual maturation is complete. According to Freud, if fundamental needs are not met during any of the stages of psychosexual development, children may become fixated on those needs, continually attempting to satisfy them and to resolve associated conflicts.

Answer 60

Also viewed feeding as important for the attachment relationship Child-mother relationship Principles of classical conditioning do you form a bond with mother because you like feedings Proponents of behaviorism (see Chapter 9) argued that food, such as breast milk, is the basis for the bond. Infants link food to mothers through the process of classical conditioning, in which food is the unconditioned stimulus that causes the infant to experience pleasure and mothers are the conditioned stimulus linked with the food. From a behaviorist perspective, mothers evoke pleasure in the infant only because of this association (Dollard & Miller, 1950).

Answer 61

Psychologist Harry Harlow proposed another idea, based on his work with rhesus monkeys. Harlow had seen firsthand that infant monkeys reared in a laboratory setting away from their mothers were physically healthy but developed emotional and behavioral problems unless they were given some form of affection and something soft to cling to. Harlow decided to test whether the pleasure of food or the pleasure of comfort was most important to infant monkeys. Both groups of infants spent more time on the cloth mothers, though initially the group fed by the cloth mother spent more time with it than did the monkeys fed by the wire mother (see Figure 11.1). Interestingly, the monkeys fed by the wire mothers increased the amount of time spent on the cloth mothers as they got older, such that eventually they spent as much time on the cloth mother as did the monkeys who were fed by the cloth mother (Harlow, 1958). These results provided Harlow with evidence that infant monkeys strongly preferred, and thus likely needed, the comfort provided by the cloth mother. Harlow’s experiments taught developmentalists about the importance of physical comfort for infant monkeys, but it did so at a severe cost. Many of the monkeys in Harlow’s experiments were extremely disturbed and had difficulties in their later lives. His research has been criticized as unnecessarily cruel and unethical, but he established without a doubt that infants require more than their physical needs being met to thrive in the world.

Answer 62

Studied under Freud What ideas did he adopt from Freud? Influenced by K. Loewnz (1935)- Ethology (behaviors have survival value for organisms) What ideas did he adopt from Lorenz? Babies and children come into the world predisposed to develop attachments Increase the chances of their own survival Adults are predisposed to respond to children Signals and Responses Initially, children signal their need by crying and smiling The process of signaling and responding creates qukality of the attachment relaationsjip

Answer 63

Secure Base=a trusted caregiver Provides an infant or toddler with a sense of security Makes it possible for children to explore the environment Adaptation Value Attachment relationships form because they promote survival Promote survival by providing: emotional support and co-regulation Emotional support and co-regulation Primary (Freudian_ Attachment relationships are primarily as important as food and water for survival Quality: Vary in quality of safety and security and is captured in an individual’s internal working model

Answer 64

internal working model: A cognitive representation of the self and the other in relationships

Answer 65

The self is the child, and the other is the caregiver Constructed as a result of experiences with caregivers (Who talked about this) (Piagetian) Internal Working Model (serves as prototype) Guides children’s interactions with caregivers Guides interaction with other people in infancy and older ages Internal working Model represrtns the Quakity of you're attachment relationship

Answer 66

Worked with Bowlby Is credited with the development of attachment theory & the measurement of attachment quality Initially studied children in Baltimore, MD, USA, and Kampala, Uganda And developed measures of the quality of the relationship

Answer 67

Behaviors Measured Exploration Reunion Joy Stranger Wariness Separation Anxiety Social Referencing What are the patterns of infant attachment? Insecure avoidant Secure Insecure resistant/ambivakent Disorganized Parental Sensitivity hypothesis- caregiving behavior that binvilves the expression of warmth and contingent responsive to children (has some relation ot the kind of classification the children will get) Parental Sensitivity Responsive caregiving Coordinated palty Parents of securely attached infants Respons warmly Sensitive to infant needs Not completely on the caregivers. Some children are more susceptible Genetics Differential Susceptibility Context Cultural Variation

Answer 68

Preattachembt (birth to 6 weeks) Signal (crying) To social and non-social to obtain comfort Attachment-in-the-making (6 weeks to 6-8 months) Indiscriminate to social to discriminant Gradually respond to familiar people by smiling, laughing, and babbling Social smile Develop Cognitive Beliefs Trust Effectance Reciprocity Clear-cut attachment (6-8 months to 1 ½ years) Actively seeks contact with caregivers Exploration Reunion joy Separation distress Stranger wariness Social referencing Reciprocal relationships (1 ½ to 2 years and older) Increased understanding of parents’ feelings, allowing for a more mutual relationship Attachment Theory: Internal Working Model Internal Wokring Models: classified into 4 categories: Secure Insecure Or resistant (often seek other people out but don't feel conmfortaed, and this shows that they don't have a positive representation of the self) (ambivalent, anxious, preoccupied) Or avoidant (dismissing) Disorganized

Answer 69

69 children at 12 months of age were classified as having secure or insecure attachments When children were 3 years old, they participated in an experiment where Children paid attention to positive scenes more, but insecure children remembered negative more than positive, while secure children did the opposite.

Answer 70

(parents, neighborhoods, and the developing brain) looking to see which proximal exposures affect which areas of the brain - harsh parenting and harsh neighborhoods: These studies emphasize that where children live affects the developing brain over and above family-level resources, particularly in brain circuits that support executive function and emotion processing. - Behavioral studies have identified social (e.g., crime, cohesion among neighbors), physical (e.g., toxicants), and resource-based (e.g., access to libraries, school quality)mechanisms that affect the qualities of where children live, learn, and play, which explains why neighbor-hood disadvantage affects children's socioemotional and cognitive outcomes - exposure to community violence appears to be an important, stressful experience that is related to corticolimbic structure and function - For children with very involved parents, living in a disadvantaged neighborhood did not predict increased exposure to community violence, and for those who were exposed, involved parenting decreased the link between this type of exposure and amygdala reactivity. - Beyond parenting, neighborhood social processes may also act as a buffer. Although in a study described, adolescents' exposure to gun violence predicted differences in corticolimbic functional connectivity(Gard, Brooks-Gunn, et al., 2021), living in a neighborhood with high levels of collective efficacy where neighbors reported high levels of social cohesion and informal social control offset the neural implications of gun violence.

Answer 71

(the physical context of child development) - Physical Context and Child Development First-dimension- scale or proximity to child Second-dimension- relates to the temporal dynamics of exposure Third-dimension- consists of direct and indirect environmental effects - Children experiencing crowding are more anxious and aroused, as indicated, for example, by elevated fidgeting or repetitive object play (e.g., playing with hair, tapping a pencil) as well as by self- or caregiver ratings. Children in noisy, crowded, or chaotic settings report more anxiety, stress, and annoyance. They also have greater difficulty focusing, more problems with distraction, and greater difficulty staying on task than their peers in settings without these environmental stressors present. All of these child outcomes have been shown in field studies and in laboratory work. - Furthermore, many noise and reading investigations, including the noisy apartment study described above, prescreened children for hearing deficits. Noise exposure that causes no detectable auditory damage is nonetheless sufficient to produce reading deficits. - Paradoxically, living with too many people in close quarters leads to social isolation. - More recent work also implicates inadequate housing conditions with chronic stress biomarkers (e.g., neuroendocrine hormones, inflammation), and one neuroimaging study revealed alterations in cortical areas associated with decrements in executive functioning. More than a third of American children attend school facilities suffering structural and climatic deficiencies that have been associated in a host of studies with lower standardized test scores. - Finally, we need to be mindful that exposure to suboptimal environments can be cumulative in at least two respects. Some environmental characteristics tend to covary, such as high temperature and pollution or crowding and noise. In addition, effects of environmental exposure likely reflect both concurrent exposures as well as those that have accumulated over the child’s lifetime. Finally, exposures to cumulative environmental risks are endemic to childhood disadvantage. Disadvantaged families are more likely to reside in substandard housing that is crowded and noisy, attend substandard school and day-care facilities, confront chaotic and unstable physical and social conditions, and reside in neighborhoods with more pollution and decaying infrastructure that are often plagued by low social capital and disorder (Evans, 2004). The accumulation of exposure to cumulative risks greatly accentuates adverse outcomes throughout the life course.

Answer 72

(Reality Bites—or Does It?: Realistic Self-Views Buffer Negative Mood Following Social Threat) - Positive illusion theory holds that unrealistically positive, inflated self-views promote emotional resilience - First, participants rated how much they liked each of their classmates (0 = not at all, 3 = verymuch; mean received ratings = 1.75, SD = 0.49). Next, they predicted the ratings they would receive fromeach classmate (mean predicted ratings = 1.64, SD = 0.48). Distortion of selfview was operationalized as the difference in standardized scores between children's perceived status and their actual status (Owens, Goldfine, Evangelista, Hoza, & Kaiser, 2007). The correlation between perceived and actual status was .52. Distortions of self-view ranged fromquite deflated (-2.73; absolute difference = -1.43) to quite inflated (3.13; absolute difference = 1.41). - In fact, inflated self-views increased (rather than decreased) children's emotional distress after threatening feedback; deflated self-views also increased emotional distress after threatening feedback. No such effect occurred after nonthreatening feedback, highlighting the specificity of our findings to conditions of social threat. These results support the view that distorted self-views promote emotional vulnerability and that realistic self-views promote emotional resilience.

Answer 73

- While adults have been shown to enact self-protective processes to buffer their self-views from evaluative threats like peer rejection, it is unclear whether adolescents avail themselves of the same defenses. The present study examines how social evaluation shapes views of the self and others differently across development - This diverse dataset enabled analyses targeting age-related differences in how individuals process these evaluative feedback experiences on several levels. In the domain of self-views, we evaluated expectations of being liked or disliked across development using both explicit (i.e., participants’ predictions) and implicit (i.e., associated response time) measures. We also examined agerelated differences in the extent to which participants’ self-views were enhanced or diminished following the social evaluation task. Additionally, we aimed to identify developmental differences in the degree to which participants updated impressions of peers following social evaluation by having participants rate the likability of each peer before and after the task. Analyses examined whether participants’ ratings of peers changed in accordance with being accepted or rejected (i.e., liking an individual more after they had provided positive feedback; liking them less after they had provided negative feedback).Lastly, we examined participants’ performance on a surprise memory test following the social evaluation task to (i) ensure that participants remembered the feedback they received, which would allow us to interpret subsequent findings as task-induced; and (ii) determine memory equivalency across age, which would provide evidence that subsequent findings were not driven by developmental differences in learning. - we found evidence that adolescents expected and internalized rejection, which negatively impacted their self-views, while adults expected acceptance and processed peer evaluation in a way that enhanced self-views. Furthermore, adolescents’ impressions of their peers were unaffected by the feedback they received, whereas adults deprecated the peers who rejected them. Together, these findings implicated codeveloping processes of reactivity to rejection and self-protective defenses that resulted in adolescents internalizing and adults externalizing negative social feedback. . By contrast, adolescents exhibited lower, yet more accurate, rates of predicted acceptance. - Young adults showed relatively faster responses when predicting acceptance compared with rejection, which could reflect an internal schema more consistent with expecting acceptance. Similar tendencies have been demonstrated previously, wherein adults displayed faster response times when associating the self with positive attributes (34). Adolescents exhibited the reverse trend of longer response times to predict acceptance, which could reflect the fundamentality of biased expectancies of rejection in adolescence. In all, these findings demonstrated robust differences in social expectancies across development, with the transition from adolescence to adulthood characterized by a shift from rejection-congruent to acceptance-congruent expectations. Late adolescents and young adults reported a boost in self-views, which is consistent with a long history of research demonstrating that adults activate compensatory self-enhancement mechanisms following negative feedback, including increases in explicit and implicit self-views (4, 35). By contrast, early adolescents experienced a drop in self-views following exposure to the same social feedback, suggesting that adolescents may not exhibit the selfprotective biases that buffer adults against negative self-views following rejection. These findings extend previous work underscoring the strong negative affective reaction adolescents show in response to peer rejection (15, 18). A In contrast to adults, we found that adolescents did not enhance self-views or denigrate impressions of rejecting peers, suggesting that adolescents do not avail themselves of the self-protective biases that adults do. Another possibility is that adolescents internalize peer rejection because their “self-concept” is still in its developing stages. The self-concept encompasses evaluative self-knowledge and self-worth, which are informed by status or competency across multiple domains (e.g., social, athletic, and appearance) (40) The transition to adolescence is accompanied by a marked change in the complexity of the social environment (13). Adolescents spend more time with peers (42), experience more fluidity in social groups (43), and encounter more frequent feedback from peers (44). Adolescents’ tendency to maintain impressions of peers after experiencing rejection is broadly consistent with their goal of social belongingness. While adults may be more firmly rooted in their social network and can afford to behave in antagonistic ways following the receipt of negative feedback in service of selfprotection (10, 35), this tactic may not be optimal for adolescents who place higher value on social belonging and are still experimenting and affiliating with various social groups. Thus, it may be more beneficial for adolescents to refrain from so readily derogating others following negative feedback. The present study reveals a developmental framework of socioevaluative processing, which delineates age-specific changes in codeveloping processes that shape the integration of peer feedback across age. The resulting adolescent-specific internalization of social feedback may reflect a key challenge of this phase of development: growth in social competence and group affiliation along with progressive tuning of cognitive strategies that help individuals thrive in complex social worlds as adults.

Answer 74

( The Words Children Hear: Picture Books and the Statistics for Language) What language-learning data Sampling procedure might early picture books provide that everyday conversations do not? We addressed this question by comparing the lexical diversity in parent-child conversations and in the texts of picture books. Our principle measure of lexical diversity of unique word types found at multiple sample (token) relative to the total number of words (tokens). For example, the phrase the cat and the dog has a total of five words long, and four word types, because the phrase is five words long, and four word types, because the is repeated so there are four unqiue words. Methods: Words in children’s picture books Words in child-directed conversations Sampling Procedure: Picture books Child-directed conversations Results: More unique word types in the samples drawn from text: moreover, for all sample sizes of 300 tokens or greater, the ranges of unique type counts in samples of speech were completely non-overlappins. Shows that picture books contain more unique words at a given sample size than does child-directed speech (at a rate of 1.72) Shared book reading creates an environment in which infants can learn and be exposed to words they would not have had the opportunity to be exposed to before

Answer 75

( Talking to Children Matters: Early Language Experience Strengthens Processing and Builds Vocabulary) Is early experi ence with language linked to the development of effi ciency in language processing and, if so, do differences in processing efficiency mediate the well-established relation between early language experience and later vocabulary knowledge? Answers to these questions will further the understanding of the developmental path ways linking early language experience, speech-process ing efficiency, and vocabulary growth We examined how these naturalistic measures of caregiver spee related to experimental measures of language processin and to parent reports of expressive vocabulary. Method: We focused on infants from low-SES Latino families, a rapidly growing population of children in the United States at risk for academic difficulties (Reardon & Galindo, 2009) Collected recordings or infants’ interactions with family memebrs during a typical day at home Participants: Participants were 29 Spanish-learning infants (19 females, 10 males) tested at the ages of 19 and 24 months. Family income ranged from less than $25,000 to $75,000 per year, with 79% of families reporting a yearly income below the federal poverty line. Most had not completed high school. Maternal education ranged from 4 to 16 years (M = 10, SD = 3) and was used as the primary index of SES, controlled in all analyses. All parents were native Spanish speakers, and Spanish was the primary language in the homes of all of the children, with English constituting less than 25% of the language spoken in the home. Recordings when child was 19 months old Recorded for an average from 11 hours over the course of 1-6 days Measure of the vocabulary: When the children were 24 months old, parents com pleted the MacArthur-Bates Inventario del Desarrollo de Habilidades Comunicativas: Palabras y Enunciados (Inventario II; Jackson-Maldonado et al., 2003), the Spanish-language version of the MacArthur-Bates Com municative Development Inventories (MCDI). Productive vocabulary scores were based on the number of words parents reported that their child understood and said (comprende y dice" ldren were tested on words that are frequent in child-directed speech and are familiar to most children in the participants' age range, based on the MCDI lexical norms (Dale & Fenson, 1996). When children were 19 months old, the eight tar get nouns were el perro (dog), el libro (book), el jugo (juice), el globo (balloon), el zapato (shoe), el plâtano (banana), la pelota (ball), and la galleta (cookie). When children were 24 months old, four additional familiar words were included: el caballo (horse), elpâjaro (bird), la cuchara (spoon), and la manzana (apple). All of the words were presented in simple sentence frames ending with the target noun, for example, "Mira el perro" ("Look at the dog"). n children were 19 months old, the 8 target nouns were presented four times each for a total of 32 test trials; when children were 24 months old, the 12 target nouns were presented three times each for a total of 36 test tri als. Side of target presentation was counterbalanced across trials, and trial order was counterbalanced across participants. The entire test session lasted 4 to 5 min. Speech-processing efficiency was calculated as the proportion of time the infant spent fixating the target picture out of total time spent looking at either the target or the distracter picture, within 300 to 1,800 ms of target word onset (Fernald et al., 2008). Among these low-SES families, there was striking vari ability in the total amount of adult speech accessible to the infant, which ranged from almost 29,000 adult words to fewer than 2,000 words over the coururse of 10 hr. We next asked whether differences among families in amount of speech available to infants predicted children's vocabulary 6 months later. Those children who heard more child-directed speech at 19 months had larger vocabularies at 24 months (r= .57, ρ < .01), a result con sistent with previous findings (Hoff, 2003b; Hurtado et al., 2008). In contrast, differences in exposure to over heard speech directed to other adults and children were not related to infants' vocabulary size (r = .25, ρ = .2), which suggests that language spoken directly to infants is more supportive of early lexical development than is speech simply overheard by infant ain results. First, we that variation in experience with child-directed sp low-SES Spanish-speaking families predicted chil later vocabulary. This result replicates findings from studies linking caregiver speech and vocabulary d ment in low-SES children (Hurtado et al., 2008; Pan 2005), but our study went beyond earlier resear using all-day recordings of daily interactions in the to sample children's early language environments our measures of child-directed speech minimized tial artifacts introduced by the presence of an obser by parents' reactions to a laboratory setting. Seco recording interactions with multiple family member identifying different sources of adult speech accessi the child, we found that only speech addressed d to the infant, and not speech in adult conversatio heard by the child, facilitated vocabulary learning at age, a result consistent with recent findings from st of children in middle-class English-speaking fam the United States (Shneidman, Arroyo, Levine, & Meadow, 2013) and in Yucatec Mayan families (Shn & Goldin-Meadow, 2012). Third, and most important, speech-processing ciency mediated the relation between child-di speech and vocabulary. This result shows that a step in the path from early language experience t vocabulary knowledge is the influence of lan exposure on infants' speech-processing skill.

Answer 76

(Rational snacking: Young children’s decision-making on the marshmallow task is moderated by beliefs about environmental reliability) However, recent evidence suggests that even very young children possess sophisticated decision-making capabilities for reasoning about physical causality (e.g., Gopnik et al., 2004; Gweon & Schulz, 2011), social behavior (e.g., Gergely, Bekkering, & Király, 2002), future events (e.g., Denison & Xu, 2010; Kidd, Piantadosi, & Aslin, 2012; Téglás et al., 2011), concepts and categories, and word meanings. Deficient capacity hypothesis- One possible explanation for failing to wait for a larger reward is a deficiency in self-control; some children are simply incapable of inhibiting their immediate-response tendency to seek gratification. Young infants, for example, have not yet developed the executive functions necessary for inhibitory control (e.g., Piaget, 1970), as evidenced by the perseveration errors made by up to 2-year-old children in A-Not-B tasks (e.g., Marcovitch & Zelazo, 1999; Piaget, 1954). As predicted by this theory, children’s ability to delay gratification improves with maturation (e.g., Mischel & Metzner, 1962). Maturational changes, however, are insufficient to account for all of the variance in task performance (e.g., Romer, Duckworth, Sznitzman, & Park, 2010). Individual differences in children’s capacities for self-control may account for the remaining variance. Rational decision-making hypothesis- Another possibility is that the variance in children’s performance may be due to differences in children’s expectations and beliefs (Mahrer, 1956; Mischel, 1961; Mischel & Staub, 1965). Under this theory, children engage in rational decision-making about whether to wait for the second marshmallow. This implicit process of making rational decisions is based upon beliefs that the child acquired before entering the testing room. The basis for this theory centers on what it means to be rational in the context of the marshmallow task. In support of this second hypothesis, we present evidence that the reliability of the experimenter in the testing environment influences children’s wait-times during the marshmallow task. Half of the children observed evidence that the researcher was reliable in advance of the marshmallow task, while half observed evidence that she was unreliable. If children employ a rational process in deciding whether or not to eat the first marshmallow, we expect children in the reliable condition to be significantly more likely to wait than those in the unreliable condition. Our experiment provides a fundamental test of this perspective on children’s rational behavior and provides compelling evidence that young children are indeed capable of delaying gratification in the face of temptation when provided with evidence that waiting will pay off. Art project task- Before the marshmallow task, children were first provided with evidence about the reliability of the researcher through the completion of a two-part art project involving a Create-Your-Own-Cup kit (with which children could decorate a blank paper slip to be inserted into a special cup). Each of the project’s two parts involved a crucial choice. In Choice 1, the child could either use well-used crayons or wait for a new set of art supplies. In Choice 2, the child could either use one small sticker or wait for a new set of better stickers. Upon arrival, children were escorted to the ‘‘art project room’’ that was not part of the normal lab space and where parents could covertly observe them from the main lab space. For Choice 1, the researcher presented the child with a small set of well-used crayons in a tightly sealed widemouth jar. The researcher explained that the child could use the crayons now, or wait until the researcher returned with a brand-new set of exciting art supplies to use instead. The researcher then placed the tightly sealed crayon jar in the center of the table and left the child alone in the room to wait for 2.5 min. Though we wanted children to ostensibly have a choice, we wanted them to choose to wait. Thus, the chosen container was intentionally difficult to open. This manipulation was successful, and all children waited the full 2.5 min without using the well-used crayons. In the unreliable condition, the researcher returned without the promised art set and provided the following explanation: ‘‘I’m sorry, but I made a mistake. We don’t have any other art supplies after all. But why don’t you just use these instead?’’ The researcher then helped the child open the jar of well-used crayons. In the reliable condition, the researcher returned with a rotating tray featuring a large assortment of exciting art supplies. (See Appendix A.1 for full scripted dialog.) In both conditions, the researcher encouraged the child to draw for 2 min For Choice 2, the researcher produced a round 1/4-in. reward-style sticker from their pocket sealed inside of a plastic envelope. The researcher explained that they could use the small sticker now, or wait until the researcher returned with a larger number of better stickers to use instead. The researcher then placed the small sealed sticker in the center of the table and left the child alone in the room to wait for 2.5 min. As in Choice 1, the sticker packaging was also difficult-to-open by design: the sticker was glued down and covertly sealed inside the plastic envelope with superglue. This preparation was ultimately unnecessary, however, as children were so occupied with drawing during this delay that they did not examine the sticker. This manipulation was also successful, and all children waited the full 2.5 min. without using the 1/4-in. rewardstyle sticker. In the unreliable condition, the researcher returned without the promised stickers and provided the following explanation: ‘‘I’m sorry, but I made a mistake. We don’t have any other stickers after all. But why don’t you just use this one instead?’’ The researcher then offered assistance to the child in opening the sealed sticker package, and then covertly swapped it out for an identical usable version. In the reliable condition, the researcher returnedwith 5–7 large die-cut stickers featuring a desirable theme (e.g., Toy Story, Disney Princesses). Unbeknownst to the child, the caretaker selected that set of stickers to be especially desirable in advance of the study. In both conditions, the researcher then encouraged the child to work on their drawing for 2 min. Thus, children were provided with two sources of evidence that the experimenter—and more generally the testing situation—was either unreliable or reliable. Marshmallow task The marshmallow task immediately followed the twopart art task. Once the table was cleared, the researcher revealed a single marshmallow to the child and provided the following explanation: ‘‘You finished just in time, because now it’s snack time! You have a choice for your snack. You can eat this one marshmallow right now. Or—if you can wait for me to go get more marshmallows from the other room—you can have two marshmallows to eat instead. How does that sound? [Response.] Okay, I’m going to go get more marshmallows from the other room and turn your picture into a cup! You should stay right here in that chair. Can you do that? [Response.] I’ll leave this [marshmallow] here, and if you haven’t eaten it when I come back, you can have two marshmallows instead!’’ The researcher placed the marshmallow directly in front of the child, 4 in. from the table’s edge. The researcher then quickly collected the art materials and drawing and exited the room. The child was left alone in the room, while under covert observation via webcam, until either they consumed the marshmallow or until 15 min had elapsed. Regardless of whether they waited, each child was ultimately given three additional marshmallows at the conclusion of the study. We note that this final portion of the experimental procedure is slightly different from those used by the studies analyzed in Shoda et al. (1990). Major features of the delay situation are identical; however we did not require children to explicitly signal their desire to stop waiting before eating the lesser treat. The original paradigms involved training children to expect that the experimenter would return upon use of an explicit signal (e.g., ringing a bell). Since this would necessarily provide children with additional information about the experimenter’s reliability (as well as add time and complication to our already lengthy experimental procedure), we omitted it. As an additional benefit, this simplified procedure ensures that even very young children could quickly and easily understand the task. Mean wait-times are shown in Fig. 1. Because the task was terminated at 15 min, children who had not eaten the marshmallow may have waited longer if the experimental design had permitted. Thus, this analysis is a conservative estimate of the true difference between the two conditions. Children in the unreliable condition waited without eating the marshmallow for a mean duration of 3 min and 2 s (M = 181.57 s). In contrast, children in the reliable condition waited 12 min and 2 s (M = 722.43 s). A Wilcoxon rank-sum test (also known as a Mann–Whitney Wilcoxon or a Mann–Whitney U) confirmed that this difference was highly significant (W = 22.5, p < 0.0005). Thus, children in the unreliable condition waited significantly less than those in the reliable condition. We also conducted a binary analysis of whether children waited the entire 15 min without tasting the marshmallow (Fig. 2). In the unreliable condition, only 1 out of the 14 children (7.1%) waited the full 15 min; in the reliable condition, however, 9 out of the 14 children (64.3%) waited. A two-sample test for equality of proportions with continuity correction at a2-tail = 0.05 (Newcombe, 1998) was highly significant (X2 = 7.62, df = 1, p < 0.006). Thus, children in the unreliable condition were significantly less likely to wait the full 15 min than those in the reliable condition. The results of our study indicate that young children’s performance on sustained delay-of-gratification tasks can be strongly influenced by rational decision-making processes. If self-control capacity differences were the primary causal mechanism implicated in children’s wait-times, then information about the reliability of the environment should not have affected them. If deficiencies in self-control caused children to eat treats early, then one would expect such deficiencies to be present in the reliable condition as well as in the unreliable condition. The effect we observed is consistent with converging evidence that young children are sensitive to uncertainty about future rewards (Fawcett et al., 2012; Mahrer, 1956; McGuire & Kable, 2012). We demonstrated that children’s sustained decisions to wait for a greater reward rather than quickly taking a lesser reward are strongly influenced by the reliability of the environment (in this case, the reliability of the researcher’s verbal assurances). More broadly, we have shown that young children’s performance on delay-of-gratification tasks can be strongly influenced by an implicit rational decision-making process.

Answer 77

(Vagal Tone and Children's Delay of Gratification: Differential Sensitivity in Resource-Poor and Resource-Rich Environments) Children from different socioeconomic backgrounds have differing abilities to delay gratification, and impoverished children have the greatest difficulties in doing so. In the present study, we examined the role of vagal tone in predicting the ability to delay gratification in both resource-rich and resource-poor environments. We derived hypotheses from evolutionary models of children's conditional adaptation to proximal rearing contexts. In Study 1, we tested whether elevated vagal tone was associated with shorter delay of gratification in impoverished children. In Study 2, we compared the relative role of vagal tone across two groups of children, one that had experienced greater impoverishment and one that was relatively middle-class. Results indicated that in resource-rich environments, higher vagal tone was associated with longer delay of gratification. In contrast, high vagal tone in children living in resource-poor environments was associated with reduced delay of gratification. We interpret the results with an eye to evolutionary-developmental models of the function of children's stress-response system and adaptive behavior across varying contexts of economic risk. Why would children livingin heightened economic uncertainty show a greater pro pensity toward taking the immediate reward if that deci sion is maladaptive with respect to adjustment? Perhaps part of the answer lies in the tendency for researchers to interpret behavior using theories and mod els of developmental psychology that are based on benchmarks derived largely from children living within relatively secure environments. In summary, we investigated the role of basal vagal tone, assessed during the toddler years, in association with children's decision to delay gratification across resource-rich and resource-poor environmental con texts. In the first study, we used a sample of children living in highly impoverished conditions to test the asso ciation of basal vagal tone with delay of gratification. We hypothesized that higher vagal tone would predict shorter delay of gratification in the context of poverty, consistent with an evolutionary-developmental frame work. In the second study, we sought both to replicate findings obtained in Study 1 and to replicate findingswithin the larger literature by testing how environmental contexts moderated the role of vagal tone in predicting children's delay ability. To maximize comparability, we made certain that the procedures were similar across studies and were approved by the institutional review board at the research site. At the second wave of data collection (i.e., when the children were 4 years old), each child was placed at a small table furnished with two plates and a bell. The experimenter placed two M&Ms on one plate and five M&Ms on the other plate. Children were told how to ring the bell. Then the experimenter pointed out the difference in the number of M&Ms on each plate and told the child that if he or she could wait until the experimenter returned, they would receive the five pieces of candy. If they couldn't wait, they were to ring the bell to signal the experimenter to return, and then they could eat the two pieces of candy. The experi menter then left the room for a 10-min waiting period. Study 2: Data were drawn from a longitudinal study of mother child relationships. For study enrollment, mothers in the high-SES group were required to have completed a bachelor's degree at an accredited 4-year college or university and to have an income not supplemented through government assis tance (e.g., food stamps). Mothers in the low-SES group were required to have not completed a bachelor's degree and to be receiving some form of public assis tance (verified through Department of Human Services records). The goal was to obtain two groups of 70 moth ers each, and recruitment was ended when we had obtained these samples. Mothers and their children visited the lab when the chil dren were 18 months old (Wave 1) and again when the children were 5 years old (Wave 2). The children com pleted the delay-of-gratification task and the mothers filled out surveys at each visit. In results consistent with the larger literature, children in the low-SES group were less likely to delay gratification (58%) than were the children in the high-SES group (41%). Psychological models of self-regulation highlight the importance of resisting impulses to facilitate health and well-being (Calkins, 2009). Empirical research has identi fied vagal tone as a potential early physiological precur sor of children's ability to self-regulate; however, findings have been equivocal to date. In the current study, a first foray into testing the predictive value of vagal tone for children's delay control across environmental conditions, our results across two studies indicate that context mat ters. Specifically, we found that for children in high resource environments, higher levels of vagal tone were associated with delay of gratification in a predictable fashion according to normative models of regulation. These limitations notwithstanding, the present study highlights the potential explanatory utility of integrat ing evolutionary-developmental models within tradi tional developmental research (Davies, Sturge-Apple, & Cicchetti, 2011; Sturge-Apple, Davies, Martin, Cicchetti, & Hentges, 2012) and within clinical interventions (Thibodeau, August, Cicchetti, & Symons, 2016). We contend that viewing development within an evolution ary framework naturally shifts the nature of empirical questions from a value-laden approach focused primar ily on the form of a behavior (inherently good or inher ently bad) toward understanding the proximate function of children's behavior when considered within their rearing context. We believe this is particularly true for interpreting behavior in highly stressful and impover ished conditions. In such contexts, children's develop ment may actually be elegantly honed to match their environmental constraints; thus, of necessity, their behavior may not cohere to normative models of child development.

Developmental Psychology Module 2 Flashcards

(102 cards)