Education: Policy Flashcards
(104 cards)
1
Q
Education policy
A
Refers to the plans and strategies for education introduced by the government. Policies instruct schools and LEAs.
2
Q
19th Century Education policy
A
Industrialisation increased the need for and education workforce and from the late 19th century the state began to become involved in education.
Previously, education was only available to minority of the population.
It was provided by fee-paying schools for the wealthy or by churches and charities for a minority of the poor.
3
Q
1870 Foster Education Act
A
The state began to assume some responsibility and provided free education.
4
Q
1880
A
Education becomes compulsory (from the ages 5-13).
5
Q
Education post 1880
A
In this period education children gained reflected their social class position and it did little to change pupils’ ascribed status.
Middle class pupils followed an academic curriculum and working-class pupils were equipped with basic numeracy and literacy skills needed for routine work and values to encourage deference to authority.
6
Q
Education during WW2
A
The limited education of the majority of the population was highlighted in WW2 when many army recruits were found to be illiterate.
This wastage of talent and resources made many fear that Britain’s industrial performance would be threatened by such a poorly educated workforce.
7
Q
1944 Butler Education Act
A
Introduced to radically change the nature and structure of the education system.
Enshrined the belief of meritocracy.
Based on the notion that every child should be given and equal change to develop their talents to the full within a free system of state education.
8
Q
From 1944
A
Education began to be shaped by the idea of meritocracy.
9
Q
Idea of meritocracy
A
The idea that individuals should achieve their status in life through their own efforts and abilities, rather than it being ascribed by their class background.
10
Q
Tripartite system
A
Introduced by the 1944 Butler Education Act. ‘Tri’ because children were to be selected and allocated to one of three different types of secondary school, supposedly reflecting and according to their aptitudes and abilities.
System was designed to provide separate but equal schooling and the three school types were to have parity of esteem.
11
Q
Parity of esteem
A
Equal status
12
Q
11 + Exam
A
Exam taken by every child at age 11 used to select and allocate pupils to their appropriate school and identify different abilities and aptitudes of students. Educationalists at the time believed this national test was an accurate indicator of the suitability of a particular pupil for a specific school.
13
Q
13 + Exam
A
A later test offered to pupils if it became clear that they had been allocated to the ‘wrong’ school (In reality very few were re-tested and transferred).
14
Q
Secondary Grammar Schools:
A
For pupils who ‘passed’ the 11 + exam - these pupils were mainly middle class. It offered an academic curriculum and access to non-manual jobs and higher education. Less than 20% of the population attended these schools.
15
Q
Secondary Modern Schools:
A
Offered a non-academic, ‘practical’ curriculum and access to manual work for pupils who ‘failed’ the 11 + exam. These pupils were mainly working class.
16
Q
Technical schools:
A
Existed in very few areas with only 5% of the population attending. Therefore in reality the system was more bipartite than tripartite.
17
Q
Evaluation of Tripartite system:
A
Judged to be ‘socially divisive’ by reproducing class inequality through channeling the two classes into two very different types of school offering unequal opportunities. Obstacle to equality of opportunity.
The schools did not have ‘parity of esteem’.
Reproduced gender inequality by requiring girls to get higher in the exam.
Led to regional inequalities - there were disparities in number of grammar places available in different areas.
Legitimated inequality from the ideology that ability is inborn and that it can be measured in a single test.
18
Q
The Comprehensive System
A
Introduced by the labour government in 1965.
Aimed to overcome the class divide of the tripartite system and make education, thus society, more meritocratic and egalitarian. The 11 + was abolished and all pupils within the same catchment area would attend the same mixed ability comprehensive.
19
Q
1965 Labour Government
A
Instructed LEAs to convert to a comprehensive system of secondary schooling as a result of mounting criticisms.
20
Q
Why does the grammar-secondary modern divide still exist in many areas?
A
Because after 1965 it was left to the LEA to decide whether to ‘go comprehensive’ and not all did (particularly conservative run LEAs) As a result, the divide still exists in many areas across the UK.
21
Q
What was the Philosophy behind the Comprehensive system of Education?
A
Emphasised integration and inclusion rather than segregation and separation.
22
Q
Marxist evaluation of the comprehensive system:
A
Argue that comprehensives are not meritocratic . Rather, they reproduce class inequality from one generation to the next through streaming and labelling - in this way they claim the tripartite system still exists but ‘under one roof’. Claim it contributes towards the ‘myth of meritocracy’ by making failure look like it is the fault of the individual not the system.
23
Q
Ford (1969)
A
Found little evidence of social integration as a result of setting and streaming and the location of comprehensive schools drawing pupils from a particular catchment area.
24
Q
Marketisation
A
The process of introducing market forces of consumer choice and competition between suppliers into areas run by the state such as education.
25
1988 Education Reform Act
Introduced by the Conservative government of Thatcher.
26
1988 Education Reform Act
Introduced by the Conservative government of Thatcher. Encouraged marketisation as a central theme.
27
How did the 1988 ERA encourage an 'education market'?
Marketisation created an 'education market' by reducing direct state control over education and increasing competition between schools and parentocracy. In effect schools became more business-like.
28
Thatcher's 'supermarket mentality'
Thatcher argued a 'supermarket mentality' approach to the education system. Comparing competition between schools to competition between independent supermarkets.
29
1988 ERA Policies:
National Curriculum
The government laid down a standardised national curriculum to ensure that schools and pupils concentrate on what they saw as the core and foundational subjects.
30
1988 ERA Policies:
Testing and Attainment Targets
Attainment targets were established and SATs introduced to ensure targets were being met and maintained.
31
1988 ERA Policies:
Publication of league tables and Ofsted inspection reports
Rank each school according to its exam performance e.g. SATs, GCSEs and A-Levels.
32
1988 ERA Policies:
Parental Choice
Parents were given the right to send their children to the school of their choice. Reducing the role of the LEA. To facilitate this, schools produced prospectuses including comparisons of their SATs and exam results with the national average.
33
1988 ERA Policies:
Open enrolment
A policy of open enrolment forced all schools to recruit pupils up to their maximum capacity.
34
1988 ERA Policies:
Formula Funding
A new system of funding was introduced based on enrollments.
35
1988 ERA Policies:
Grant Maintained Schools
Schools were encouraged to opt out of LEA control and become self-governing, funded directly from government. These schools had the right to select pupils through entry exams (Forerunners to academies).
36
1988 ERA Policies:
Local Management of Schools
Act increased the powers and independence of schools. Responsibility of 85% of the budget was removed from LEAs and given to headteachers and governors.
37
Conservative Policies:
The replacement of GCEs (O-levels) AND CSEs with the GCSE qualification in 1988
Got rid of a two tiered system to ensure all pupils left with the same qualifications.
38
Conservative Policies:
1993 Polytechnics were allowed to become universities
Polytechnics - places of higher education but with a shorter heritage than universities e.g. Northumbria.
39
Evaluation of ERA Policies:
National Curriculum
The NC has been accused of being ethnocentric. For example:
African, Afro-Caribbean and Asian History is neglected, and the emphasis is based on the benefits of British colonialism. In literature emphasis is placed on traditional, classical English writers such as Hardy, Shakespeare, and Dickens. European languages dominate the language component of the NC. Religious specifications reflect Christian religious traditions the most.
40
Lawton (1989)
Argued that the National Curriculum undermined local democratic control of education and the independence of the teaching profession by centralising power in the hands of the government. Argued the content of the NC was traditional and unimaginative in its exclusion of certain subjects. Claimed that the NC wrongly neglected important areas of learning such as political understanding, economic awareness, and many other cross cultural themes.
41
Johnson (1991)
Criticised the NC on the grounds that it defined certain types of knowledge as worthy of study while excluding others. He argued that the use of a single curriculum for all pupils based on a common culture did not encourage equality of opportunity.
42
McNeil (1990)
Stated that the national curriculum reflected white Ang,o-Saxon culture and excluded the contribution of minority ethnic groups.
43
Evaluation of ERA Policies:
SATs
Critics argue that SATs have turned education into a rat race. They claim that frequent formal testing of children at a young age can lead to labelling and that it changes the nature of education in a detrimental way.
Critics also argue that schools have become 'Grade factories'.
44
Evaluation of ERA Policies:
Funding Formula
As a result of popular schools gaining more funds, they can attract and afford better qualifies teachers and better facilities. Their popularity allows them to be more selective and attracts more able, generally middle class applicants who can thrive. Whereas, unpopular schools loose income and find it difficult to match the teacher skills and facilities of their successful rivals.
45
Institute for Public Policy Research (2012)
A study of international patterns of educational inequality found that competition-oriented education systems produce more segregation between children of different social backgrounds.
46
Evaluation of ERA Policies:
League Tables
League tables give parents (and others) a misleading impression of the quality of a school. Based only on crude exam data leading critics to argue that they revealed more about the social class backgrounds of pupils than the quality of effectiveness of the school itself. League tables conceal under-performing schools in advantaged middle-class areas and good schools in working-class areas. Emphasis on league table results and presenting a 'good' image to parents in the educational marketplace makes it harder for poorer schools to improve as pupils go elsewhere.
47
Bartlett et al (1993)
Note the introduction of league tables encourages schools to engage in: 'cream-skimming' and 'silt-shifting.
48
Bartlett et al (1993):
Cream-skimming
'Good' schools can be more selective, effectively 'choosing' their own customers and recruiting high achieving, mainly middle-class pupils. As a result, these pupils gain an advantage.
49
Bartlett et al (1993):
Silt-shifting
'Good' schools can avoid taking less able pupils who are likely to get poor results and damage the school's league table position.
50
Evaluation of ERA Policies:
Parental choice
Increased emphasis on testing and competition undermines the principles of comprehensive schooling and represents a move back to tripartite era. Giving parents rights to choose increases segregation between WC and MC pupils as MC parents are in a stronger position to pick schools with a good academic record which then benefit from the more privileged intake.
51
Canadian Centre for Educational Sociology
Conducted 5-year-study in Scotland and found that far from promoting parental choice, increased competition and open enrollment parental choice proved to be a retrograde step. Increased emphasis on testing and competition undermined the principles of comprehensive schooling and represented a move back to tripartite era. Concluded that giving parents rights to choose increased segregation between WC and MC pupils as MC parents were in a stronger position to pick schools with a good academic record which benefited from the more privileged intake.
52
Ball and Gewitz (1995) 1991-94
Conducted research in 14 schools (1991-94) in 3 neighbouring LEAs. They visited 15 schools, attended meetings, examined LEA documentation, and interviewed teachers and headteachers and 150 parents whose children were about to start secondary school. Found that in this new educational climate schools were very keen to attract academically able as opposed to all pupils in order to boost league table position. Detected a shift in emphasis away from what schools can do for pupils, to what pupils can do for schools.
53
What was the aim of Ball and Gewitzs' research?
Aim was to assess the effects of that the ERA reform were having on education for different social groups.
54
What did Ball and Gewitz claim about the shift in education?
They claim that the ERA led to a significant shift in the value framework of educational provision whereby commercial rather than educational principles became increasingly dominant in the making of the curriculum, organisational and resource allocation. They believe in this new climate schools became far more concerned with their image and pupils have become like commodities sought after to promote the school rather than their own needs.
55
Ball and Gewitz:
Privileged-skilled choosers (PSC)
Mainly professional MC parents. Able to exploit the new marketplace in education more effectively than WC parents. Because of their own higher levels of education they were more able to use their cultural and economic capital to ensure their children go to the school of their choice. Found MC parents possess the knowledge, contacts, and capital to understand and compare schools in league tables, know how to access inspection reports, can afford transport costs or move closer to 'best' schools and make headteacher appointments as well as multiple appeals or applications.
56
Ball and Gerwitz identify three main types of parents:
Disconnected-local choosers
Privileged-skilled choosers
Semi-skilled choosers
57
Ball and Gewitz:
Disconnected-local choosers (DLC)
WC parents whose choices were restricted by their lack of cultural capital (less confident in their dealings and knowledge of the school and the admissions procedures and less able to manipulate the system to their own advantage) and economic capital (limited funds meant that the nearest school was often the only realistic option).
58
Ball and Gewitz:
Semi-skilled choosers (SSC)
These parents were mainly WC, but compared to DLC, they were more ambitious for their children. However, they too lacked cultural capital and found it difficult to make sense of the education market, often having to rely
on other people's opinions about schools. They were often frustrated at their inability to get their children into schools they wanted.
59
Is parentocracy real according to Ball and Gewitz?
No. Although in theory the education market gives everyone greater choice, Ball and Gewitz argue that in practice MC parents possess cultural and economic capital and have more choice than WC parents. They concluded that the measures introduced as a result of the ERA designed to make education more market-orientated, actually produced a more socially divisive system.
60
Labour educational policies 1997-2010
The educational policies of the New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown were influenced by both the New Right and Social Democratic ideas, Labour retained and modified NR policies such as marketisation, however at the same time, it was also committed to reducing inequality and aimed to improve WC opportunity.
61
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Expansion of Specialist Schools
Past labour governments were committed to the ideals and principles of the comprehensive system, however Blar believed irt needed to be modernised. This process involved the expansion of Specialist Schools. These were intended to be centres of excellence and raise standards of teaching and learning in their particular specialist subjects. Were able to select 10% of pupils, choosing those with an aptitude for their specialist subject.
62
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
2006 Education and Inspections Act
Gave schools greater freedom to be selective by setting their own admission arrangements. Influenced by the NR.
63
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
'Fresh start' programme (2001)
Failing schools in low income communities were reopened as city academies. They had new head teachers, new staff, new names, uniforms, and sometimes buildings. The key objective was to improve educational standards, particularly in disadvantaged communities, (these can be contrasted with the academisation programme pursued by Coalition government).
64
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Introduction of additional table based on social factors (2006)
Labour accepted the NR view that competition between schools would raise standards and they retained league tables as a means for parents to assess a school's performance. In 2006 labour introduced an additional table based on social factors. As a result schools in low income areas with average exam results might score highly because their results are better than expected in view of the background of students.
65
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Private Finance Initiative (PFI)
Labour initiated programmes of privatisation: exam boards and SATs testing (and some Ofsted inspections) were placed in private hands. It also initiated the PFI, which involved private contractors and the state jointly funding the building of new schools/colleges.
66
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Teaching and Higher Education Act (1998)
Labour introduced tuition fees across the UK for university courses. Originally introduced at around £3,000 per year, they increased to £9,000 per year when the Coalition government were in power (Scotland does not have HE fees).
67
Labour policy document:
Excellence in Cities (1997)
New labour's educational policy was a paradox: while it was influenced by the NR, it was also based on social democratic views and aimed to ensure equality of opportunity. In the policy document 'Excellence in cities' they stated they intended to overcome economic and social disadvantage and to make equality of opportunity a reality.
68
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Education Action Zones (1997)
In 1997 some disadvantaged communities were identified and designated Education Action Zones providing additional resources and funding (This was replaced by their Excellence in Cities programmed in 1999)
69
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Educational Maintenance Allowance (1997)
Introduced in 1997, aimed to increase the number of young people from low income backgrounds to stay in school, study A-Levels and apply to university.
70
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
The New Deal (1998)
For young people, aimed to help the young unemployed gain qualifications to improve their chances of finding work.
71
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Free pre-school nursery provision
Was introduced in 1998.
72
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
'Sure start' children's centres
Aimed to give pre-school children a better start in life. It brought together a range of educational and other services to support poorer parents in order to tackle cultural and material deprivation, which placed WC children at a disadvantage before they even started school.
73
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Gifted and Talented (2002)
Identifies top 5% of students aged 11-18 in inner city secondary schools and provided them with extra support.
74
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Aim higher initiative (2004)
Aimed to widen participation in higher education particularly among students from low income backgrounds.
75
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Raising the school leaving age (2008)
Raising school leaving age to 17 (later increased to 18 in 2015) was designed to reduce the number of 'Neets' ('those not in education, employment, or training').
76
Labour educational policies 1997-2010:
Other
Labour also introduced policies to raise achievement and standards more generally such as reducing primary school class size, introducing the National Literacy Strategy, literacy and numeracy hours, homework clubs, home and school contracts and 'naming and shaming' the worst performing schools.
77
Explain why critics argue that Labour's policy attempts to get more WC students into university were contradictory?
Labour also introduced tuition fees which created a barrier to Higher Education for most students rom WC backgrounds. Students were put off by University Debt.
78
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15
The Conservative-Liberal democrat government elected in 2010 accelerated the move away from an education system based largely on comprehensive schools run by LEAs. Most measures were introduced when Gove was secretary of state for education. These policies were strongly influenced by NR ideas about reducing the role of the state in the provision of education through marketisation and privatisation.
79
Who was the Coalition governments secretary of state for education?
Michael Gove.
80
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15:
Academies
From 2010, all schools were encouraged to leave LEA control and become academies. Academies receive the same level of per-pupil funding as they would receive from the LEA as a maintained school. However, they have greater freedom over how they use their budgets to best benefit their students. They receive their funding directly from the Education Funding Agency rather than from the LEA.
81
What are academies?
Publicly-funded independent schools.
82
What are the benefits of Academies according to Gove?
They benefit from greater freedom from LEA control; greater governing body autonomy; the ability to set their own pay, and conditions for staff; freedoms around the delivery of the curriculum; and the ability to change the length of terms and school days.
83
What is the difference between city academies and academies?
Whereas Labour's original city academies targeted disadvantaged schools and areas, the Coalition government, by encouraging and school to become an academy, removed the focus on reducing inequality.
84
By 2018, 61% of secondary schools and 21% of primary schools...
...had converted into academy status.
85
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15:
Free Schools
Free schools are all ability state-funded schools set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community. Through the Free Schools programme, business leaders, charities, parents, education experts and teachers are able to open schools to address real demand within the area. Teachers do not need a teaching qualification to teach in these schools.
86
What do supporters of free schools claim are positives of them?
Supporters claim free schools give parents and teachers the opportunity to create a new school if they are unhappy with the state schools in their area. They also argue that they improve educational standards by taking control away from the state and giving power to parent.
87
Allen (2010)
Argues that research from Sweden, where 20% of schools are free schools, shows that they only benefit children from highly educated families. Sweden's international ranking has fallen since the introduction of free schools.
88
Coalition Government:
Evaluation of Free Schools
Critics claim that free schools are socially divisive and that they lower standards. In, England, evidence shows that free schools take fewer disadvantaged pupils than nearby schools. For example, in 2011 only 6.4% of pupils attending free schools in Bristol were eligible for FSM, compared to 22.5% of pupils across the whole city.
89
Charter Schools
Charter schools in the US which are similar to free schools have been criticised for appearing to raise standards but only doing so by strict pupil selection and exclusion policies.
90
Ball (2011)
Argues that promoting academies and free schools has led to: Fragmentation, and Centralisation of control.
91
Ball (2011) - Evaluation of Academies and Free Schools:
Fragmentation
The comprehensive system is being replaced by a patchwork of diverse provision - much of it involving private providers, that leads to greater inequality in opportunities.
92
Ball (2011) - Evaluation of Academies and Free School:
Centralisation of Control
Central government alone has power to allow or require schools to become academies or allow free schools to be set up. These schools are funded directly by central government. Their rapid growth has greatly reduced the role of elected local authorities in election.
93
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15:
E-Baccalaureate
Awarded to students with certain subjects. The subjects included are designed to ensure that all pupils have the opportunity to study a broad core of subjects, ensuring that doors are not closed off to them in terms of future progression.
94
Conservative policies post-2015
Moved beyond marketisation and focused on expanding the privatisation of education.
Jan 2016 - Higher Education grants for the poorest uni students were scrapped and replaced with loans.
2016 - Theresa May announced plans to reintroduce selective grammar schools but scrapped her plans when she was reelected with a reduced majority.
95
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15:
Vocational Subjects (2012)
In January 2012 Gove ordered a 96% of GCSE-equivalent vocational qualifications to be stripped from school league tables, following recommendations made in the Wolf report. Therefore, schools were forced to drop valuable technical, practical, and work-related courses or risk getting no credit for the provision. Practical training courses had also been axed, despite recognition by teachers of their value to pupils.
96
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15:
H.E Tuition and EMA
In 2010, the Coalition government increased university tuition fees from 3,000 to 9,000 per year. They also scrapped Educational Maintenance Allowances (EMA) for 16-18 year olds.
97
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15:
A-Levels (2015)
From September 2015, A-levels had to be taken as a linear two-year course, examined at its conclusion (subsequently GCSEs were changed to follow this pattern and a new grading system 9-1 was introduced).
98
Liberal Democrat (Coalition) Policies 2010-15:
Pupil Premium
Pupil premium = money that schools receive for each pupil from a disadvantaged background
99
Who is the E-bac awarded to?
The E-bac is awarded to pupils who achieve GCSEs in English, Maths, a Science, a Foreign Language, and a Humanity at grade C or above.
100
The Russell Group guide - Facilitating Subjects
The Russell group guide on making informed choices for post-16 education identifies 'facilitating subjects' at A-Level. These are the subjects most likely to be required or preferred for entry to a degree courses at Russell Group universities and subjects that the government believe will keep the most options open. The E-bac is composed of these facilitating subjects.
101
Edge Foundation research (2012)
Research by the EF (An independent charity) found that 66% of senior teachers whose schools were cutting vocational provisions admitted the decision had been taken as a result of the changes to the performance tables.
102
85% of teachers agree...
...vocational subjects are valuable for their students.
103
How were A levels set up previous to the Coalition changes?
Since 2000 A-levels were split into AS-levels, taken in year 12, and A2s, taken in year 13. However Gove reformed this.
104
Coalition Government Policies 2010-15:
New School League Tables
Gove introduced new school league tables, giving special credit for pupils who get A-level grades AAB in 'facilitating subjects' such as chemistry, biology, latin, and maths (Most likely to get into elite universities).
