First Semester Case Law Flashcards
(32 cards)
Economic Freedom Fighters v Speaker of the National Assembly; Democratic Alliance v Speaker of the National Assembly and Others 2016 (Nkandla Judgment)
- investigation of allegations of improper conduct or irregular spending relating to the security upgrades at Nkandla private residence
- PP concluded that the President failed to act in line with certain constitutional and ethical obligations by knowingly deriving undue benefit from the irregular deployment of state resources. (State Capture Report)
- Failure to comply with binding remedial action - breach of his constitutional obligations ‘to uphold, defend and respect the constitution as the supreme law of the land’ (p83)
- “His is indeed the highest calling to the highest office in the land … And almost all the key role players in the realisation of our constitutional vision and the aspirations of all our people are appointed and may ultimately be removed by him … He is a constitutional being by design, a national pathfinder, the quintessential commander-in-chief of state affairs and the personification of this nation’s constitutional project.”
Albutt
- Facts: President’s power to give pardon [s84(2)(j)], Special dispensation for crimes committed with a political motive during apartheid: “As a way forward and in the interest of nation-building, national reconciliation and the further enhancement of national cohesion, and in order to make a further break with matters which arise from the conflicts of the past, consideration has therefore been given to the use of the Presidential pardon to deal with this ‘unfinished business’.”
- Victims weren’t given an opportunity to make representations. - This was seen to be irrational, state argued that it wasn’t because bc there was a difference between the amnesty process and granting pardon. SO, was there a rational connection between granting pardons for politically motivated crimes and promoting the TRC and PNURA? NO.
- Judgement 1: Affirmed the Hugo case, all exercises of public power must comply with the CSA. There is no right to a pardon, but is a right to have pardon considered rationally and in good faith. No rational connection in this case.
- Judgement 2: pardon served same purpose as amnesty, so victim still plays central purpose, but wasn’t there. Thus, exclusion of victim participation rendered special dispensation irrational.
Democratic Alliance v President of South Africa and Others (Simelane Case)
- Application for confirmation of an order of constitutional invalidity of the appointment, by the President of Mr Menzi Simelane as National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP), purportedly in terms of section 179 of the Constitution read with sections 9 and 10 of the National Prosecuting Authority Act 32 of 1998.
- It was held that, in the light of, amongst other factors, the criticisms of Mr Simelane in the Ginwala Enquiry Report and in the Public Service Commission Report, the procedure used by the President and the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development to appoint Mr Simelane was not rationally related to the purpose for which the power was granted.
- The Court found that the decision taken by the President was thus constitutionally invalid.
[Rationality review! link between means and end irrational.]
What are the facts of the United Democratic Movement v Speaker of the National Assembly 2017 case?
Facts: March 2017 Zuma dismissed Minister and deputy of finance, South Africa moved to Junk Status. UDM, DA, and EFF thus asked Speaker of NA to table a motion of no confidence. Scheduled for 18 April. UDM asked for it to be a secret ballot, so that it was ‘truly democratic’, some direction for this can be found in CSA. Speaker said that couldn’t do that bc no place in the CSA/rules of the assembly to do so, and she entrusted with Responsibility to entrust House is in strict compliance with the CSA. UDM approached CC to determine whether could use secret ballot or not.
What was the Majority Judgement of the UDM v Speaker of the NA case?
Speaker’s claim that the CSA/Rules of the NA didn’t allow for a secret ballot was false, only Tlouamma stood in her way. Thus, Speaker has full jurisdiction to grant a secret ballot
What does the UDM v Speaker of the NA case say about motions of no confidence?
- “more devastating than impeachment” … “constitutes one of the severest political consequences imaginable - a sword that hangs over the head of the president to force them to always do the right thing.”
- no specific grounds for no confidence.
- attacks all of cabinet, not just the president.
What is the EFF and Others v Speaker of the National Assembly and Another 2017 case about? (EFF 2)
- parliamentary mechanisms for holding the president accountable
- the constitutional obligation of the NA to hold him to account
- (NA holding Puma to account for not implementing remedial action of the Public Protector’s report - ‘pay back the money’)
What were the orders the EFF raised against the Speaker of the NA in EFF and others v Speaker of the NA and Another 2017?
- paragraphs 24 - 28:
- prayer 2: The NA failed to put necessary motions and process in place to hold the President accountable for violating the CSA by failing to implement the report of the Public Protector.
- prayer 3: the NA failed to scrutinise the violation of the CSA by the President in failing to implement the Report of the Public Protector.
- NA’s alleged failures (in prayers 2 and 3) constitute an infringement of s42(3) and/or 55(2) of CSA, read with s1(c) and (d).
- prayer 5: for the NA to put the requisite motions and processes in place to hold the President accountable for his conduct, (and failures) arising from, and incidental to, the report of the Public Protector.
- prayer 6: convene a committee in parliament/other appropriate independent mechanism to investigate the conduct of the president, in particular if they had made themselves guilty of an offence…
What is the constitutional framework set out in EFF and others v Speaker of NA and another?
- CSA adopted principle of separation of powers (President and NE in Ch. 5) s89 and s102 re removal of President from office - these are used to hold president to account, thus, members of NA wield enormous power in this regard (no confidence only needs simple majority, no criteria etc., and protected by s58 re freedom of speech and civil/criminal repercussions)
What does the judgement say about s89 of the Constitution?
- paragraph 196: s89(1) implicitly imposes obligation on the NA to make rules specially tailored for an impeachment process contemplated in that section. NA has in breach of s89(1) of the CSA failed to make rules regulating the impeachment process envisaged in that section.
What was the Majority Judgement of EFF 2?
- failure of NA to make rules regarding s89(1) is a violation of the section and is invalid.
- failure of NA to determine whether president breached s89(1)(a) or (b) is inconsistent with the section and s42(3) of CSA
What was the Democratic Alliance v Speaker of the National Assembly 2016 case about?
- Facts: about legitimacy of the removal of EFF members from the SONA in 2015.
- members of parliament have freedom of speech and are protected from civil/criminal suits and arrests etc re s58(1)(a) (NA) and s71(1)(a) (NCOP) of the CSA.
What is the key question raised by DA v Speaker of the NA?
- Is s11 of the Powers, Privileges, and Immunities of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act unconstitutional?
- “the pluralistic nature of our parliamentary system must be given true meaning. It must not start and end with the election to Parliament of the various political parties. Each party and each member of Parliament have a right to full and meaningful participation in and contribution to the parliamentary process and decision-making. By its very nature, Parliament is a deliberative body. Debate is key to the performance of its functions. For deliberation to be meaningful, and members effectively to carry out those functions, it is necessary for debate not to be stifled. Unless all enjoy the right to full and meaningful contribution, the very notion of constitutional democracy is warped.”
- not unconstitutional - Section 11 of the Act is to be read as though the words “other than a member” appear after the word “person” at the beginning of the section.
The Helen Suzman Foundation v Speaker of the National Assembly
- Did Parliament fail to fulfil its constitutional obligations “to consider, initiate and prepare, and pass legislation that regulates the state’s response to the threat posed and harm caused by SARS-CoV-2 and COVID-19”?
- Can there ever be such a duty? Yes, sections 55 and 7(2) may “in context and in appropriate circumstances trigger a positive obligation on the part of the Parliament and the Executive to initiate and pass legislation. Whether such a duty exists is a fact specific enquiry and will depend on a consideration of the facts and circumstances in each case.”
- The applicant claimed the Disaster Management Act only conferred short-term powers on Minister to make regulations as long as Parliament cannot exercise their powers to create new, more specific legislation. “Disaster” is defined as “a progressive or sudden, widespread or localised, natural or human-caused occurrence which (a) causes or threatens to cause… death, injury or disease…
- Con Court rejected this. DMA can be used to deal with longer term disasters.
Doctors for Life International v Speaker of the National Assembly and others
- Sections 59(1)(a) and 72(1)(a) of the Constitution states the NA and NCOP “must facilitate public involvement in the legislative and other processes” of the two houses of Parliament.
- Application challenging the constitutional validity of four health related Bills on the basis that Parliament failed to fulfill its constitutional obligation to facilitate public involvement when passing the Bills.
- majority held that the obligation to facilitate public involvement is a material part of the law-making process and failure to comply with it renders the resulting legislation invalid. He accordingly declared the Traditional Health Practitioners Act and the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Amendment Act invalid, but suspended the order of invalidity for eighteen months.
- He also held that Parliament had not acted unreasonably in facilitating public participation in terms of the Dental Technicians Amendment Act as there had been no public interest.
- Yacoob J dissented (Skweyiya J concurring), van der Westhuizen J (wrote concurring dissent in separate judgment).
Give a synopsis of the Tongoane and others v Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs and Others case.
- Application for confirmation of a declaration made by the North Gauteng High Court that various provisions of the Communal Land Rights Act were invalid.
- The High Court had refused to declare the entire Act unconstitutional for Parliament’s failure to enact it in accordance with the correct procedure prescribed in section 76 of the Constitution.
- The Court held that there is a difference between determining whether the National Assembly or the National Council of Provinces has the competence to legislate in a particular field, and determining how a Bill ought properly to be tagged and enacted. These were two different processes for which two different tests were to be applied.
- Reaffirming the decision in Liquor Bill, the Court held any Bill the provisions of which substantially affected the provinces had to to be enacted by the procedure stipulated in section 76 of the Constitution. - - The Court found that Parliament had followed an incorrect procedure in enacting the Act and accordingly declared it invalid in its entirety for want of compliance with the procedures set out in section 76. Judgment: Ngcobo CJ (unanimous).
Justice Alliance of South Africa v President of the Republic of South Africa and others, and two similar applications
- Applications for direct access to challenge the constitutional validity of section 8(a) of the Judges’ Remuneration and Conditions of Employment Act (Act) and the President’s extension of the Chief Justice’s term pursuant to it.
- Section 176(1) of the Constitution provides that a Constitutional Court judge holds office for a non-renewable term of 12 years or until he or she reaches the age of 70 years, whichever is sooner, except where an Act of Parliament extends the term of office of a Constitutional Court judge.
- Section 8(a) of the Act purported to allow the President to request a Chief Justice who is about to be discharged from active service to continue in office as the Chief Justice for an additional period determined by the President.
- The Court held that by empowering the President to extend the term of office of the Chief Justice section 8(a) usurped the power the Constitution entrusted to Parliament. Parliament alone has the power to extend a Constitutional Court judge’s term of office. Section 8(a) therefore amounted to an unlawful delegation of a legislative power.
- The Court further held that, properly interpreted, section 176(1) does not permit the singling out of any one Constitutional Court judge, such as the Chief Justice, for the extension of his or her term.
- The Court was unanimous that in this case the extension of the term of office of the Chief Justice only was constitutionally invalid. The Court granted direct access in view of the urgency of the matter, and declared section 8(a) and all conduct pursuant to it unconstitutional, and granted an order that the extension of the term of office of the Chief Justice was of no force and effect
President of the Republic of South Africa and Another v Hugo
- ‘Whether the President is exercising constitutional powers as head of the executive (i.e. the Cabinet) or as head of state, he is acting as an executive organ of government. His powers are neither legislative nor judicial and there is no fourth branch of government.’
President of the Republic of South Africa v Office of the Public Protector and Others (State Capture)
- ‘The primary question, that is pertinently raised in this case, is whether the President’s constitutional power to appoint a commission of inquiry can permissibly be limited by remedial action taken by the Public Protector.
- ‘To sum up, even though the Constitution vests in the President the power to appoint a commission of inquiry, this power is not an untrammelled one; it must be exercised within the constraints that the Constitution imposes. The President’s power to appoint a commission of inquiry will necessarily be curtailed where his ability to conduct himself without constraint brings him into conflict with his obligations under the Constitution.’ [71]
SARFU III
Constitutional Court observed that:
- “The constraints upon the President when exercising powers under s 84(2) are clear: . . . the exercise of the powers does not infringe any provision of the Bill of Rights; the exercise of the powers is also clearly constrained by the principle of legality and, as is implicit in the Constitution, the President must act in good faith and must not misconstrue the powers.”
outlined the constitutional framework and manner in which the exercise of public power is regulated:
- “The exercise of public power is regulated by the Constitution in different ways. There is a separation of powers between the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary which determines who may exercise power in particular spheres. An overarching Bill of Rights regulates and controls the exercise of public power, and specific provisions of the Constitution regulate and control the exercise of particular powers.”
Corruption Watch (RF) NPC and Another v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others; CASAC v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others 2018
- Multiple criminal charges against former President Zuma at a time when power to appoint the National Director of public Prosecutions (s 179(1)(a)) had to be exercised
- Applicants argued: President is conflicted per s 96(2)(b) of the Constitution – President cannot act in any way that is inconsistent with office, or expose themselves to any situation involving the risk of a conflict between their official responsibilities and private interests;
- Applicant’s proposed solution? Section 90(1)(a) of the Constitution - When the President is absent from the Republic or otherwise unable to fulfil the duties of President, or during a vacancy in the office of President, Deputy President may act as President. see para [12]
- President – s 90(1) cannot be used in a case when you have a President capable of acting, would mean we could have two persons as President power; that even if President was conflicted, conflict falls away as he would have to exercise power with members of cabinet who were not conflicted.
- Court: ‘In a rights-based order, it is fundamental that a conflicted person cannot act; to act despite a conflict is self-evidently to pervert the rights being exercised as well as the rights of those affected’. Para [112]
Singh v Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development and Others 2013
- Shortlisting criteria for magistrates excluded disability as criteria (driver’s license requirement could not be met by blind persons)
-Singh argued failure to take disability into account violated her right not to be discriminated against on the grounds of disability. - Magistrates Commission argued that there was no obligation to take disability into account, only race and gender
- Court: Section 174(2) includes disability - The Equality Court held that the provision in s 174(2) had to be considered in light of the Constitution as a whole. In this case, s 9(2) of the Constitution, read with the Equality Act, ‘clearly’ imposed ‘a complementary duty on the state to take active measures to promote the equality of people with disabilities’ para [24]
- Purpose of s 174(2): Redressing historic disadvantage - ‘The injunction to consider race and gender, in terms of section 174 (2) of the Constitution, when making judicial appointments is clearly fair and constitutional having regard to the history of South Africa. Importantly, is the need, in terms of the Constitution to advance the position of people with disabilities.’
- Promotes diversity which increases legitimacy and improves judicial outcomes – ‘The Constitution obliges that the judiciary should be legitimate and diverse, importantly, and also that the categories of people who were previously discriminated against should be advanced. The first obligation does not eclipse the latter but reinforces it and compliments it.’
Van Rooyen and Others v S and Others
Magistrates Commission and Others v Richard John Lawrence
- Mr Lawrence, a white male, applied for three posts to magistrates but not shortlisted
- Magistrates Commission transcript revealed race a huge factor in decision to not shortlist - ‘Take away the whites’
- Section 174(2) criteria must be balanced with other criteria – Magistrates Commission could not use s 174(2) as an upfront disqualifying measure for shortlisting
- ‘Take away the whites’ suggests the application of a rigid exclusionary criterion base on race. The record reflects the same position taken and practice applied by the Committee pertaining to the other two posts; a targeted exclusion of white candidates. It is manifest from the transcript that the Committee was not prepared to consider any of the other criteria in relation to Mr Lawrence. There ought to have been no fixed order or sequence of prioritisation of the listed criteria, but rather a consideration of all of the relevant criteria and, where necessary a balancing of the one against the other. There is always the question of the weight to be allocated to the different factors in any given situation. Depending on the circumstances, certain factors may have to assume greater significance than the others, but the Committee cannot adopt a blanket approach that prioritises one factor to the exclusion of all the other factors.
- ‘Mr Lawrence had criminal, civil and family law experience. The Committee did not balance the relevant experience, qualifications, needs of that office and the appropriate managerial skills, instead it used race as a guillotine to exclude from consideration candidates who were white.’
- ‘The legislative scheme does not permit a targeted group approach, precisely because no one factor can at the outset override or take precedence over other factors. The starting point of the exercise was therefore fundamentally flawed. The record shows that the process was rigid, inflexible and quota-driven. The blanket exclusion of white persons, no matter how high they may have scored in respect of the other relevant factors is revealing. Any white candidate, no matter how good, was mechanistically excluded.’