Lecture 7 + 8 Flashcards

1
Q

A high-choice media environment:

A

In a few decades, from a world where:
Most people exposed to the same news content
Even those not very interested in the news are exposed to it.

To a world where:
People can choose from many different news sources
People play a more important role in the dissemination of news in detriment of news companies/journalists.

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2
Q

6 concerns about ‘recent’ changes in political information environments

A
  1. Declining amount of political news
  2. Towards declining quality of news
  3. Power concentration and decreasing diversity? Decline in revenue and resources → media concentration.
  4. Towards increasing polarization and fragmentation
  5. Towards increasing relativism
  6. Towards increasing inequalities
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3
Q
  1. Declining amount of political news
A

In absolute terms, there are mow more political news.
In relative terms, hard political news play a much secondary role in detriment of soft political news.

A decline in the demand of political news:

  • Clear decline in the consumption of “traditional” news.
  • Higher consumption of news online but many things not hard news.

How much quality is enough? It depends on the normative democratic model one uses as reference. At least:

  • Cover topics relevant for people to be informed citizens
  • True information
  • Balanced (the different sides are presented)
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4
Q
  1. Towards declining quality of news
A

Concern from a demand perspective: economic pressure will bring media companies to increase amount of soft news…

But mix evidence, varies accros countries.

“There is no compelling evidence of a universal downward trend towards declining quality in terms of more soft or game-framed news” (p.9)

BUT…
• Decrease in the resources of journalists and media outlets
• Increasing resource inequalities between outlets

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5
Q
  1. Power concentration and decreasing diversity? Decline in revenue and resources → media concentration.
A

Decreasing diversity?

Diversity Paradox: More outlets (because online world) but they are less diverse.

The more media outlets, the fewer outlets people consume. People find and stick to their niche .

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6
Q
  1. Towards increasing polarization and fragmentation
A

More media outlets available online → greater supply of niche/partisan media.
• Fragmented audience?
• Filter bubbles? balkanization?

Some selective exposure: people do prefer those media outlets that align their own views.

Some evidence of a polarization effect of news: the more pro-attitudinal news/info, the more polarized.
• Although this seems to be the case particularly for those who are already quite polarized and/or really interested in politics (a minority).

“Although the supply of biased information has increased, particularly online, news media with an ambition to cover politics in a balanced and neutral way still constitute the main source of political information for most people” (p.14)

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7
Q
  1. Towards increasing relativism
A
  • Increasing relativism towards facts
  • Prevalence of opinions over fact-based/investigative journalism
  • Problematic because politicians/citizens rely on factual info to make decisions

Supply

  • Media organizations have fewer resources to clearly investigate stories.
  • Having an opinion pundit is less expensive that doing extensive research on a topic.ds
  • Social media facilitates the dissemination of unchecked and false information (no gatekeeper).
  • Organizations specialized in the production of biased information (interest groups, think tanks, etc.)
  • How much misinformation is out there? → There will be a lecture on this!

Demand
• Confirmation bias and Motivated reasoning: people likely to believe (and not fact-check) pro-attitudinal information. There is a public demand for biased information.

• How to correct beliefs in misinformation? → There will be a lecture on this!

Demand • Confirmation bias and Motivated reasoning: people likely to believe (and not fact-check) pro-attitudinal information. There is a public demand for biased information. • How to correct beliefs in misinformation?

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8
Q
  1. Towards increasing inequalities
A

Increasing media choice → increasing inequality in media usage → increasing political inequalities

A growing knowledge gap between news seekers and news avoiders.

conclusion: the state of affairs is not that bad

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9
Q

Digital Media and Collective Action

Towards new mobilization forms

A

15-M Indignados (2011). Protesters:

  • not regularly involved in formal political/civic organizations
  • no formal affiliation with political groups
  • much younger than “average protester

” How were so many people able to organize a large and sustained mobilization without the support of strong organizations and resources?

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10
Q

The logic of collective action reconsidered

A
  • Common good problem: people benefit from collective action even if they don’t participate
  • Free rider problem: people have an incentive to not participate
  • Strong organizations with resources are key to successful collective actions (resource mobilization theory )

But in the current post-industrial era:

  • formal political engagement in decline
  • people still interested in politics
  • but seek personal expression rather than group identifies
  • from group-based to individualized society
  • from strong-ties to weak-ties networks
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11
Q

Two broad organizational changes that allowed for a new type of collective actions:

A
  1. Political content in the form of easily personalized ideas (We are the 99%).
  2. Technology platforms taking over the role of organizations (communication inside/outside publics, recruitment, etc.).
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12
Q

The Logic of Connective Action

A
  • Social media did not only change the speed/pace/size of traditional mobilization tactics.
  • A new logic:
    * Self-motivated participation (a need to express one’s feelings) → participation is not a cost
  • Mass public self-expression of grievances/feelings, cascading through networks, potentially building large focal points → putting pressure on policy makers
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13
Q

Digital media contributed to solve many problems discontent population of non-democratic countries often face.

A
  1. Preference falsification
  2. Shared Grievances
  3. Bandwagon effect
  4. Traceability
  5. Reaching to outside international audiences
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14
Q
  1. Preference falsification
A
  • People are afraid of speaking up and protesting (repression)
  • They do not share their private (anti-government) beliefs
  • Discontent people (majority) believe they are a minority
  • On social media people can speak up more/less anonymously/freely, breaking patterns of preference falsification
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15
Q
  1. Shared Grievances
A
  • State-controlled media
  • Citizens rather uninformed about a wide range of grievances
  • Via social media they can bypass government censorship a learn about new grievances
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16
Q
  1. Bandwagon effect
A
  • People don’t want to be the first ones to go on the streets (repression)
  • When a critical mass already on the streets, individual repression is less likely
  • Social media flooded with images of peoples already on the street
17
Q
  1. Traceability
A
  • Opposition groups often heavily rely on their leadership and key logistical infrastructure
  • A horizontal networked movement is less traceable and harder to take down
18
Q

Reaching to outside international audiences

A
  • Key for increasing the scope of the conflict and put pressure on the government (boomerang effect)
  • Very difficult when no freedom of the press
  • Digital media allows for direct and free movement of information to inside but also outside publics
19
Q

5 phases of the story of digital media & Arab spring

A

1 preparation: early tech-savy activists who start sharing grievances and building community 2 ignition: incident / triggering event

3 street protests

4 international buy-in

5 climax: win or lose moment

20
Q

Digial Media & Democratic Backlash

A
  • Social media can be used for pro but also anti-democratic goals
  • General discussion (Tucker et al.)
  • How governments (e.g. China) censor social media (King et al.)
  • How online incivility discourages politicians to use social media (Teocharis et al.)
21
Q

2 initial observations Article Tucker et al. (2017):

A

(1) Social media give a voice to those whose views are normally excluded from political discussions in the mainstream media.
- Protesters seeking more/better democracy
- Antisystem forces seeking to undermine democracy
- Theocharis et al. (2016)

(2) The platforms of information freedom can be exploited in order to silence others.
- Authoritarian censors

  • Illiberal, antisystem forces within democratic regimes
  • King et al. (2014)
22
Q

Key takeaway Article Tucker

A

“Social media are neither inherently democratic nor inherently undemocratic. Rather, social media constitute
a space in which political interests battle for influence, and not all these interests are liberal or democratic” (p.48)

23
Q

The 3Fs (Roberts 2018)

A

Fear, friction and flooding

24
Q

Fear:

A
  • Inciting fear is a classic tool in the tool-belt of authoritarian regimes.
  • Authoritarian governments today use digital tracking in order to imprison opponents who voice their claims on social media.
  • Pan & Siegel (2020) “How Saudi Crackdowns Fail to Silence Online Dissent”

Pan & Siegel (2020)
Visible opponents on social media reduce activity after being arrested

Visible opponents on social media are less anti-regime after being arrested

BUT no effect on followers! So doesn’t seem to be working very well…

25
Friction:
Authoritarian governments can also try to block opposing online content * Shutting down the internet or particular pages/platforms * Surgical removal of social media posts (King et al. (2014)) * Algorithmic manipulation of search results
26
Flooding:
* Trolls * Bots * Promote regime propaganda * Overflow the internet when attention to opposition content spikes - Chinese govt fabricates 448 posts million/year (King et al. 2017) * Harass people online * Fake news A tactic pioneered by authoritarian countries that can also be used in democratic countries to undermine the system. * ISIS to recruit, coordinate, etc. * Man’s rights * Alt right * ... A model of disruption that has come to stay!
27
What's next? Things to take into account when trying to fix the problem
* Democratic regimes much more constrained than authoritarian regimes in regulating online speech: pros and cons. * Debates around repression, censorship, surveillance. * From a technical side, it is very difficult to detect bots, trolls, fake news, etc. * What role should companies do? Resources? Transparency?
28
* How censorship in China allows government criticism but silences collective expression (2013, APSR) * How the Chinese government fabricates social media posts for strategic distraction, not engaged argument (2017, APSR) * Reverse-engineering censorship in China: Randomized experimentation and participant observation (2017, Science)
Motivation and hypotheses: • A key goal of authoritarian regimes is to stay in power • Oppressing dissent becomes crucial to accomplish such goal. Nowadays, social media censorship is key to fighting dissent. • 2 relevant forms of dissent: - State critique - Collective action Experimental design • Selected top 100 social media sites in the country (87% of the social media volume) • Created 2 accounts for each site • Posted messages about collective (and non-collective) action events. • Chose non-collective action events related to criticism of party elites and about corruption • 2×2 design: Pro v. Anti // Collective Action v. Non-Collective Action • Posts posted by RAs in China. Controlled for: • Same keywords • Same author • Between 100-200 characters Results: Automatic review • Selected top 100 social media sites in the country (87% of the social media volume) * Created 2 accounts for each site * Posted messages about collective (and non-collective) action events. * Chose non-collective action events related to criticism of party elites and about corruption • 2×2 design: Pro v. Anti // Collective Action v. Non-Collective Action * Posts posted by RAs in China. Controlled for: * Same keywords • Same author • Between 100-200 character
29
Coll. Action / Aut. Review
• Posts selected for review are not more likely to be deleted after accounting for whether the post promotes a collective action.
30
Results: Collective Action
• Posts on collective action between 20-40% percentage points more likely to be censored (no matter if pro/anti government)
31
Results: Automatic review
* Selected top 100 social media sites in the country (87% of the social media volume) * Created 2 accounts for each site * Posted messages about collective (and non-collective) action events. * Chose non-collective action events related to criticism of party elites and about corruption • 2×2 design: Pro v. Anti // Collective Action v. Non-Collective Action * Posts posted by RAs in China. Controlled for: * Same keywords • Same author • Between 100-200 characters * 66/100 sites automatically review posts posted on the site * 40% of the posts they submitted * relevant differences between private v. state-controlled platforms * state(-controlled) platforms are (over)cautious when it comes to review posts Reviews indeed seem to aim at taking a closer took to posts potentially related to collective action and state criticism.
32
Results: Gov. Criticism / Aut. review
• Reviews are overcautious. Pro-government content slightly more likely to be selected for review.
33
Results: Goverment Criticism
* Posts against the government are not more likely to be censored than those in favor. * Responsive authoritarianism, in line with their 2013 APSR paper
34
Three main ways in which politicians use social media:
* Marketing: building a public image. * Mobilization: campaign events, volunteer, donate, vote, etc. * Dialogue: the most revolutionary from a normative view.
35
Risks of engaging with people on social media:
* loss of discourse control. * ambiguity of campaign message. * additional risks: harassment and trolling.
36
Hypotheses and Data
H1 Politicians make broadcasting rather than engaging use of Twitter. H2 Engaging style of tweeting is positively related to uncivil responses. Data: * Spanish, British, Greek, and German candidates who ran for a seat during the 2014 European Parliament elections. * 2,482 out of 15,527 identified MEP candidates (16%) had a presence on Twitter. * a dataset containing every tweet, retweet, and response of a candidate as well as all the responses to these tweets. Plus any tweet mentioning the candidate.
37
Method + findings
Automatically coded tweets for the following dimensions: 1 Communication style: - Broadcasting: @PaulBrannenNE – “Labour’s freepost election address dropping through letter boxes across the North East this week.” - Engaging: - @GreenJeanMEP – “@klebudd Thank you Katie. We aimed for a positive campaign #VoteGreen2014” 2 Politeness: - Polite: “@paulmasonews why doesnt #EU take a longer term view? Doesnt #Germany remember their 1940s bailout allowing recovery & growth? #Greece” - Impolite: “@Nigel Farage How’s your dirty European non British dirty bitch of a wife? Is she ok? Can’t imagine what it’s like for you.” 3 Morality/Democracy: references to moral and/or democracy issues Findings: Broadcasting v. Engaging Percentage of broadcasting (v. engaging) tweets sent by candidates to the EP: • UK 47% • Spain 55% • Germany 63% • Greece 74% + Engaging → + Trolling • candidates who send more engaging tweets are also more likely to receive more impolite responses • candidates who send more engaging tweets in a given week are more likely to be exposed to more impolite responses the following week • tweets that are classified as engaging also tend to receive more impolite responses