Political Parties And Policies

Question 1

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

Introduction

Answer 1

Ideological coherence refers to the extent to which a political party operates under a consistent set of principles and policy positions in a shared philosophical foundation. For the Conservative Party, this has historically meant a blend of traditional values such as order, hierarchy, pragmatism and a belief in individualism and free markets. While the party has always contained a broad ideological spectrum, it has typically maintained unity through strong leadership and electoral success.

However in recent years particularly following Brexit, the Covid 19 pandemic, and repeated leadership changes, the party appears increasingly fragmented. Deep policy contradictions and factional disputes across economic, social and constitutional domains have raised serious questions about whether the Conservative Party remains ideologically coherent. While some argue that the party’s diversity reflects pragmatic adaptability, a more convincing argument is that the contemporary Conservative Party is marked by a deep and growing ideological incoherence

Question 2

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

1: Economic policy divisions have fractured the Conservative Party’s ideological identity

Point

Answer 2

It could be argued that the Conservative Party continues to demonstrate economic coherence through its underlying commitment to free-market principles, a legacy entrenched by Margaret Thatcher’s premiership in the 1980s

Question 3

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

1: Economic policy divisions have fractured the Conservative Party’s ideological identity

Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 3

-Thatcherite conservatism championed neoliberal economic theory, rooted in Hayekian scepticism of state intervention and a belief in the invisible hand of the market.

-David Cameron (2010–2016)
1. After entering office in 2010, David Cameron’s coalition government launched an £81 billion austerity programme aimed at reducing the UK’s budget deficit, which had reached over 10% of GDP following the global financial crisis.
2. The Cameron government introduced the Welfare Reform Act 2012, which imposed a benefits cap and introduced Universal Credit, reflecting a fiscally conservative belief in reducing welfare dependency and shrinking state expenditure.

(market-oriented, individualised approach to welfare—emphasizing personal responsibility, work incentives, and reduced dependency on the state. Its structure prioritizes cost control and behavioural nudges over broad collectivist support, aligning with the Conservative goal of a streamlined, conditional welfare state.)

(They reflect a belief that welfare should be a temporary safety net rather than a long-term income, reinforcing the idea that work should always pay more than benefits. These caps prioritize limiting state dependency and promoting individual responsibility over collective provision.)

Rishi Sunak (Chancellor 2020–2022, PM 2022–present)
1. As Chancellor, Rishi Sunak initially oversaw £376 billion in COVID-19 spending, but by his 2021 Autumn Budget, he signalled a return to fiscal discipline by announcing a rise in Corporation Tax from 19% to 25% and limiting departmental spending increases.
2. As Prime Minister, Sunak has made halving inflation and reducing public debt two of his top five priorities, reaffirming fiscal conservatism by resisting unfunded tax cuts and emphasizing economic stability over short-term populism.

This was framed not as anti-business, but as a pragmatic conservative move to restore fiscal credibility, maintain market confidence, and protect the economy from inflationary pressure—aligning with One Nation Conservatism, which supports limited but effective state intervention to maintain national stability.

Question 4

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

1: Economic policy divisions have fractured the Conservative Party’s ideological identity

Volta

Answer 4

However, a more convincing argument is that the Conservative Party has undergone a profound internal rupture on economic ideology, driven by contradictions between free-market libertarians, fiscal conservatives and state-interventionist populists.

Question 5

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

1: Economic policy divisions have fractured the Conservative Party’s ideological identity

Points and Analyses (FOR)

Answer 5

-Boris Johnson’s premiership marked a sharp departure from both Thatcherite liberalism and Cameronite austerity. His “levelling up” agenda was predicated on state-led regeneration of neglected regions- a paternalistic strategy reminiscent of One Nation conservatism of the 1950s, which advocated government-led investment to preserve social cohesion.

-during the Covid-19 pandemic, the Johnson administration implemented the largest peacetime intervention in the British economy: over £400 billion in furlough schemes, business relief and NHS spending.

-while some might argue this was necessitated by crisis, it revealed a willingness to abandon longstanding party orthodoxy in favour of Keynesian stimulus and deficit-financed investment- more in line with the economic instincts of New Labour than Thatcherism.

• 1. Despite his fiscally conservative reputation, Sunak’s 2020 furlough scheme covered 80% of workers’ wages and cost over £70 billion — a large-scale state intervention unprecedented since the post-war consensus era.
  2. In March 2021, Sunak launched the “Super Deduction” tax incentive, offering companies 130% capital allowances to boost investment — a proactive, growth-driven policy more aligned with New Labour’s blend of market support and state activation.

As Prime Minister, Sunak approved a £94 billion package to help households with energy bills during the 2022–23 crisis, including a universal £400 grant — a broad-based state intervention reminiscent of New Labour’s redistributive instincts.
2. In January 2023, Sunak extended the windfall tax on energy companies to fund public support schemes, marking a departure from traditional Conservative orthodoxy and aligning more with New Labour’s willingness to tax excess profits for social aims.

Question 6

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

1: Economic policy divisions have fractured the Conservative Party’s ideological identity

Evaluation

Answer 6

These events have made the Party’s economic direction unintelligible. Backbench MPs from the 2019 Red Wall cohort, many elected on promise of economic rejuvenation, now advocate for increased public spending- particularly in transport, healthcare and energy- which places them in direct opposition to small-state traditionalists. Meanwhile, think tanks like the eInstitute of Economic Affairs and the Centre for Policy Studies continue to push for deregulation and tax reduction, showing the presence of multiple, incompatible economic visions within the party.

Liz Truss’s mini-budget in September 2022 — which included £45 billion in unfunded tax cuts such as abolishing the 45p top rate and reversing the National Insurance hike — reflected radical fiscal conservatism and mirrored free-market principles promoted by the Institute of Economic Affairs.
2. Following the mini-budget, the IEA publicly praised Truss for “a refreshing commitment to economic liberalism,” highlighting her alignment with its libertarian stance, though the resulting market turmoil forced a rapid U-turn and her resignation within 49 days.

The Party’s current economic platform is this not ideologically coherent but a fragile and unstable compromise between opposing factions.

Question 7

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

2: on social and cultural values, the party is deeply divided between libertarian and authoritarian instincts.

Point

Answer 7

It could be argued that the Conservative Party maintains coherence through a continued commitment to traditional social conservatism- a belief in order, duty, national identity and the preservation of cultural continuity.

Question 8

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

2: on social and cultural values, the party is deeply divided between libertarian and authoritarian instincts.

Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 8

-The Party’s approach to crime, for example, remains firmly authoritarian: it has consistently advocated tougher sentences, stronger police powers, and expanded use of stop-and-search. The Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act (2022) reflects this, criminalising disruptive tactics and expanding police discretion- a policy approach that echoes Burkean notions of preserving order through strong institutions. This has expanded police numbers by 20000 and proposes tougher penalties for knife crime and repeat offenders.

-Similarly, the party’s hardline stance on immigration- including the pursuit of the controversial Rwanda deportation scheme- reflects a belief in border sovereignty and controlled demographic change, traditionally central to British conservatism.

-Home Secretaries like Priti Patel and Suella Braverman have positioned themselves as defenders of the cultural and legal boundaries of the nation-state, reinforcing the image of the party as ideologically aligned with post-Brexit national conservatism. As Home Secretary under Johnson, has promised “back the police”, with increased stop-and-search powers and tougher sentencing.

-Additionally, the party has frequently defended British heritage institutions against progressive reforms, aligning itself with an anti-woke cultural narrative that resonates with sections of the older electorate.

Question 9

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

2: on social and cultural values, the party is deeply divided between libertarian and authoritarian instincts.

Volta

Answer 9

However, a more convincing argument is that these positions mask deep ideological contradictions on questions of liberty, multiculturalism, identity and the role of the state in regulating personal freedoms.

Question 10

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

2: on social and cultural values, the party is deeply divided between libertarian and authoritarian instincts.

Points and analyses (FOR)

Answer 10

-The Conservative Party is now internally split between authoritarian nationalists and libertarian individualists- particularly evident during the Covid 19 pandemic.

-the libertarian wing, represented by the Covid Recovery Group (CRG), vocally opposed lockdowns, mask mandates and vaccine certification, arguing that such measures violated personal liberty and amounted to state overreach.

-Figures like Steve Baker drew on classical liberal principles, invoking Millian ideas of individual autonomy to justify non-compliance with public health directives. At the same time, government ministers were implementing some of the most intrusive peacetime laws in British history, justified in terms of public health and collective safety.

-This exposed a deep ideological gulf: is the Conservative state a protector of liberty or an enforcer of social discipline.

-On issues of cultural identity and gender, contradiction abound. The party’s response to transgender rights has varied wildly: while ministers like Kemi Badenoch have called for restrictions on self-identification and criticised Stonewall’s influence in public institutions, other MPs have a adopted a more inclusive stance, advocating for legal protections and minority rights.

In 2020, David Davis spoke out in favour of simplifying the process of gender recognition, arguing that requiring a medical diagnosis was an unnecessary intrusion by the state, and advocating for a more liberal, self-identification-based approach.
While not a formal legislative change, Davis’s intervention strengthened the push for reform of the Gender Recognition Act by lending support from the libertarian right, reinforcing the principle that personal identity should not be subject to excessive bureaucratic control.

-The Conservative Party has also struggled to articulate a consistent position on multiculturalism. Braverman’s inflammatory rhetoric on immigration contrast sharply with more liberal conservatives who defend cultural diversity as party of Britain’s modern identity. The reulting mixed messaging weakens any claim to a clear ideological position on societal values.

Question 11

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

2: on social and cultural values, the party is deeply divided between libertarian and authoritarian instincts.

Evaluation

Answer 11

Immigration policy illustrates this incoherence most starkly. Despite the party’s rhetorical emphasis on reducing immigration, net migration under the Conservative governments has reached unprecedented levels- over 700,000 in 2023 alone. The party justifies this through economic necessity, particularly for sectors such as healthcare, logistics and agriculture, yet this directly contradicts its nationalistic message on “taking back control” and prioritising British workers.

This divergence between ideology and practice damages the credibility and suggests the absence of a coherent worldview- policies are often shaped not by principle but by political convenience and electoral triangulation

Question 12

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

3: on the role of the state and Britain’s international identity, Brexit has heightened ideological fragmentation.

Point

Answer 12

It could be argued that Brexit offered the Conservative party and opportunity to reforge ideological clarity around the tenets of sovereignty, democratic accountability and national self-determination.

Question 13

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

3: on the role of the state and Britain’s international identity, Brexit has heightened ideological fragmentation.

Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 13

-The Leave campaign was fuelled by a desire to restore parliamentary supremacy, control immigration and reclaim economic policy from EU technocrats- all ideas rooted in a traditional conservative suspicion of supranational governance.

-Boris Johnson’s leadership following the 2019 general election attempted to codify this new ideological consensus through the slogan “Get Brexit Done” while his “Global Britain” vision promised an assertive, independent UK reintegrated into the world on its own terms.

-Brexit allowed the party to forge a new electoral coalition- merging culturally conservative working-class workers with free-market liberals- and offered the appearance of a coherent national-conservative platform.

-In 2022, the Conservative government under Boris Johnson formally introduced the British Bill of Rights Bill to Parliament, intending to replace the Human Rights Act 1998.

The policy aimed to strengthen national sovereignty by reasserting the supremacy of the UK Supreme Court over the European Court of Human Rights, limiting the influence of Strasbourg judgments, and giving greater weight to UK laws and parliamentary intent in human rights rulings.

This move was widely seen as part of the post-Brexit agenda to “take back control” of legal and constitutional matters, especially where foreign judicial influence was viewed as infringing on UK sovereignty. Let me know if you’d like to explore its implications for civil liberties or judicial independence.

1. Brexit as a Fulfilment of Sovereigntist Ideology

The Conservative Party’s successful delivery of Brexit — culminating in the 2020 EU Withdrawal Agreement and subsequent full departure from the Single Market and Customs Union — marked a decisive reassertion of national sovereignty. This aligned with longstanding Eurosceptic principles within the party, positioning the UK as a self-governing, globally independent nation. The slogan “Take Back Control” was not only politically effective but reflected a coherent worldview in which parliamentary supremacy, control over laws, and border autonomy were paramount.

2. National Identity and Immigration Policy

The Conservative Party has consistently framed immigration as a matter of national identity and security. The introduction of a points-based immigration system in 2021 treated EU and non-EU citizens equally and was presented as a reassertion of control lost under EU free movement. Furthermore, measures such as the Rwanda deportation scheme and the “hostile environment” policy (initiated under Theresa May) suggest a clear ideological emphasis on the protection of British cultural identity, territorial integrity, and national cohesion.

3. British Bill of Rights: Legal Nationalism

The 2022 proposal to replace the Human Rights Act with a British Bill of Rights illustrates a desire to root rights in British legal tradition, independent of the European Court of Human Rights. This move was framed as an effort to reassert judicial sovereignty, reinforcing the idea that British courts, not foreign institutions, should determine the scope of individual rights. It reflects a clear ideological line: human rights should be democratically accountable and nationally grounded.

Question 14

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

3: on the role of the state and Britain’s international identity, Brexit has heightened ideological fragmentation.

Volta

Answer 14

However a more convincing argument is that Brexit did not resolve ideological tensions within the party but magnified them, exposing irreconcilable differences over the state’s purpose and Britain’s place in the world

Question 15

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

3: on the role of the state and Britain’s international identity, Brexit has heightened ideological fragmentation.

Points and analyses (FOR)

Answer 15

-At the heart of the post-Brexit Conservative Party is a fundamental schism: some MPs see Brexit as a mandate for aggressive deregulation, low taxation and global free trade- a return to Thatcherite hyper-globalism. Others interpret it as a moment for economic protectionism, national preference and tighten border control- more in line with post-liberal conservatism

-1. Immigration Reality vs. Nationalist Rhetoric

Despite Brexit-era promises to drastically reduce immigration, net migration rose to a record 745,000 in 2022. Much of this growth came from Conservative-led expansion of visas for care workers, students, and skilled labourers — driven by labour market needs. This contradicts nationalist narratives of cultural protection and demographic control. The reality exposes a tension between economic liberalism (market needs) and identity-based conservatism, suggesting that ideological commitments to national identity are compromised when faced with globalised labour demands.

2. Global Britain Trade Deals Undermine Domestic Interests

The Global Britain strategy promoted economic openness through new trade deals with nations like Australia, India, and the CPTPP bloc. However, these deals often undercut domestic industries — particularly British agriculture — by accepting imports from countries with lower regulatory standards. For example, UK farmers criticised the Australia deal for allowing tariff-free beef and lamb, harming local producers. This exposes a contradiction: while rhetorically defending national interests and sovereignty, the Conservatives implemented hyper-globalist trade policies that damaged traditional national constituencies.

3. Continued Legal Ties to International Institutions

While the Conservative Party campaigned on “sovereignty” and weakening foreign influence, the UK remains bound to the European Convention on Human Rights, and its policies (such as the Rwanda asylum plan) have been repeatedly blocked by the ECHR. Though the party introduced a British Bill of Rights, it did not withdraw from the ECHR, reflecting a reluctance to sever ties with supranational institutions. This legal entanglement contradicts the party’s claims of full sovereignty and undermines the ideological consistency of its anti-globalist, nationalist stance.

Question 16

1: evaluate the view that the Conservative Party is no longer ideologically coherent

3: on the role of the state and Britain’s international identity, Brexit has heightened ideological fragmentation.

Evaluation

Answer 16

Ultimately the ideological fragmentation that Brexit was supposed to resolve has instead splintered the party further. Without a clear consensus on the UK’s identity, borders, global role, and constitutional structure, the party’s platform is not one of post-Brexit clarity but ongoing incoherence

Ultimately, the Conservative Party’s positioning on national identity and international engagement is more pragmatic than principled, often dictated by political expediency rather than coherent doctrine. This has led to ideological fragmentation, weakening its credibility on sovereignty and undermining its national vision.

Question 17

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

Introduction

Answer 17

Socialism, broadly defined,refers to an ideology that promotes collective ownership, economic equality and the redistribution of wealth through a strong welfare state and state intervention. The Labour Party was founded in 1900 as a vehicle for working-class political representation, rooted in democratic and socialist values. Historically, it advocated for nationalisation of key industries, expanded public services, strong trade union rights and wealth distribution.

However, in recent decades, particularly since the emergence of New Labour under Tony Blair and more recently under Keir Starmer, the party has increasingly distanced itself from orthodox socialism.

While labour retains some social democratic commitments, many argue it has become more centrist and pragmatic, adopting market-friendly policies and repositioning itself to win electoral support. While some maintain that the party still upholds key socialist values, a more convincing argument is that Labour has fundamentally shifted away from socialism in favour of electoral visibility and a centrist ideological framework

Question 18

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

1:economic policy- from public ownership to market accommodation

Point

Answer 18

It could be argued that the Labour Party retains key elements of its socialist heritage through its continued focus on addressing economic inequality and protecting public services.

Question 19

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

1:economic policy- from public ownership to market accommodation

Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 19

-at the heart of Labour’s economic message is still a belief in redistribution and public welfare, principles central to democratic socialism. The NHS, a landmark socialist achievement of the Attlee government in 1948, continues to be defended by Labour as a sacred institution.

-The party’s commitment to abolishing tuition fees under Jeremy Corbyn and expanding social housing provision also reflected long-standing socialist objectives of economic justice and social equity.

-the 2017 and 2019 Labour Manifesto marked a deliberate ideological return to classic socialism: proposing the nationalisation of key utilities such as rail, energy, water and Royal Mail; the reversal of austerity-era cuts; and the expansion of state ownership in sectors deemed vital to the public interest. Nationalise rail, mail and utilities, introducing a Green New Deal, and increasing corporation tax. Kick start a green jobs revolution, spending 30 billion to create 400000 jobs in the green energy sector to combat fossil fuel emissions.

-In early 2025, Keir Starmer pledged to create a publicly owned Great British Energy company, funded by windfall taxes on oil and gas giants — echoing Corbyn-era calls for public ownership and redistribution of corporate profits.
This move signals a tilt toward state-led intervention in the energy sector, reflecting a continuation of left-wing economic

-these policies were explicitly framed as a challenge to the neoliberal consensus that had dominated both major parties since the 1980s. Cornyn’s leadership represented a rare moment when Labour openly rejected the idea of market supremacy and positioned itself as the architect of a more collective, state-led economy

Launched the Warm Homes Plan to deliver lower energy bills and lift over one million households out of fuel poverty.
Established the Child Poverty Taskforce, working across government departments to tackle child poverty.
Working to drive up Pension Credit applications.
Extended the Household Support Fund to support struggling households with bills and essential costs over winter.

Question 20

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

1:economic policy- from public ownership to market accommodation

Volta

Answer 20

However, a more convincing argument is that the Labour Party-especially under Keir Starmer- has abandoned many of these commitments and moved significantly away from socialism in favour of electoral credibility and centrist economics.

Question 21

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

1:economic policy- from public ownership to market accommodation

Points and analyses (FOR)

Answer 21

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1. Refusal to Nationalise Key Utilities

Example:
In contrast to Jeremy Corbyn’s 2019 manifesto commitment to bring rail, mail, energy, and water into public ownership, Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves ruled out widespread nationalisation, explicitly stating in 2024 that Labour would not re-nationalise water or energy networks.

Explanation:
This signals a decisive rejection of Corbyn-style state ownership of core industries, marking a shift toward a more market-friendly, fiscally cautious approach. Reeves instead pledged to regulate private companies more stringently, reflecting a managerialist, rather than socialist, economic model.

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2. Commitment to Fiscal Rules and “Iron Discipline”

Example:
In her 2024 “Autumn Statement-style” speech, Rachel Reeves promised to keep debt falling as a share of GDP and reiterated Labour’s fiscal rules, which mirror those of the Conservative government — including borrowing only for investment, not day-to-day spending.

Explanation:
This is a sharp departure from Corbyn and John McDonnell’s willingness to embrace expansive deficit financing to fund large-scale public programmes. Reeves and Starmer have instead adopted fiscal conservatism, aimed at winning over business and maintaining market credibility.

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3. Emphasis on Private Investment, Not State Expansion

Example:
In 2024, Labour launched its “British Infrastructure Council”, designed to attract pension funds and private capital into public infrastructure projects — favouring partnerships with business over direct government investment.

Explanation:
This approach prioritises leveraging private sector finance rather than expanding the public sector’s economic role. Under Corbyn, Labour had proposed massive state-led investment through a National Investment Bank, funded and run publicly — a model Starmer’s Labour has clearly rejected.

-instead, Labour embraced a model of regulated capitalism, promoting a vision of the state that enables rather than replaces the private sector.

-this is evident in Labour’s climate strategy: while GB Energy, a publicly owned generator, remains a flagship policy, it is designed to operate alongside the private energy market, not to supplant it.

-the plan reflects a Scandinavian -style model of cooperative capitalism, not the socialist demand for full public control.

-Labour’s economic rhetoric also reveals a clear departure from redistributive socialism. Starmer and Reeves regularly emphasise “wealth creation before wealth distribution”- signalling an ideological prioritisation of growth, investment and private sector innovation over class-based redistribution.

-Starmer has ruled out introducing a wealth tax, and Labour’s current tax policy maintains the thresholds and rates introduced by successive Conservative Chancellors.

-Moreover, the party has backtracked on the 2019 commitment to increase corporation tax to 26%, instead pledging to maintain the current 25% rate. These moves suggest that Labour now sees its role as stabiliser and facilitator, not as a transformative force seeking structural economic change

-without Corbynite radicalism

Question 22

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

1:economic policy- from public ownership to market accommodation

Evaluation

Answer 22

Critically, Labour’s language has shifted too. Under Corbyn, political discourse was rooted in moral critiques of capitalism, economic exploitation and class injustice. In contrast, Starmer’s economic messaging revolves around fiscal credibility, efficiency and competence- values more associated with Blairite centrism than with socialism. Labour’s economic model under Starmer seeks to improve capitalism’s outcomes, not to challenge its foundations- a clear signal of its departure from a socialist paradigm.

Question 23

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

2: class politics and trade unions- dilution of Labour’s Working-Class identity

Point

Answer 23

It could be argued that Labour continues to champion class-based politics through its historic relationship with the trade union movement and its policies on workers’ rights.

Question 24

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years

2: class politics and trade unions- dilution of Labour’s Working-Class identity

Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 24

-Labour was founded in 1900 by the trade union movement to give the working class parliamentary representation, and unions remain deeply embedded in the party’s structure- providing substantial funding, conference representation, and influence on candidate selection and policy.

-In 2024, Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner unveiled Labour’s “New Deal for Working People,” which pledged to ban exploitative zero-hours contracts, strengthen trade union rights, and implement day-one employment rights for all workers.
This policy package aligns directly with working-class priorities by tackling precarious employment, reinforcing collective bargaining power, and ensuring fairer conditions across the labour market — echoing Labour’s historic mission to defend workers from exploitation.

-these policies represent an attempt to rebalance power in the workplace and restore dignity to workers, especially in precarious and low-wage sectors. The party has also pledged to raise the minimum wage, extend sick pay, and improve employment protections- all of which align with a traditionally socialist emphasis on defending labour against capital

In late 2024, Keir Starmer pledged to build 1.5 million new homes over the course of the next Parliament, including a significant expansion of genuinely affordable and social housing, while reforming planning laws to speed up construction.
This policy directly addresses the housing crisis faced by many working-class families, aiming to provide secure, affordable homes and reduce dependence on the unstable private rental market — reinforcing Labour’s role as a champion of social justice and economic dignity.

-national minimal wage 6.7% increase £12.21

Question 25

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 2: class politics and trade unions- dilution of Labour’s Working-Class identity Volta

Answer 25

Nevertheless, a more compelling analysis reveals that Labour has moved away from its working-class and socialist roots in both rhetoric and strategy.

Question 26

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 2: class politics and trade unions- dilution of Labour’s Working-Class identity Points and analyses (FOR)

Answer 26

-Under Keir Starmer, the Party has consciously rebranded itself as a broad-based centrist alternative to the Conservatives, seeking to win back southern swing voters and reassure the business community -this repositioning has come at a cost to its class-based identity. Unlike Corbyn, who openly attended picket lines and voiced solidarity with striking workers, Starmer has discouraged visible expressions of union support. -during the 2022-23 wave of industrial action- involving rail workers, nurses, teachers and civil servants- Starmer instructed his front bench MPs not to appear on picket lines. This decisions drew criticism from trade union leaders, particularly Mick Lynch of the RMT, who accused Starmer of abandoning working-class struggle in favour of political optics. -this distancing reflects deeper strategic choices. Labour’s electoral ambitions now centre non winning “hero constituencies” in south of England- affluent, Remain-leaning areas such as Milton Keynes- rather than simply rebuilding the Red Wall. -as a result, Labour has softened its language around class conflict and pivoted towards themes of opportunity, growth and national renewal. This mirrors the Third Way strategy of the Blair era, where Labour prioritised aspirational middle-class voters and redefined its appeal as post-class. -indeed, the dominance of centrist factions like Labour Together and the Fabian Society reflects the technocratic shift, where politics is framed less as a battleground of class interests and more as a domain of managerial competence and moderation. Starmer’s Strategy to Win It Back: • In 2023–2024, Starmer visited Bassetlaw multiple times, highlighting Labour’s focus on “patriotism, economic stability, and law and order” — issues designed to resonate with socially conservative working-class voters. • Policies like the Great British Energy company and commitments to local job creation are framed not as ideological shifts, but as economic common sense — reflecting a move away from Corbynite class politics toward electoral pragmatism. Distancing from Traditional Working-Class Appeals: Despite these targeted efforts, polling shows ongoing scepticism from core working-class voters. According to YouGov polling in early 2024: • Among working-class (C2DE) voters, Labour was only 3–5 points ahead of the Conservatives. • Among middle-class (ABC1) voters, Labour led by 15–20 points. This demonstrates how Starmer’s strategy to appeal to swing seats involves a balancing act — and has led to weaker alignment with traditional working-class values, favouring technocratic solutions over class-based rhetoric. 2. Shift of the Fabian Society and Labour Centrists The Fabian Society’s Ideological Shift: The Fabian Society, historically tied to gradualist socialism and the welfare state, has under Starmer’s leadership embraced a narrative of “national renewal through competence”, moving away from structural critique and radical redistribution. Example: “The Road Ahead” Report (2022) In this flagship publication, the Society urged Labour to focus on: • “Institutional reform, not revolution” • “Partnership with business”, not nationalisation • “Making markets work better for people”, rather than replacing them This signals a managerial, moderate approach prioritising: • Fiscal responsibility • Policy delivery • Rebuilding public trust through professionalism rather than ideological transformation. Manifestation in Starmerism: • Starmer and Rachel Reeves have emphasised “economic stability before expansion” and “long-term planning over slogans”, directly appealing to swing voters and suburban professionals rather than mobilising Labour’s traditional class base. • This reflects a Fabian-style technocratic centrism, where governance capability is the new moral language — replacing Corbyn’s emphasis on inequality, redistribution, and popular mobilisation.

Question 27

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 2: class politics and trade unions- dilution of Labour’s Working-Class identity Evaluation

Answer 27

Keir Starmer has sought to rebuild Labour’s appeal in hero constituencies by presenting Labour as competent, patriotic, and economically credible, but this has come with a visible shift away from class-based politics. The Fabian Society and other centrist factions have reinforced this direction by advocating managerialism, moderation, and market-friendly reforms. While this may win over disaffected Conservative voters in key seats, it risks further alienating working-class voters who feel Labour has abandoned its traditional socialist mission.

Question 28

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 3: Vision of the state- from collectivism to managerialism Point

Answer 28

It could be argued that Labour retains a socialist view of the state as a force for collective good, particularly in areas such as public service delivery, climate investment, and industrial strategy.

Question 29

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 3: Vision of the state- from collectivism to managerialism Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 29

-Labour’s pledge to create GB Energy- a publicly owned clean energy company- reflects a belief in the power of the state to lead economic transitions and tackle market failure. -in the realm of social policy, the party remains committed to protecting the NHS as a universal public service, and its education pledges- including the recruitment of more teachers and the establishment of mental health hubs in schools- suggest a continued emphasis on public provision. -the Green Prosperity Plan, which promises £28 billion of annual investment in green infrastructure (scaled down but still present), further reflects a belief in the state’s capacity to steer economic and environmental outcomes- a form of keynesianism consistent with social democratic principles. -Jeremy Corbyn advocated for a radical overhaul: abolishing Universal Credit, increasing welfare spending, and expanding social housing -4. Wealth Tax and Redistribution Policies Corbyn’s Labour proposed a new income tax band for the top 5% of earners and supported a windfall tax on large corporations. This reflects collectivist principles by advocating redistribution of wealth from individuals and businesses to fund collective welfare programmes like the NHS, education, and social care. 2. National Education Service Proposal Corbyn pledged to establish a National Education Service, offering free lifelong learning and abolishing university tuition fees. This policy embodies collectivism by treating education as a universal public good, funded by the state for the collective advancement of society rather than personal profit.

Question 30

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 3: Vision of the state- from collectivism to managerialism Volta

Answer 30

Yet these policies exist within a broader framework that is distinctly managerialist, not socialist.

Question 31

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 3: Vision of the state- from collectivism to managerialism Points and analyses (FOR)

Answer 31

-Labour Party’s contemporary vision of the state is focused on delivery, efficiency and stability- not transformation, collectivism or redistributive justice. -Starmer and Reeves frequently frame the state not as an agent of ownership, but as an enabler- facilitating private investment, partnering with businesses and leveraging public resources to attract capital. The emphasis is less on ownership and more on coordination. Keir Starmer has de-risked private investment by committing to a new National Wealth Fund that will co-invest £7.3 billion with private firms in green industries, reducing their upfront exposure. He has also pledged to streamline planning regulations for critical infrastructure like battery factories and wind farms, accelerating returns and reducing policy delays. -Labour’s industrial strategy is designed around de-risking investment for the private sector, reflecting the ideas of economists like Mariana Mazzucato- where the state acts as a strategic investor, not a dominant player. -Labour’s shift away from traditional welfare collectivism is evident in its fiscal strategy. Reeves has committed to a “fiscal anchor”- promising to deduce the dept of GDP and only borrow to invest. This is a clear signal to markets that Labour will not pursue expansive social spending or redistributive taxation. -Starmer has ruled out major tax hikes on income or corporations, instead focusing on targeted reforms like closing non-dom tax loopholes and tightening tax compliance enforcement. This reflects a managerial approach: increasing revenue through administrative efficiency and fairness, rather than ideological redistribution. By avoiding sweeping tax rises and emphasizing fiscal responsibility, Starmer signals economic stability to investors while making the system function more effectively. Starmer has pledged to pay Universal Credit childcare costs upfront rather than in arrears, addressing a key barrier that stops low-income parents—especially mothers—from entering work. This reform targets a specific design flaw in the system, making it easier for claimants to take up employment without falling into debt. It reflects managerialism rather than collectivism by improving efficiency and economic outcomes without broadly expanding the welfare state. Launched a new Armed Forces Commissioner who will be a strong, independent champion to improve life for UK service personnel and their families. Awarded our armed forces the largest pay increase in decades which will renew the nation's contract with those who serve.

Question 32

2: evaluate the view that the labour party has moved away from socialism in recent years 3: Vision of the state- from collectivism to managerialism Evaluation

Answer 32

The language Labour now uses to describe the state further illustrates this shift. Terms like “growth partnership” “public-private delivery” and “mission-led government” dominate their policy literature. These managerial concepts stand in contrast to the egalitarian language of socialism which stresses ownership, equality and class empowerment. Rather than presenting the state as a counterweight to capital, Labour now frames it as a partner to capital. The result is not a collectivist vision of shared ownership and economic democracy, but a technocratic vision of strategic governance- one that may be effective, but is ideologically distinct from socialism

Question 33

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar Introduction

Answer 33

The ideological distinction between the Conservative and Labour parties have historically defined UK politics, with the former traditionally embracing economic liberalism and social hierarchy, and the latter advocating socialism, equality and collectivism. However, in the era of electoral pragmatism, media driven campaigning and the decline of class-based voting, some argue that both parties have converged on the political centre. Particularly under leaders like Tony Blair, David Cameron and Keir Starmer, both parties have sought to appeal to middle england by adopting similar stances on key issues such as the economy, crime and public services. Yet, others maintain that these surface levels similarities obscure deep-seated ideological differences, particularly over redistribution, the role of the state, public ownership, and the union rights. This essay will argue that while the two parties have overlapped on rhetoric and policy presentation, they remain ideologically distinct, especially in their underlying assumptions about economic justice, social responsibility and the balance between liberty and equality.

Question 34

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 2:Welfare and social justice- similar rhetoric, different assumptions Point

Answer 34

It could be argued that Labour and the Conservatives have grown more similar in their welfare positions, reflecting the neoliberal legacy of the 1980s and the electoral appeal of “tough but fair” social policy

Question 35

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 2:Welfare and social justice- similar rhetoric, different assumptions Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 35

-Labour no longer proposes sweeping welfare expansions and has broadly accepted Conservative reforms to Universal Credit and the two-child benefit cap. Starmer has described his approach to welfare as one of “contribution and fairness”, echoing Conservative narratives of deservingness. -both parties support conditionally in benefits, meaning claimants must prove they are seeking work. In 2023, Labour did not oppose Sunak’s tightening of work capability assessments, and Reeves has started that “Labour is the party of work, not welfare”. The emphasis on work as a route out of poverty has become bipartisan.

Question 36

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 2:Welfare and social justice- similar rhetoric, different assumptions Volta

Answer 36

However, a more compelling argument is that each party’s underlying conception of poverty, fairness, and social justice remains fundamentally different. Conservative welfare policy is based on market liberalism and moral paternalism, often portraying poverty as a behavioural issue.

Question 37

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 2:Welfare and social justice- similar rhetoric, different assumptions Points and analyses (FOR)

Answer 37

-The “bedroom tax” (2013), benefit cap 2013, and sanction regimes under Universal credit reflect a punitive model that prioritises cost containment and behavioural incentives. -by contrast, Labour especially under Starmer, supports targeted interventions to tackle structural inequality, such as free breakfast clubs for all primary schools, expanded mental health services, and a child poverty strategy- all absent from the Conservative platform. -furthermore, Labour has pledged to integrate public health, housing and education policy to address social determinant of inequality- reflecting its social democratic roots. In 2023, Shadow Health Secretary Wes Streeting announced plans for a 10-year mental health strategy, signalling a public service-based model of social security. -While the Conservatives are committed to the rolling out of Personal Health Budgets and individualised welfare schemes, Labour continues to stress universal, publicly funded provision. -these differing approaches are rooted in contrasting ideologies: the Conservative belief in personal responsibility and minimal state dependency, and Labour’s belief in state intervention to ensure equal life chances.

Question 38

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 3: Law, immigration and national identity- convergence in tone, divergence in philosophy Point

Answer 38

It could be argued that both Labour and the Conservatives have converged on law and order, immigration and nationalism, particularly in terms of rhetorical emphasis and electoral strategy. In the post-Brexit political landscape, both parties acknowledge that security, border control, and British national identity are key electoral issues, especially among working-class and older voters.

Question 39

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 3: Law, immigration and national identity- convergence in tone, divergence in philosophy Points and analyses (AGAINST)

Answer 39

-under Keir Starmer, Labour has distanced itself from the liberal migration stance associated with the Corbyn era and committed to a “tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime” approach that mirrors New Labour. -in 2023, Labour pledged to recruit 13,000 additional neighbourhood police officers, fund fast-track courts for rape cases, and toughen sentencing for repeat offenders- all policies that echo the Conservative Party’s longstanding “law and order” posture. -on immigration, Labour has also signalled convergence by promising to reduce net migration, citing public concerns about labour market displacement and pressure on housing and public services. -Starmer criticised the Conservatives for failing to control Channel crossings, and Shadow Home Secretary Yvette Cooper has promised to tighten visa rules and ban exploitative recruitment practices in sectors like care and construction. -the emphasis on enforcement and “restoring trust in the system” closely mirrors the Conservatives narratives and demonstrates the pressure on both parties to project strength and control. -Labour’s 2024 messaging has also included more patriotic rhetoric- such as flag imagery, reference to “British values” and the slogan “Country first, party second”- all indicating a shift towards centrist-nationalist framing centrist-nationalist framing.

Question 40

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 3: Law, immigration and national identity- convergence in tone, divergence in philosophy Volta

Answer 40

However, a more convincing argument is that the two parties diverge significantly in how they conceptualise law, immigration and national identity, particularly in terms of human rights, legal accountability and moral framing.

Question 41

3: evaluate the view that the Conservative and labour parties are ideologically similar 3: Law, immigration and national identity- convergence in tone, divergence in philosophy Points and analyses (FOR)

Answer 41

- The Conservative Party under Suella Braverman and Priti Patel has adopted a markedly authoritarian stance, with policies such as the Rwanda deportation plan, passed under the Illegal Migration Act 2023, which allows the government to detain and deport asylum seekers arriving via “irregular routes”. -the Conservatives have also threatened to withdraw from the ECHR to circumvent legal challenges to deportation- a step Labour firmly opposes. Starmer has stated that “the rule of law is non-negotiable” and that Labour would immediately scrap the Rwanda plan in favour of a new Border Security Command, funded by cracking down on waste and ineffective contracts. -this fundamental difference reflects Labour’s emphasis on humanitarian difference reflects Labour’s emphasis on humanitarianism and international cooperation, as opposed to the Conservatives’ unilateral, deterrence-based approach. -in policing, the conservatives have consistently pursued more punitive policies, including the expansion of stop-and-search powers under the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022, which allows officers to conduct searches without suspicion in designated areas. -these measures have drawn criticism from human rights organisations such as Liberty and Amnesty international, citing disproportionate targeting of ethnic minorities. Labour has criticised these policies and instead proposes neighbourhood-based policing, victim-led reforms, and community trust-building. Starmer has also promised to end the use of ineffective short sentences and to invest in youth intervention programmes- representing a more rehabilitative and restorative model of justice. -on national identity, the conservatives have emphasised cultural nationalism and traditional values, as seen in campaigns like the “British Values” curriculum, Union Jack displays in government departments, and proposals to criminalise flag desecration. -Under Rishi Sunak, there has been renewed emphasis on “British pride” and integration, including policies that link citizenship to civic responsibility. -Labour, while also foregrounded patriotism, has framed it in civic and inclusive terms- focusing on public service, institutions like the NHS, and respect for diversity. -Starmer has praised the monarchy and armed forces, but also spoken of “a progressive patriotism” that reflects shared values rather than cultural conformity. -this illustrates a deep philosophical contrast: the Conservatives’ approach is rooted in state authority, deterrence, and tradition, while Labour’s is grounded in legal accountability, fairness and inclusion. -while Labour and the Conservatives have converged in tone- especially around slogans, security and national identity- their legislative priorities, philosophical frameworks, and institutional values remain starkly different. These differences are not always visible in campaign messaging, but are evident in policy substance, implementation and legal worldview.