Pro Caelio Translation Flashcards

(80 cards)

1
Q

51a) sed quoniam emersisse iam e vadis et scopulos praetervecta videtur oratio mea, perfacilis mihi reliquus cursus ostenditur.

A

But since my speech now seems to have emerged from the shallows and sailed on past the rocks, the rest of my course is shown to me to be very easy.

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2
Q

51b) duo sunt enim crimina una in muliere summorum facinorum, auri, quod sumptum a Clodia dicitur, et veneni, quod eiusdem Clodiae necandae causa parasse Caelium criminantur.

A

For there are two charges concerning one woman of the greatest crimes: the gold which is said to have been taken from Clodia and the poison which they charge Caelius with having prepared for the purpose of killing the same Clodia.

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3
Q

51c) Aurum sumpsit, ut dicitis, quod L. Luccei servis daret, per quos Alexandrinus Dio, qui tum apud Lucceium habitabat, necaretur.

A

He took the gold, as you say, to give it to the slaves of Lucius Lucceius through whom Alexandrinus Dio, who was at the time living at the home of Lucceius, might be killed.

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4
Q

51d) Magnum crimen vel in legatis insidiandis vel in servis ad hospitem domini necandum sollicitandis, plenum sceleris consilium, plenum audaciae!

A

It is a great crime either to plot against ambassadors or to incite slaves to kill a guest of their master, a plan full for wickedness full of audacity!

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5
Q

52a) Quo quidem in crimine primum illud requiro, dixeritne Clodiae, quam ad rem aurum sumeret, an non dixerit. Si non dixit, cur dedit? Si dixit, eodem se conscientiae scelere devinxit.

A

Indeed in the matter if this charge, I first ask, did he tell Clodia why he was taking the gold, or did he not tell her. If he didn’t tell her, why did she give it? If he did say, she has implicated herself in the same crime through her complicity.

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6
Q

52b) Tune aurum ex armario tuo promere ausa es, tune Venerem illam tuam spoliare ornamentis, spoliatricem ceterorum, cum scires, quantum ad facinus aurum hoc quaereretur, ad necem legati, ad L. Luccei, sanctissimi hominis atque integerrimi, labem sceleris sempiternam?

A

Did you dare to bring out the gold from your chest, did you dare to plunder that Venus of yours, the plunderer of others, of her ornaments, when you knew for how great a crime this gold was wanted, for the murder of an ambassador for the everlasting stain of crime on Lucius Lucceius, the most pious and honest of men?

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7
Q

52c) Huic facinori tanto tua mens liberalis conscia, tua domus popularis ministra, tua denique hospitalis illa Venus adiutrix esse non debuit.

A

That generous mind of yours should not have been an accessory to such a crime as this, nor your popular home its servant, nor finally that welcoming Venus of yours, the accomplice.

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8
Q

53a) vidit hoc Balbus; celatam esse Clodiam dixit, atque ita Caelium ad illam attulisse, se ad ornatum ludorum aurum quaerere.

A

Balbus saw this, he said that Clodia had been kept in the dark and that Caelius had said to her that he was asking for the gold for the purpose of funding the games.

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9
Q

53b) si tam familiaris erat Clodiae, quad tu esse vis, cum de libidine eius tam multa dicis, dixit profecto, quo vellet aurum; si tam familiaris non erat, non dedit.

A

If he was so friendly with Clodia as you wish to be the case, since you say si many things about her lust, certainly he said why he wanted the gold; if he was not so friendly with her, she wouldn’t give it.

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10
Q

53c) Ita, si verum tibi Caelius dixit, o immoderata mulier, sciens tu aurum ad facinus dedisti; si non est ausus dicere, non dedisti.

A

So, if indeed Caelius did tell you, oh unrestrained woman! You knowingly gave in the gold for the purpose of committing the crime.

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11
Q

53d) quid ego nunc argumentis huic crimini, quae sunt innumerabilia, resistam?

A

What proofs of this crime, which are innumerable shall I resist making?

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12
Q

53e) possum dicere mores Caeli longissime a tanti sceleris atrocitate esse disiunctos; minime else credendum homini tam ingenioso tamque prudenti non venisse in mentem rem tanti sceleris ignotis alienisque servis non esse credendam.

A

I could say that the morals of Caelius are very far removed from the atrocity of such a great crime; it is in no way credible that it did not occur to a man so ingenious and so wise that a matter of such a crime should not be entrusted to slavers who were unknown and belonged to another man.

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13
Q

53f) possum etiam illa et ceterorum patronorumet mea consuetudine ab accusatore perquirere, ubi sit congressus cum servis Luccei Caelius, qui ei fuerit aditus; si per se, qua temeritate; si per alium, per quem?

A

I can also enquire diligently into the other matters from the prosecutor according to the the custom of other defence counsels and my own; where did Caelius have his meeting with Lucceus’s slaves, what access did he have them, if in person, how reckless, and if through someone else, through whom?

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14
Q

53g) Possum omnes latebras suspicionum peragrare dicendo; non causa, non locus, non facultas, non conscius, non perficiendi, non occultandi maleficii spes, non ratio ulla, non vestigium maximi facinoris reperietur.

A

I can search through all the hiding places of suspicion in my speech; no reason, no place, no means, no accomplice, no hope of carrying out nor of concealing the crime, no other motive or trace of such a great crime will be found.

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15
Q

54a) sed haec, quae sunt oratoris propria, quae mihi non propter ingenium meum, sed propter hanc exercitationem usumque dicendi fructum aliquem ferre potuissent, cum a me ipso elaborata proferri viderentur, brevitatis causa relinquo omnia.

A

But these things which are suitable for an orator, which could bear some fruit for me, not on account of my own talent but because of this training and practice in speaking, since they would seem to be brought forth, having been worked upon by me myself, I shall leave them all aside in the interest of brevity.

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16
Q

54b) Habeo enim, iudices, quem vos socium vestrae religionis iurisque iurandi facile esse patiamini, L. Lucceium, sanctissimum hominem et gravissimum testem, qui tantum facinus in famam atque fortunas suas neque non audisset illatum a Caelio neque neglexisset neque tulisset.

A

For judges, I have the man whom you will easily allow to be the ally of your religious duty and sworn oath, Lucius Lucceus, a most pious man and most serious witness, who, had such a great slur been brought against his good name and against his fortunes by Caelius, could in no way have not heard about it, neither could he have ignored it, nor could he have tolerated it.

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17
Q

54c) An ille vir illa humanitate praeditus, illis studiis, illis artibus atque doctrina illis ipsius periculum, quem propter haec ipsa studia diligebat, neglegere potuisset et, quod facinus in alienum hominem intentum severe acciperet, id omisisset curare in hospitem?

A

Or could that man endowed with such kindness, that education, those skills and training have ignored the danger which threatened that very man who he esteemed because of those very interests and could he have failed to deal with a crime plotted against a guest, which he would’ve taken seriously had it been committed against a stranger?

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18
Q

54d) quod per ignotos actum cum comperisset, doleret, id a suis servis temptatum esse neglegeret?

A

Would he ignore a crime at which he would be offended had he discovered that it has been carried out by unknown men, when attempted by his own slaves?

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19
Q

54e) quod in agris locisve publicis factum reprehenderet, id in urbe ac suae domi coeptum esse leniter ferret? Quod in alicuius agrestis periculo non praetermitteret, id homo eruditus in insidiis doctissimi hominis dissimulandum putaret?

A

Would he calmly endure in his own home and the city of inception of a crime which he would condemn had it been committed in the fields or public places? If he would not turn a blind eye to something that endangered even an ordinary countryman, would such an erudite man think he should conceal a plot against a most learned man?

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20
Q

55a) sed cur diutius vos, iudices, teneo? Ipsius iurati religionem auctoritatemque percipite atque omnia diligenter testimonii verba cognoscite. Recita. L.LVCCEI TESTIMONIVM.

A

But why do I hold you back any longer judges? Observe the reverence and influence of the man himself on oath and understand diligently all the words of his testimony. Recite. THE TESTIMONY OF LUCIUS LUCCEUS.

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21
Q

55b) Quid exspectatis amplius? An aliquam vocem putatis ipsam pro se causam et veritatem posse mittere? Haec est innocentiae defensio, haec ipsius causae oratio, haec una vox veritatis.

A

What more are you waiting for? Or do you think that some voice is able to make the case and the truth for itself? This is a defence of innocence, this is the speech of the case itself, this is the one voice of truth.

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22
Q

55c) In crimine ipso nulla suspicio est, in re nihil est argumenti, in negotio, quod actum esse dicitur, nullum vestigium sermonis, loci, temporis; nemo testis, nemo conscius nominatur, totum crimen profertur ex inimicia, ex infami, ex crudeli, ex facinerosa, ex libidinosa domo;

A

There is no suspicion in the crime itself, no basis of truth in the case and in the business which is said to have happened, there is no trace of the conversation, the place, the time; there is no one named as witness, no one as accomplice, the whole accusation is brought forth from a hostile, disreputable, cruel, wicked, lustful home;

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23
Q

55d) domus autem illa, quae temptata esse scelere isto nefario dicitur, plena est integritatis, dignitatis, officii religionis; ex qua domo recitatur vobis iure iurando devincta auctoritas, ut res minime dubitanda in contentione ponatur, utrum temeraria, procax, irata mulier finxisse crimen, an gravis sapiens moderatusque vir religiose testimonium dixisse videatur.

A

However, that house which is said to have been disturbed by that nefarious crime is full of integrity, of dignity, of religious duty from that house a secret bound by sworn oath is read out to you, with the result that a matter about which there should be very little doubt is brought into dispute, whether it seems that a rash, wanton, angry woman invented the charge, or a serious, wise and balanced man gave his testimony dutifully.

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24
Q

56a) reliquum est igitur crimen de veneo; cuius ego nec principium invenire neque evolvere exitum possum

A

Therefore, there remains the charge of poison for which I can neither find the origin nor unravel the end.

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25
56b) Quae fuit enim causa, quam ob rem isti mulieri venenum dare vellet Caelius? Ne aurum redderet? Num petivit? Ne crimen haereret? Numquis obiecit? Num quis denique fecisset mentionem, si hic nullius nomen detulisset?
For what was the reason why Caelius wanted to give poison to that woman? So that he wouldn’t have to return the gold? But surely he didn’t ask for it? So that the charge wouldn’t stick? But who was bringing that charge? But in the end, surely no one would have made the mention of it, if this man had not brought a prosecution against anyone?
26
56c) Quin etiam L. Herennium dicere audistis verbo se molestum non futurum fuisse Caelio, nisi iterum eadem de re suo familiari absoluto nomen hic detulisset.
Indeed, also you have heard Lucius Herennius say that he would not have troubled Caelius with a word, unless this man again had brought the same charge against his friend who had been acquitted.
27
56d) Credibile est igitur tantum facinus ob nullam causam esse commissum? Et vos non videtis fingi sceleris maximi crimen, ut alterius causa sceleris suscipiendi fuisse videatur?
Therefore is it credible that such a great crime would have been committed for no reason at all. And do you not see that a charge of the most serious crime is being invented so that there might seem to have been a reason for committing a second?
28
57a) cut denique commisit, quo adiutore usus est, quo socio, quo conscio, cui tantum facinus, cui se, cui salutem suam creditit? Servisne mulieris? Sic enim obiectum est.
To whom finally did he entrust it, which assistant did he use, which ally, which accomplice, to whom did he entrust such a great crime himself and his own safety? To the slaves of the woman? For this is east id brought against him.
29
57b) et erat tam demens is, cui vos ingenium certe tribuitis, etiamsi cetera inimica oratione detrahitis, ut omnes suas fortunas alienis servis committeret? At quibus servis?
And was he so insane, this man, to whom you certainly attribute natural talent, even if in your hostile speech, you take away all other things from him that he would hand over his entire fortune to someone else’s slaves? And to what sort of slaves?
30
57c) Refert enim magnopere id ipsum. Eisne, quos intellegebat non communi condicione servitutis uti, sed licentius, liberius, familiarius cum domina vivere?
For this point in itself is highly significant. Was it to them who he knew did not live according to the normal condition of slavery but lived with their mistress with greater license, liberty and familiarity?
31
57d) quis enim hoc non videt, iudices, aut quis ignorat, in eius modi domo, in qua mater familias meretricio more vivat, in qua nihil geratur, quod foras proferendum sit, in qua inusitatae, libidines, luxuries, omnia denique inaudita vitia ac flagitia versentur,
For who does not see this, judges, who is ignorant of the fact that in that type of home in which the mother of the family lives in the manner of a prostitute, in which nothing is done which should be talked of out of doors, in which extraordinary lusts, luxuries, finally all unheard of vices and disgraces are engaged in
32
57e) hic servos non esse servos, quibus omnia committantur, per quos gerantur, qui versentur isdem in voluptatibus, quibus occulta credantur, ad quos aliquantum etiam ex cotidianis sumptibus ac luxurie redundet? Id igitur Caelius non videbat?
The slaves are not slaves who have everything entrusted to them through whom everything is conducted, who are engaged in those same pleasures, to whom secret things are entrusted, to whom even a considerable amount of daily expenses and extravagances flow? Did Caelius not see that?
33
58a) si enim tam familiaris erat mulieris, quam vos vultis, istos quoque servos familiares esse dominae sciebat.
For if he was as familiar with that woman as you would have it, he also knew that those slaves were close to their mistress
34
58b) sin ei tanta consuetudo, quanta a vobis inducitur, non erat, quae cum servis potuit familiaritas esse tanta? Ipsius autem veneni quae ratio fingitur?
But if there was no such closeness that you have alleged, how could he have had such a familiarity with the slaves? Moreover, regarding the poison itself, what account is being invented?
35
58c) ubi quaesitum est, quem ad modum paratum, quo pacto, cui, quo in loco traditum?
Where was it sourced, how was it prepared, by what agreement; to whom and in what location was it handed over?
36
58d) Habuisse aiunt domi vimque eius esse expertum in servo quodam ad eam rem ipsam parato; cuius perceleri interitu esse ab hoc comprobatum venenum.
They say that he had it at home and that he tested its strength on a certain slave arranged for that very purpose; and by that slave’s very swift death, the poison was approved by this man.
37
61a) sed tamen venenum unde fuerit, quem ad modum paratum sit, non dicitur.
But however where the poison is from and in what way it was prepared is not explained.
38
61b) Datum esse aiunt huic P. Licinio, pudenti adulescenti et bono, Caeli familiari;
They say that it was given to this Publius Licinius, a good and modest young man, a friend of Caelius;
39
61c) constitutum esse cum servis, ut venirent ad balneas Senias; eodem Licinium esse venturum atque iis veneni pyxidem traditurum.
That it was agreed with the slaves that they should come to the Senian baths; that Licinius was to come to that same place and he was to hand over the box of poison to them.
40
61d) hic primum illusion requiro, quid attinuerit ferri in eum locum constitutum, cur illi servi non ad Caelium domum venerint.
Here, I have to ask first that question, what was the significance of deciding to bring it into that place, why those slaves did not come to Caelius at home.
41
61e) si manebat tanta illa consuetudo Caeli, tanta familiaritas cum Clodia, quid suspicionis esset, si apud Caelium mulieris servus visus esset?
If such an intimacy as that of Caelius remained such a familiarity with Clodia, what would’ve been suspicious about it if the woman’s slave had been seen at Caelius’s home.
42
61f) sin autem iam suberat simultas, exstincta erat consuetudo, discidium exstiterat, “hinc illae lacrimae” nimirum, et haec causa est omnium horum scelerum atque criminum.
But if a quarrel had already happened the intimacy would have died, a separation would have occurred; “henceforth those tears” without doubt, and this is the cause of all these crimes and charges.
43
62a) “Immo”, inquit, “cum servi ad dominam rem totam et maleficium Caeli detulissent, mulier ingeniosa praecepit his ut omnia Caelio pollicerentur;
“Not at all”, he says, “when the slaves had conveyed to their mistress the whole story and the wickedness of Caelius, the ingenious woman gives orders to them to promise Caelius everything;
44
62b) sed ut venenum, cum a Licinio traderetur, manifesto comprehendi posset, constitui locum iussit balneas Senias, ut eo mitteret amicos, qui delitiscerent, deinde repente, cum venisset Licinius venenumque traderet, prosilirent hominemque comprenderent.”
But so that she might seize the poison openly while it was being handed over by Licinius, she ordered the location to be arranged as the Senian Baths, so that she might send her friends there to hide, then suddenly when Licinius had come and was handing over the poison they might jump out and seize the man”
45
62c) Quae quidem omnia, iudices, perfacilem rationem habent reprehendendi. Cur enim potissimum balneas publicas constituerat? In quibus non invenio quae latebra togatis hominibus esse posset.
Indeed all these things, judges, hold a very easy way of refuting the argument. For why, above all, had she decided on the public baths? I cannot find in them where there could be a hiding place for men in togas.
46
62d) Nam si essent in vestibulo balnearum, non laterent; sin se in intimum conicere vellent, nec satis commode calceati et vestiti id facere possent et fortasse non reciperentur, nisi forte mulier potens quadrantaria illa permutatione familiaris facta erat balneatori.
For if they were in the entrance hall of the baths, they would not be hidden, but if they wish to rush inside, they could not have done that sufficiently easily wearing shoes and clothed, and perhaps they would not be accepted in unless by chance that powerful woman for her usual ha’penny transaction had got herself close to the bath keeper.
47
63a) atque equidem vehementer exspectabam, quinam isti viri boni testes huius manifesto deprehensi veneni dicerentur; nulli enim sunt adhuc nominati.
And indeed I was eagerly awaiting to know who those good men were who were said to be witnesses of the poison being openly apprehended for non have as yet been named.
48
63b) sed non dubito, quin sint pergraves, qui primum sint talis feminae familiares, deinde eam provinciam susceperint, ut in balneas contruderentur, quod illa nisi a viris honestissimis ac plenissimis dignitatis, quam velit sit potens, numquam impetravisset.
But I do not doubt that they are most important men who firstly were intimates with such a woman and secondly, undertook that task to be shoved together into the baths because she would never have achieved this however powerful she wants to seem, unless with men who were most honourable and most full of dignity.
49
63d) sed quid ego de dignitate istorum testium loquor? Virtutem eorum diligentiamque cognoscite.
But what do I say about the distinction of those witnesses? Learn about their virtue and diligence.
50
63e) “In balneas delituerunt.” Testes egregious! “Dein temere prosiluerunt.” Homines temperantes! Sic enim fingitis, cum Licinius venisset, pyxidem teneret in manu, conaretur tradere, nondum tradidisset, tum repente evolasse istos praeclaros testes sine nomine;
“They hid in the baths!” Oh, outstanding witnesses! “Then, they leapt out too rashly.” Oh, restrained men. For you invent that when Licinius had arrived, when he was holding the box in his hand, trying to hand it over, had not yet handed it over, then suddenly those famous witnesses with no name flew out;
51
63f) Licinium autem, cum iam manum ad tradendam pyxidem porrexisset, retraxisse atque illo repentino hominum impetu se in fugam coniecisse.
But that Licinius, when he had stretched out his hand to hand over the box, retracted it and suddenly rushed to flee from the attack of these men.
52
63g) o magna vim veritatem, quae contra hominum ingenia, calliditatem, sollertiam contraque fictas omnium insidias facile se per se ipsa defendat!
Oh what great strength truth is, which might easily defend itself by its own power against the talents of men, their cunning, their shrewdness and against everyone’s made up plots.
53
64a) velut haec tota fabella veteris et plurimarum fabularum poetriae quam est sine argumento, quam nullum invenire exitum potest! Quid enim?
This whole story little story is as if it comes from an old poetess who has written many plays, how devoid of plot it is, how impossible it is to find an ending! How so?
54
64b) isti tot viri (nam necesse est fuisse non paucos, ut et comprehendi Licinius facile posset et res multorum oculis esset testatior) cur Licinium de minibus amiserunt?
For those men - so many (for there would need to have been no small number of them in order both that Licinius could be easily arrested and the situation clearly under the very eyes of many people) - why did they let Licinius out of their hands?
55
64c) Qui minus minus enim Licinius comprehendi potuit, cum se retraxit, ne pyxidem traderet, quam si tradidisset?
For why was Licinius less able to be arrested when he withdrew so as not to hand over the box, than if he had handed it over?
56
64d) Erant enim illi positi, ut comprehenderent Licinium, ut manifesto Licinius teneretur, aut cum retineret venenum aut cum tradidisset.
For those men had been placed to arrest Licinius, so that Licinius could be clearly caught, either while he was holding the poison or when he had handed it over.
57
64e) hoc fuit totum consilium mulieris, haec istorum provincia, qui rogati sunt; quos quidem tu quam ob rem “temere prosiluisse” dicas atque ante tempus, non reperio.
This was the woman’s entire plan, this was the task of them who were asked to do it, indeed I cannot discover why you say that they jumped out rashly and ahead of time.
58
64f) fuerant ad hoc rogati, fuerant ad hanc rem collocati, ut venenum, ut insidiae, facinus denique ipsum ut manifesto comprehenderetur.
They had been asked to do this very thing, they had been stationed to achieve this very object, that the poison be clearly seized, the plots manifestly detected and then finally that the crime itself should be openly exposed.
59
65a) potueruntne magis tempore prosilire, quam cum Licinius venisset, cum in manu teneret veneni pyxidem?
Could they have jumped out at a better time than when Licinius had come, when he was holding the jar of poison in his hand?
60
65b) Quae cum iam erat tradita servis, si evasissent subito ex balneis mulieris amici Liciniumque comprehendissent, imploraret hominum fidem atque a se illam pyxidem traditam pernegaret.
When the poison jar had been handed over to the slaves, if the woman’s friends had burst out of the baths and arrested Licinius he would have been begging for their good faith and strongly denying that he had handed over the jar.
61
65c) quem quo modo illi reprehenderent? Vidisse se dicerent? Primum ad se revocarent maximi facinoris crimen; deinde id se vidisse dicerent, quod, quo loco collocati fuerant, non potuissent videre.
How were they to condemn him? Would they have said they had seen him? First they would have attracted the charge of the greatest crime to themselves; then they would have said that they had seen something which, from that place they were gathered, they could not have seen.
62
65d) Tempore igitur ipso se ostenderunt, cum Licinius venisset, pyxidem expediret, manum porrigeret, venenum traderet.
Therefore they showed themselves at that very moment, when Licinius had come, was taking out the poison box, was stretching out his hand, was handing over the poison.
63
65e) Mimi ergo est iam exitus, non fabulae; in quo cum clausula non invenitur, fugit aliquis e manibus, deinde scabilla concrepant, aulaeum tollitur.
Therefore that is now the end of a mime, not of a play; in which when the comic conclusion is not discovered; someone gets away, then the clappers sound, the curtain is raised.
64
66a) quaero enim, cur Licinium titubantem, haesitantem, cedentem, fugere conantem mulieraria manus ista de manibus amiserit,
For I want to know why that womanly band of men let slip through their fingers Licinius, wavering, hesitating, falling back, trying to flee, why they did not seize him,
65
66b) cur non comprehenderint, cur non ipsius confessione, multorum oculis, facinoris denique voce tanti sceleris crimen expresserint.
Why they did not, by his own confession, or the eye-witnessing of many people, finally by the voice of the crime itself, force out of him his guilt of such wickedness.
66
66c) an timebant , ne tot unum, valentes imbecillum, alacres perterritum superare non possent?
Or were they afraid lest so many, would not be able to overcome one man, lest such strong men would not be able to overcome a weakling, lest rigorous men would not be able to overcome a terrified one?
67
66d) nullum argumentum in re, nulla suspicio in causa, nullus exitus criminis reperietur.
No proof of the case is found here, no suspicion of the case, no endpoint of the charge.
68
66e) itaque haec causa ab argumentis, a coniectura, ab iis signis, quibus veritas illustrari solet, ad testes tota traducta est.
Therefore this whole charge is being handed over from the arguments, reasoned inferences and from those proofs by which the truth is usually illuminated, to witnesses.
69
66f) quos quidem ego, iudices, testes non modo sine ullo timore, sed etiam cum aliqua spe delectationis exspecto.
Indeed judges, I await those witnesses not only without any fear, but even with a certain pleasurable anticipation.
70
67a) praegestit animus iam videre primum lautos iuvenes mulieris beatae ac nobilis familiares, deinde fortes viros ab imperatrice in insidiis atque in praesidio balnearum collocatus;
Indeed, my mind now yearns to see first these washed young men, acquaintances of this blessed and noble woman, then also the brave men gathered by their woman - general as part of the plot and as part of a garrison of the baths;
71
67b) ex quibus requiram, quem ad modum latuerint aut ubi, alveusne ille an equus Troianus fuerit, qui tot invictos viros muliebre bellum gerentes tulerit ac texerit.
I will ask them, how they hid and where; and whether it was that bathtub or a Trojan horse, which brought and concealed so many unconquered men waging a womanly war.
72
67c) illud vero respondere cogam, cur tot viri ac tales hunc et unum et tam imbecillum, quam videtis, non aut stantem comprenderint aut fugientem consecuti sint; qui se numquam profecto, si in istum locum processerint, explicabunt.
Indeed, I will compel them to answer that question of why so many and such men could not arrest this man that you see - alone and such a weakling - as he stood there, or pursue him as he fled; these men will certainly never explain themselves, if they ever get to this place.
73
67d) quam violent in conviviis faceti, dicaces, non numquam etiam ad vinum diserti sint, alia fori vis est, alia triclinii, alia subselliorum ratio, alia lectorum;
They can be as droll as they like at parties, witty, even eloquent sometimes when drunk, however the force of the forum is one thing, that of the dining room another, the business of the judges’ benches is one thing, that of the dining room couches another;
74
67e) non idem iudicum comissatorumque conspectus; lux denique longe alia est solis, alia lychnorum.
The perspective of judges and revellers is not the same thing, and finally the light of the sun is a very different thing from that of lamps.
75
67f) quam ob rem excutiemus omnes istorum delicias, omnes ineptias, si prodierint.
Which is why we will shake off all these of their delicate airs, all of their follies, if they come forward.
76
67g) sed me audiant, navent aliam operam, aliam ineant gratiam, in aliis se rebus ostentent, vigeant apud istam mulierem venustate, dominentur sumptibus, haereant, iaceant, deserviant; capiti vero innocentis fortunisque parcant.
But let them listen to me; let them assist in some other task, let them carry favour elsewhere, let them show off in other affairs, let them flourish in their charms in that woman’s house, let them be supreme in their spending, let them cling to her, lie with her, be her servants; indeed though let them be sparing of the life and fortune of an innocent man.
77
68a) at sunt servi illi de cognatorum sententia, nobilissimorum et clarissimorum hominum, manu missi
But those slaves, by the opinions of her kinsmen, most noble and famous of men, have been given their freedom.
78
68b) tandem aliquid invenimus, quod ista mulier de suorum propinquorum fortissimorum virorum sententia atque auctoritate fecisse dicatur.
At last we have found something that that woman is said to have done in accordance with the opinions and authority of her relatives, strongest of men.
79
68c) sed scire cupio, quid habeat argumenti ista manumissio; in qua aut crimen est Caelio quaesitum aut quaestio sublata aut multarum rerum consciis servis cum causa praemium persolutum.
But I want to know with what reason this manumission came about, by which act either a charge which was contrived against Caelius or the possibility of examination by torture was removed or a reward was paid out with a good reason to slaves who were privy to her many affairs.
80
68d) “at propinquis” inquit “placuit.” Cur non placeret, cum rem tute ad eos non ab aliis tibi adlatam, sed a te ipsa compertam deferre diceres?
“But it suited my family” she said. Why would it not suit them, since you say the affair was brought to them not as something reported by others to you but discovered by you yourself?