Quotes Flashcards
(56 cards)
Doyle, “family portrait”
What we tend to call liberal resembles a family portrait of principles and institutions recognisable by certain characteristics - for example, individual freedom, political participation, private property, and equality of opportunity
Doyle, “liberal pacifism”
The interaction of capitalism and democracy as the foundation of liberal pacifism
Doyle, “separate peace”
We consider the possibility that liberals have indeed established a separate peace - but only among themselves”
Doyle, “calculations”
Most wars arise out of calculations and miscalculations of interest, misunderstanding, and mutual suspicions, such as those that characterised the origins of World War 1
Doyle, “logic”
Neither the logic of the balance of power nor the logic of international hegemony explains the separate peace maintained for more than 150 years among states sharing one particular form of governance - liberal principles and institutions
Doyle, “popular wars”
The historical liberal legacy is laden with popular wars fought to promote freedom, to protect private property, or to support liberal allies against non-liberal enemies
Gaddis, “not directly competitive”
State whose economies are not directly competitive with one another… will maintain more friendly relations
Gaddis, “resemble”
States that resemble one another tend not to fight
Gaddis, “imminence”
The imminence of military conflict may force greater attention to economic and idealogical complementaries
Gaddis, “what actually happened”
What actually happened… was the abrupt and asymmetrical collapse of one superpower, not the gradual and symmetrical decline of both
Gaddis, “the challenge failed”
The challenge failed, not just because of the economic and technological backwardness of the USSR but also because international systemic conditions themselves worked against a successful challenge to the dominant hegemon at such as early point in a historical long cycle
Gaddis, Behaviouralists, “stress”
have stressed the increasing severity of the wars that do occur, together with the persistence of arms races, the dangers of nuclear and conventional weapons proliferation, and the absence of safeguards that would keep wars from breaking out
Gaddis, “the behaviouralists’ point about power”
The behaviourists’ point about power disparaties does help to explain the relative stability of the Cold War international system, but it would have provided no warning of that system’s impending collapse
Gaddis, “the role of theory”
The role of theory has always been not just to account for the past or to explain the present but to provide at least a preview of what is to come
Gaddis, @Morgenthau
there was no explanation of why the craving for power should necessarily take precedence over other human desries, or determine all human actions, or remain immutable for all time to come
Gaddis, behaviouralism, “classical empiricism”
The behavioural approach bases itself upon the key assumption of classical empiricism: that we can only know what we can directly observe and measure
Gaddis, “the structural approach”
The structural approach differs from the behavioural in that it focuses upon unobservable and hence unmeasurable structures that nonetheless shape international relations in obervable and measurable ways
Gaddis, evolutionary
“the passage of time can not only influence both behaviour and structure in world politics; it can also obscure the distinction between them”
Gaddis, “grand theory”
No grand theory has ever risen to replace Morgenthau
Chinkin and Kaldor, “customary international law”
Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter prohibits the threat or the use of force in international relations, a prohibition that is accepted a customary international law
Chinkin and Kaldor, “self-defence exception”
The self-defence exception has taken on new significance by its use to justify the unilateral use of force by states, notably the United States in the ‘War on Terror’ and by Russia in its military operations in Georgia, Crimea, and Ukraine
Chinkin and Kaldor, Five Ad Bellum Criteria
Just cause, last resort, right authority, proportionality…and reasonable prospect of success
Chinkin and Kaldor, UN Charter 51
“the inherent right of individual or collective self defence if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security”
Chinkin and Kaldor, “Use of force in Syria”
Use of force in Syria violates that state’s territorial integrity and is therefore contrary to UN Charter article 2(4) unless it can be justified
