Readings

Question 1

Barnett, C. (2010)

Answer 1

• Liberal democracy refers to forms of institutionalized popular representation, involving periodic mass election of representatives to authoritative legislatures, under conditions of free speech and association. This model of democracy is unevenly developed in the West and is often presented as the ideal to be emulated throughout the world.
• The so-called diffusion of democracy as a global form of governance since the late 1980s has followed in the wake of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, political transitions away from authoritarianism in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and the application of norms of democratic governance in the geopolitics of Western international financial policy, trade negotiations, and military engagements

Question 2

Stokke, K. (2009)

Answer 2

absence of research on the parallel global spread and hegemony of liberal democracy during the last three decades. This ‘ghostly presence of democracy in geography’ was pointed out by Barnett and Low (2004: 1) five years ago. •

Question 3

Staeheli, L. A. (2010)

Answer 3

• mosquito is simply one example of broader attempts to regulate the public and the public sphere
• It is through address, subsequent dialogue, or interaction, and the development of some feeling of commonality or shared experience, that publics are formed
• Many theoretical arguments about democratization emphasize the expansion of ‘the public’ as a key marker of democratization.

Question 4

Johnston, R. (1999)

Answer 4

• according to Arblaster (1996:9) ‘At the root of all definitions of democracy, however refined and complex, lies the idea of popular power, of a situation in which power, and perhaps authority too, rests with the people,’
One of democracy’s basic and continuing core ideas is ‘equal political rights for all’ (p. 25), though political equality is very difficult to achieve without economic and social equality too
• Three sets of institutional guarantees are necessary to such a liberal democracy according to Dahl (1978): 1 in the formulation of preferences, involving the freedoms to form and join organizations, of expression, of information, to compete for votes and to stand for public office; 2 in signifying preferences, through free and fair elections; and 3 in the equal weighting of preferences, and their relationship to policy-making

Question 5

Rosenblatt, H. (2018)

Answer 5

• One common mistake is to conflate liberalism with democracy
• The emperor’s (Napoleon) popularity demonstrated in no uncertain terms that French citizens had an unhealthy predilection for authoritarian rulers and were fatally susceptible to propaganda
• The survival of liberal democracies required a politically educated citizenry.

Question 6

Phillips, A. (1992).

Answer 6

• For many democrats, the decisive weakness of liberal democracy is the way it has restricted the scope and intensity of citizen engagement
• Even setting aside issues of gender and race, female unequal access to economic resources combines with their unequal access to knowledge, information and political skills to render us politically (not just socially) unequal
problems relate to the sexual division of labour in production and reproduction and will only be finally resolved when men and women share equally in the full range of paid and unpaid work

Question 7

Mouffe, C. (1995).

Answer 7

communitarian thinkers have criticized the disintegration of social bonds and the growing anomie which has accompanied the dominance of the liberal view;
• main problem in the attempt by many communitarians to recreate a ‘gemeinschaft’ type of community is that such a view is clearly premodern and incompatible with the pluralism that is constitutive of modern democracy
• allegiance to liberal democratic institutions requires that the individuals living in those societies value the identity and the form of life that liberal democratic institutions make possible

Question 8

Miller, D. (1992)

Answer 8

• Liberal democracy may be taken to refer to the set of institutions - free elections, competing parties, freedom of speech
liberal view, the aim of democracy is to aggregate individual preferences into a collective choice in as fair and efficient a way as possible
• Deliberative democracy- a person’s capacity to be swayed by rational arguments and to lay aside particular interests and opinions in deference to overall fairness and the common interest of the collectivity. It supposes people to be to some degree communally orientated in their outlook.
• liberal democratic procedures are themselves vulnerable to political manipulation. ie Populism

Question 9

Barbero, I. (2012)

Answer 9

• acts of protest that occurred in the city of Barcelona and other Spanish cities in 2001 in response to imminent toughening of the Foreigners’ law 8/2000.
• At this time, undocumented immigrants had become increasingly marginalized in Spanish law and politics (De Lucas, 2000; Calavita, 2005). O

Question 10

Desforges, Jones, and Woods, 2005

Answer 10

“hollowing out”—and subsequent “filling in” (Jones et al., 2005)—of the state in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries can be identified with a weakening of the conventional association of citizenship with the nation-state (Kurtz & Hankins, 2005)
guard against crime, community initiatives to provide or support education, social housing and welfare provision outside the state sector, and the promotion of community-led action for economic regeneration
• Historically, citizenship was a mark of belonging and commitment to a specific place
• In an increasingly cosmopolitan and globalised world, new transnational citizenships are emerging based on ethnic, cultural or religious identities and promoted by diasporic communities or faith groups
• Members of diasporic communities, for example, frequently adhere to ideas of both national and transnational citizenship
• Bounded spaces, such as nation-states, also distort the relational spaces of topological connections in important ways.

Question 11

Gaskell, C. 2008

Answer 11

• In 2006, the UK’s New Labour government unveiled a new cross-departmental policy framework. It proposed that New Labour’s third term, since coming to power in 1997, be defined by a new ‘Respect Agenda’
• Young people’s education, political engagement and service uptake on the other hand, are considered reflections of a successful citizenship of the future generation
• Young people’s behaviour is to be controlled through the family, the school and the public sphere
• When ‘failure’ of aspiration, achievement and material gain is devolved from the state to the individual, the likelihood increases that blame too will be individualised
• Young people feel disrespected by individuals and by society more broadly

Question 12

Smith, Organ, and Near, 1983

Answer 12

• Katz (1964) identified three basic types of behaviour essential for a functioning organization (a) People must be induced to enter and remain within the system, (b) they must carry out specific role requirements in a dependable fashion; and (c) there must be innovative and spontaneous activity that goes beyond role prescriptions.
• Because citizenship behavior goes beyond formal role requirements, it is not easily enforced by the threat of sanctions.
• much of what we call citizenship behavior is not easily governed by individual incentive schemes, because such behavior is often subtle, difficult to measure, may contribute more to others’ performance than one’s own, and may even have the effect of sacrificing some portion of one’s immediate individual output

Question 13

Coates, and Garmany, 2017

Answer 13

• relationship between citizenship, space and ecological stability.
• While space may be crucial to defining democratic citizenship – where opportunities to occupy, inhabit and make use of space are fundamental to Western citizenship rights – insufficient attention is paid to the ‘nature’ of space and the ecological coproduction of spatial change.
• Though ‘access’ to citizenship is often regarded as important for reducing vulnerability, especially among low-income populations (Amrith, 2015; Holston, 2008; Maricato, 2003; Purcell, 2003), our findings critique these assumptions
• Such bleak outcomes are inevitable, we argue, so long as coproductive/destructive links between environmental processes and citizenship are ignored, and as long as expectations of citizenship fail to account for broader ecological contexts.

Question 14

Gray, and Griffin, (2013).

Answer 14

• The British Citizenship Test was introduced in 2005
-relationship between citizenship and immigration, with many pointing out that a significant dilemma facing many modern states is the need for migration to meet labour needs, amid concerns about integration and social cohesion
-UK government (under New Labour) introduced mandatory citizenship tests, in which migrants are required to demonstrate that they have ‘sufficient knowledge of English, Welsh or Scots Gaelic’ and ‘sufficient knowledge about life in the United Kingdom’ before being granted citizenship (Home Office, 2002).
• For some, identity is central to understanding how people experience their rights and obligations, whether they participate, in what form, and why
• Central to these debates is the recognition that identity (much like citizenship) is an ‘essentially contested construct’
• It is argued that knowledge of the English language and UK life will allow citizens to engage in public life and accept their citizen responsibilities

Question 15

Staeheli, L. (2011)-Citizenship school and SA

Answer 15

• citizenship is multifaceted
- border controls are part of a larger dynamic of exclusion and ‘othering’ that is integral to nation states and the ways that citizenship is often imagined and reinforced through discourses of fear
- process of bordering requires that citizens and their others are put into a relation
• The school, thus, extends beyond the physical structure to encompass cultural and political practices by which citizens-in-themaking are managed, disciplined, and enabled
• The cosmopolitan citizenship promoted in South Africa, for example, serves to advance the idea that post-apartheid South Africa is part of the global community of nations, and that citizenship is based on a commitment to human rights for all
• experience of citizenship varies dramatically for elite migrants as compared to refugees, many of whom live ‘illegally’ in African cities
• Meanwhile, refugees, labour-force migrants and less privileged migrants live in suspended spaces of citizenship in which neither cosmopolitan nor national citizenship seem relevant.

Question 16

Abizadeh, A. (2012)- Cultural nation

Answer 16

• The nation is supposed to be prepolitical in the causal sense insofar as its defining feature—a distinct common culture—is not the mere effect of “political imposition,” but arises “more or less spontaneously” from the “authentic” beliefs, values, choices, and/or relationships of its members
• cultural nation thus answers both the legitimacy and the boundary questions: Political power is legitimate in virtue of reflecting the nation’s culture, and the nation’s members are simply those who share a common culture. This congruence is why cultural nationalism is a modern theory promising freedom in the face of political power.
• Fichte defined the nation in terms of a common language
• In one respect individuals A and B may be similar, because both speak German, but different from C and D, who speak French; whereas in another respect A and C may be similar, because they both are Catholic, but different from C and D, who are Protestant. If culture were individuated according to linguistic practice, then A and B would seem to share one culture, C and D another; but if it were individuated according to religious beliefs or practice, then A and C would seem to share a culture, B and D another
• Yet however central language may be, sharing one does not prevent variation in other features, and it is not clear why such variation should be irrelevant for individuating cultures.

Question 17

Nili, S. (2017) Democracy and the boundary problem

Answer 17

• “Democracies,” as Seyla Benhabib notes, “cannot choose the boundaries of their own membership democratically.”1 This is the famous “boundary problem” in democratic theory
• the fact that individuals born on two sides of the same border often face radically unequal life prospects is morally disturbing entirely independently of any questions about whether and how democracy should determine the composition of a people.

Question 18

Song, S. (2012) Democracy and the demos

Answer 18

• Democracy is rule by the demos
• Theorists of democracy have tended to assume that the demos is properly defined by national boundaries or by the territorial boundaries of the modern state.
• Political equality is a constitutive condition of democracy, and solidarity is an instrumental condition of democracy.
• Why demos should be classified via territorial boundaries of the state. (1) securing the constitutive conditions of democracy, (2) serving as the primary site of solidarity conducive to democratic participation, and (3) establishing clear links between representatives and their constituents.

Question 19

Rickard, S.J., 2016-brexit and populism

Answer 19

• Brexit is viewed by many as a triumph of populism. “Populist anger against the established political order finally boiled over” (Yardley, 2016).
$350million a week to the NHS-Polling shows it was the single most remembered figure from the campaign (BBC News, 2016).

Since 2007, the average British worker experienced a 10 percent decrease in their real wages (OECD, 2016).

Question 20

Piketty 2016; -brexit

Answer 20

some of the longue durée conditions for the moment of Brexit have to do with the deep processes of globalization and Europeanization

Question 21

Dennison and Carl 2016-brexit

Answer 21

British people are the least likely of all twenty-eight EU member states to identify as “European”

Question 22

Dodd 2016-brexit

Answer 22

a reported 42 percent increase in recorded hate crimes in the week before and after the vote, while the head of the National Police Chiefs’ Council stated, “Some people felt [Brexit] gave license to vent [racist] views or behaviour”

Question 23

Goodwin, M.J. and Heath, O., 2016-populism

Answer 23

• the vote to remain in the EU was strongest in the London authority of Lambeth, followed by Hackney, Foyle in Northern Ireland, Haringey, the City of London, Islington, Wandsworth, Camden,
• Of the fifty local authorities where the Remain vote was strongest, thirty-nine were in London or Scotland.
• Broadly speaking, it was in fact communities that had the fewest recent immigrants from the EU that were the most likely to want to leave the EU. For example, South Staffordshire in the West Midlands has one of the lowest levels of EU migration in the country, with less than 1 per cent of the population born in mainland Europe. Yet in this authority area the Leave vote reached 78 per cent

Question 24

Müller, J. W. (2015) -populism

Answer 24

• Populism said to be driven by ‘fear’ (of modernisation, globalisation, etcetera) or – most frequently – ‘resentment’
• populists are not simply antielitist: they are also necessarily anti-pluralist
- the people themselves’ constitute a merely hypothetical entity existing outside of democratic procedures, a homogeneous body that can be played off against actual election results.

Question 25

Agnew, J. and Shin, M. (2017)-populism

Answer 25

• The rise of contemporary populism worldwide has correlated with the stagnating incomes, increased income inequality, and declining life chances for many in countries that experienced high economic growth and increasing incomes from the 1950s through the 1980s.
• As the Italian economy stagnated in the early 2000s and as the global economic crisis beginning in 2008 began to take its toll on Italian households, the trend to populist politics intensified.
• Uncontrolled foreign immigration is often identified as a major stimulus,
• In much political and social theory “the people” ties a group of people to the state by the claim to sovereignty.
• In the 2016 British referendum on leaving the European Union, voters aged eighteen to twenty-four had a turnout of 36 percent, whereas those over sixty-four had a turnout of 83 percent.

Question 26

Freeden, M. (2017) populism

Answer 26

• thin-centred ideologies
• ontological view of the social world
• monopolistic ownership of the national timeline
• The fear of change
• Brexiteers, too, invoke the referendum as the ‘will of the people’, a phrase understood as a singular homogeneous monolith, conveniently ignoring that 62.5% of the electorate (‘remainers’, and those who abstained from participating) did not vote to leave the EU but are ‘automatically’ included in that will.

Question 27

Ford, R., & Goodwin, M. (2017). -brexit/populism

Answer 27

• On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom voted 52 to 48 percent to leave the European Union.1
• 1960s, more than half of those with jobs in Britain did manual work, and less than 10 percent of the electorate had a university degree. By the 2000s, the working class had dwindled to around a fifth of the employed electorate, while more than a third of voters were graduates.
• Net migration rose from 48,000 to 268,000 per annum between 1997 and 2004 and continued to rise, topping 300,000 in the years immediately before the referendum.
• The share of voters naming migration as one of the nation’s most important issues increased from under 3 percent at the start of 1997 to around 30 percent in 2003 and then to over 40 percent toward the end of 2007.9
• The overall turnout was the highest recorded in a U.K.-wide vote since 1992

Question 28

Forest, B. (2017) Electoral geography

Answer 28

• Digital technology and the burgeoning availability of electronic data mean that it is easier than ever to create maps of votes
• The 3 major approaches are the geography of voting (mapping and visualizing votes), geographic influences on voting (the effect of place on political preferences and behavior), and the geography of representation (the analysis of electoral systems).
• Election mapping, in a sense, has become democratized (Shin, 2009).
• Electoral cartography cannot alone distinguish compositional and contextual effects.
• Moreover, gender—often a major determinant of political preference—tends to be spatially uniform and thus “invisible” to electoral analysis
- in the UK, parties typically maximize expenditures in their most competitive constituencies, where their candidate has a relatively even chance of winning or losing
• In 2015, for example, the Scottish National Party won over 8% of the seats in the House of Commons with less than 5% of the national vote in the UK election
• Conversely (as shown in Figure 6), a party such as the United Kingdom Independence Party, whose support is spread among many constituencies may amass considerable support nationally (12.6%) while winning few seats (one out of 650 in 2015)

Question 29

Johnston, R. & Pattie, P. (2004

Answer 29

• Some countries have complex party systems and voting behaviour reflecting the continued presence of several such cleavages and the ease of accommodating them within the electoral system; others are dominated by a single – usually class – cleavage (with Great Britain a paradigm exemplar)
• Butler and Stokes’ (1969; 1974) path-breaking British work, which demonstrated within-class variations in party choice readily associated with different social milieu
• A member of the working class in a city dominated by large enterprises, where trades unions were very active, is probably politically socialized in a very different environment from somebody in a similar class position living in a small town or in the countryside
• Thus in Britain, with a predominantly pro-Labour working class and predominantly pro-Conservative middle class, heavily working-class areas have even more Labour supporters/voters than their class composition suggests, with the opposite situation in strongly middle class areas.
• Similarly, British data show that ‘people who talk together do vote together’ (Pattie and Johnston, 2000),

Question 30

Benhabib, S. (2007)-Practicing/encountering citizneship.

Answer 30

• both cosmopolitan norms and deterritorialized law challenge the nation-state and threaten to escape control by democratic legislatures, it argues that cosmopolitan norms enhance popular sovereignty while many other forms of global law undermine it
• National citizenship is a legal and social status which combines some form of collectively shared identity with the entitlement to social and economic benefits and the privileges of political membership through the exercise of democratic rights.
• in today’s world the civil and social rights of migrants, aliens and denizens are increasingly protected by international human rights documents.
• The establishment of the European Union has been accompanied by a Charter of Fundamental Rights and by the formation of a European Court of Justice. The European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which encompasses states which are not members of the EU as well, permits the claims of citizens of adhering states to be heard by a European Court of Human Rights
• Inter-American System for the Protection of Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights
• African states have accepted the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights in 1981 through the Organization of African Unity and to date it has been ratified by 49 states (Henkin et al., 2003, pp. 147ff).
• In South Asia, particularly among economic elites who carry three or more passports and navigate three or more national economies, the institution of “flexible citizenship” is taking hold (Ong, 1999).
• Global capitalism is indeed creating its own form of “global law without a state” (Teubner, 1997), as well as sabotaging the efforts of legislators to conduct open and public deliberations on legislation impacting the movements of capital and other resources.
• The modern state formation in the West begins with the “territorialization” of space. The enclosure of a particular portion of the earth and its demarcation from others through the creation of protected boundaries,
- legacy of empire has come back today to haunt the resource-rich countries of the Northern Hemisphere through the rise of transnational migrations. Transnational migrations also produce an uncoupling between territoriality, sovereignty, and citizenship but in ways quite different than colonialism
(1910–2000), the population of the world grew from 1.6 to 5.3 billion, roughly threefold
• Migrations, by contrast, increased almost sixfold over the course of the same 90 years.
• Transnational corporations such as Nike, Reebok, and the Gap now employ millions of women who work 12 hours a day and make less than $2.00 a day.
• States are pushed into the “race to the bottom”, that is, to embrace neo-liberal reforms, cutting back on the welfare state and relaxing labor and environmental legislations.

Question 31

(Apter, 2001).

Answer 31

• Many states are privatizing their own activities by disbursing authority over prisons and school to private enterprises

Question 32

Zlotnik, 2001,

Answer 32

• In 1910 roughly 33 million migrants lived in countries other than their own; by the year 2000 their number had reached 175 million

Question 33

(Ong, 1999,

Answer 33

• New forms of “multinational zones of sovereignty” in the form growth triangles (GTs) are spreading throughout South Asia and Central America. These “straddle borders between neighboring states such as to maximize the locational advantage and attract global capital

Question 34

Hammett, D. 2017

Answer 34

• Citizenship has historically been associated with belonging to a state. From the city state of ancient Greece through to the modern Westphalian state system, the status of ‘citizen’ has been associated with belonging to a (nation) state acquired through place of birth, parentage or naturalisation.
• citizenship has primarily been considered as a place- or territorially rooted identity embedded in, and through, a set of known rights and obligations to both fellow residents and the governing authority
• Urban spaces are witnessing increasingly high-profile movements and demonstrations aimed at contesting dominant narratives of citizenship, development and political rule
•

Question 35

Özdemir, Z., Ayata, A.G. 2017

Answer 35

Turkey has been an official candidate for membership in theEuropean Union since 1999, and the European Union put an‘Accession Partnership’(AP) strategy for Turkey into practise in2000.

Question 36

Leitner, H. and Ehrkamp, P., 2006

Answer 36

threats posed to nation-states as political and sociocultural units, from above' by economic and political globalization (Habermas, 2001) and from below’ by transnational migration and migrant transnationalism that is, migrants forging and sustaining familial, economic, cultural, and political ties and identities that cross national borders
• contemporary public policy discussions about immigration in major receiving states have focused on the dangers of migrant transnationalism, particularly migrants’ multiple identities and allegiances
• new forms of citizenship are emerging that are no longer bounded by the territory of a single nation-state.
• European nation-states have been extending civil, social, and, in some cases, political rights to noncitizen immigrants residing within their territory. Immigrants in Germany, for example, have access to welfare and public services without possessing German citizenship. This decoupling of rights from formal citizenship allows migrants to enjoy citizenship rights in more than one nation-state
• It also enables immigrants to become engaged in civic organizations and actions across national borders (Ehrkamp and Leitner, 2003)
• The nation-state continues to matter as a guarantor and enforcer of human rights, even as human rights are increasingly defined at the global scale
• migrants consider formal citizenship a prerequisite for personal security and protection under the law and equal access to social and political rights. Yet, they remain skeptical about whether formal citizenship will result in equal treatment.
•

Question 37

Marshall, 1950

Answer 37

• National citizenship has been the prevailing norm for most of the 20th century. In its ideal terms, national citizenship provides equality and protection under the law and grants all citizens residing within a national territory equal access to social, civil, and political rights

Question 38

Bosniak, 2001

Answer 38

• In exchange for these rights, the nation-state demands from citizens the fulfillment of certain obligations (such as paying taxes), and loyalty and allegiance to the political community of the nation-state. This liberal democratic conception of citizenship is distinct in that it assumes membership in only one nation-state

Question 39

Soysal, 1994)

Answer 39

post-national citizenship

Question 40

Held, 1995

Answer 40

cosmopolitan (citizenship

Question 41

Baubock, 1994

Answer 41

transnational citizenship
expands citizenship beyond the nation. He emphasizes the rights aspect of citizenship, and highlights the importance of the state as guarantor of such citizenship rights. He rejects postnational or cosmopolitan citizenship as there is no world state that could enforce citizenship

Question 42

Falk, 1994

Answer 42

Global citizenship

Question 43

Ong, 1999

Answer 43

Flexible citizenship

Question 44

• Miller (2000

Answer 44

Citizenship only possible in a territorially bounded political community
``a valuable status, and states therefore naturally wish to restrict its possession to those who identify themselves with the nation and are carriers of the right cultural identity

Question 45

Ehrkamp, 2005;

Answer 45

• Miller’s normative ideal of national citizenship also ignores the salient desire of immigrants to maintain their multiple identities, and fails to acknowledge that engagement in multiple polities and communities is a normal feature of immigrant life
• Scholars of migrant transnationalism have shown that contemporary migrants identify with multiple communities, nations, ethnic, and religious communities across borders (Ehrkamp, 2005

Question 46

Staeheli, et al, 2012

Answer 46

• Conceptualizing citizenship as ordinary trains our attention on the ways in which the spatiality of laws and social norms are entwined with daily life.
• The resulting forms and practices of citizenship are – in their broadest sense – ordinary, diverse, shifting, and complex
• A fundamental division within the literatures on citizenship is grounded in whether citizenship is conceptualized primarily as a legal category or as a positioning with respect to the polity.
• . Among those who ground their understanding of citizenship in law, issues related to citizenship as a form of birthright (Shachar, 2009), the rights and responsibilities of citizenship (Benhabib, 2004), and the protections and agency for those who are not citizens in the places in which they live (Baubo¨ck, 1994) may be overarching concerns.

Question 47

Castells, M., 2008.

Answer 47

• The public sphere is the space of communication of ideas and projects that emerge from society and are addressed to the decision makers in the institutions of society. The global civil society is the organized expression of the values and interests of society. The relationships between government and civil society and their interaction via the public sphere define the polity of society.
• Physical space—particularly public space in cities as well as universities—cultural institutions, and informal networks of public opinion formation have always been important elements in shaping the development of the public sphere (Low and Smith 2006). And of course, as John Thompson (2000) has argued, media have become the major component of the public sphere in the industrial society
• It is through the public sphere that diverse forms of civil society enact this public debate, ultimately influencing the decisions of the state (Stewart 2001).
• Furthermore, it can be argued that there is a public sphere in the international arena (Volkmer 2003). It exists within the political/institutional space that is not subject to any particular sovereign power but, instead, is shaped by the variable geometry of relationships between states and global nonstate actors (Guidry, Kennedy, and Zald 2000).
- The social, economic, and cultural geography of our world follows the variable geometry of the global networks that embody the logic of multidimensional globalization
• The decreased ability of nationally based political systems to manage the world’s problems on a global scale has induced the rise of a global civil society
• Social movements that aim to control the process of globalization constitute a third type of civil society actor
the global civil society now has the technological means to exist independently from political institutions and from the mass media.
• In fact, the more the globalization process proceeds, the more contradictions it generates (e.g., identity crises, economic crises, and security crises), leading to a revival of nationalism and to the primacy of sovereignty.

Question 48

Habermas 1996,

Answer 48

• “a network for communicating information and points of view” - global civil society

Question 49

Kaldor 2003

Answer 49

• A second trend is represented by the rise of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) with a global or international frame of reference in their action and goals- This is what most analysts refer to as “global civil society”

Question 50

Castells, Yawaza, and Kiselyova 1996

Answer 50

• The Zapatistas, for instance, formed a social movement opposed to the economic, social, and cultural effects of globalization (represented by NAFTA) on the Mexican Indians and on the Mexican people at large

Question 51

Osler, A., 2011

Answer 51

• citizenship education has been re-emphasized by those who assert that in a globalized world and nation-states characterized by diversity, one requires a primary commitment to the nation-state
• Within EU member-states, this binary between education for national and global citizenship is troubled by the issue of European citizenship and belonging
• cosmopolitan citizenship, a concept that links the local, the national, and the global
• In emphasizing a common humanity and human solidarity, cosmopolitanism does not seek to deny local or regional identifications. As Nussbaum (1996) and others, such as Appiah (2006), have noted, local identities remain important for cosmopolitans
• Citizenship is deemed important as it ‘equips young people with the knowledge, skills and understanding to play an effective role in public life’ and ‘encourages them to take an interest in topical and controversial issues and to engage in discussion and debate’
• Following the London bombings in 2005, a number of senior members of the UK government, including Prime Ministers Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, have focused on the role of schools in creating a united and cohesive society. Gordon Brown, in particular, has suggested that the curriculum, notably the teaching of history and citizenship, should be directed to strengthen ‘Britishness’ and ‘British values’, promote patriotism
• Teachers saw the problem in different terms, emphasizing the need to challenge the insular and sometimes extremist and racist attitudes of some white students, as a central aspect of the project of social cohesion.
• The political challenge lies in these learners’ vulnerability to far right and extremist political parties, active at a local level.

Question 52

Altan-Olcay, O. 2012

Answer 52

• Between 1971 and 1974, the campuses of the first two American universities in the Middle East, Robert College (RC) in Istanbul and the American University of Beirut (AUB), were shaken by waves of student protests.
• As students created and acted within moments of rupture, they constituted themselves as activist citizens.
• Second, the campus already had a famous history of political mobilization around Arab nationalism (Rabah 2009, pp. 23–31).
• Between 1954 and 1971, the US government grants and contracts increased from 29% of the university income to 61.9%.7 However, by the beginning of the 1970s, the Cold War was coming to its ideological end, and the Vietnam War had drained the US treasury. As a result, USAID funding to universities such as AUB began to phase out
• Throughout the 1960s, urban student mobilization also gained pace. Like their counterparts in Lebanon, Turkish students protested US regional policies. They also watched the events in Paris, Berkeley, and Berlin. Cuba, Vietnam, and Palestine captured the revolutionary imagination
• A number of RC (Robert college) students participated in the demonstrations, protesting the arrival of the US Sixth Fleet in Istanbul (
• For them, the trust that the university administration put in them allowed them to develop a distinct cultural capital, contributing to ‘reasonable’ and ‘practical’ acts of citizenship.

Question 53

(Keyder 1987).

Answer 53

• During the 1950s, demands for a strengthening of the agricultural and trading bourgeoisie, the disillusionments with the state-led economy, together with the increased American aid to Turkey had accelerated transition to a market-oriented economy

Question 54

Isin and Nielsen 2008

Answer 54

• Focusing on lived experiences of acts of citizenship, with their incense against injustices in the existing social orders and exuberant hopes for other ways of being, allows us to theorize how actors become citizens in new ways, through lived experiences

Question 55

Hammett, D., Jackson, L. 2017

Answer 55

• ideals of development and modernisation locate those living outside the laws of the state as uncivilised, in contrast with those citizens who are active and law-abiding participants, and thus deemed as being civilised
• Socio-economic and political conditions, historical experience and memory frame these understandings which are, in turn, expressed through discursive and pedagogical practices including legislation, educational content, political rhetoric and the actions of the institutions of government
• Simultaneously, governments seek to manage, co-opt or marginalise civil society to minimise their potentially oppositional and critical nature, with such practices illustrating competing understandings of what civil society ‘is’ or ‘should be’, what it ‘does’ and ‘how it does’ its function as civil society
• Singapore’s efforts to overcome communalistic sentiments and develop a highly cosmopolitan society reflect a complex socio-cultural population which includes historical diasporic populations and high proportions of temporary residents and work-permit holders. Since independence from Britain (1963) and Malaysia (1965), the Singaporean state has been controlled by the PAP (People’s Action Party), allowing the entrenchment of a strong developmental state approach to national unity and development e a development approach subsequently adopted by the Ugandan government.
• Underneath the umbrella of ‘public order’, both governments are able to impose expectations of civility to curtail the public sphere but without overtly prohibiting the civil society sector-the Societies Act (1967) and the Sedition Act (1985) in Singapore, and the NGO Act (2016) and Public Order Management Act (POMA) (2013) in Uganda, which use the rhetoric of public order to legitimise restrictions on the acts and practices of CSOs.

Question 56

Freidman, 2010

Answer 56

• International development agencies locate civil society as essential for socio-economic development, a vital space for citizen participation within a critical public sphere, and both a marker and constituent element of the entrenchment of accountable, democratic governance

Question 57

DfID, 2016

Answer 57

• In 2015, the UK’s Department for International Development distributed roughly 20% of their bi-lateral aid budget through CSOs

Question 58

Volpi, 2011

Answer 58

• Within Western political thinking, the notion of civility has been linked to liberal democratic thinking, the centralisation of sovereign power and evolution of expected behaviours of the public

Question 59

Hammett, 2013

Answer 59

• This understanding of uncivil society encompasses everyday forms of resistance which may be deemed as uncivil because they “undermine and demythologise hegemonic power and create certain kinds of truth while also contesting the politics of belonging”

Question 60

Uganda NGO Forum, 2015

Answer 60

• The civil society sector in Uganda is, therefore, relatively young but rapidly growing, from less than 200 registered NGOs in 1986 there were 12,500 registered NGOs by the end of 2013

Question 61

Human Rights Watch, 2012

Answer 61

• Identified how the civil society landscape in Uganda has been encouraged to develop to support and provide service delivery, while being discouraged and intimidated when seeking to engage with issues of political change, corruption and accountability

Question 62

BBC, 2016b

Answer 62

Approximately 33.5 million people voted, 72 per cent of the eligible electorate; 52 per cent voted to leave the EU and 48 per cent to remain, a difference of nearly 1.3 million votes