Readings - Main Take Aways Flashcards

1
Q

What are the main take-aways from Aylott (2016 The Party System)?

A
  • Strong SAD due to late industrialization with string WC identity, openness to progressive right made less radical and design of a WS for working and middle-class
  • Sweden has a “modified two-party system” as there are two strictly divided blocs
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2
Q

What are the main take-aways from Bäck & Bergmann (2016 The Parties in Government Formation)?

A
  • Governments are formed through negative parliamentarism, after the speaker consulted with party leaders
  • In Sweden minority govs are very common, due to institutional oppositional influence in the Riksdag and the negative parliamentarism
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3
Q

What are Rydgren & Meiden (2018) four arguments why the SD rose?

A
  1. Decline of class politics in Sweden
  2. Growing salience of sociocultural politics, especially politicalization of immigration
  3. Increased convergence of old parties giving voters too little policy choice
  4. SD distanced themselves from radical-right past
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4
Q

What are Esping-Andersen’s (1990) three types of welfare state?

A
  1. Liberal: market-centered, low de-commodification, benefits are means-tested
  2. Conservative: family-centered, medium de-commodification, benefits are corporate-connected
  3. Social Democratic: state-centered, high de-commodification, benefits are universal
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5
Q

What does Rothstein (2016) name as the three reasons for the welfare state in Sweden?

A
  1. Influenced by Gustav Möller, to direct goods at people, low levels of bureaucracy, trust towards people
  2. Power Resource Theory (working-class political mobilization) → But: Political support needs: policy seen as morally justified, will be implemented fairly, not abused by free riders
  3. Economic logic: universal system more cost-effective, risks evenly spread, more support if all benefit
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6
Q

What is Andersson’s (2016) critique on the Swedish Welfare State model?

A
  1. It frees women from household work only to let them do care work in the public sector
  2. While having de-commodification, it depends on a working population
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7
Q

What are Andersson’s (2016) main arguments about the Swedish Welfare State?

A
  1. There is no stable Swedish welfare state model but it transforms over time → coordinated market economy
  2. Neoliberalism was introduced through the welfare state in Sweden and is not opposed to it; economic crisis as reasoning for changes
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8
Q

What are the main take-aways from Bergqvist (2016 The Welfare State and Gender Equality)?

A
  • General outcome: men do take parental leave and policies make it easier for women to combine work and motherhood, but still far from equal
  • 1974: parental leave instead of maternity leave, 1994: first earmarked month, 2002: second earmarked month (with general extension by 1 month)
  • While women were driving force in 1970s/80s, men became it in 1990s
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9
Q

What are Duvander & Johansson (2016 Parental leave use for different fathers) empirical findings?

A
  1. All education level fathers reacted to first earmarked month, for second earmarked month secondary educated fathers reacted the most, slight decrease for only primary education
  2. Difference between native and foreign born parents decreased after the 1st quota month but increased after 2nd quota month
  3. Gender equality bonus did not impact leave patterns of any fathers.
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10
Q

What is the ambivalence of maternity leave lengths? (Farré 2016)

A

Ambivalence of maternity leave length: if too short women may stay longer and lose job continuity, if too long it makes women less valuable to the labour market (human capital depreciation)

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11
Q

What are Farré’s (2016) empirical findings on fathers quota?

A
  1. Increases men’s share of parental leave
  2. Increases men’s household share during leave but not longterm
  3. No effects on men’s employment
  4. Only few studies find increased female employment
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12
Q

How does Sweden still stand out in its multi-cultural and WS integrative approach towards immigration (Borevi 2014)?

A
  1. Public opinion has not changed against immigrants
  2. Immigrants are less marginalized than in other countries and relatively high employment rates
  3. There are still almost no demands on immigrants, except for economic integration
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13
Q

What are the two major “models” of Integration, according to Choquet (2017)?

A
  1. Assimilation: blindness towards concerning cultural and religious differences, everyone same rights
 → equality = equal treatment
  2. Multiculturalism: policy of differences, all must have the right to live according to their culture and religion
 → equality = equal opportunities
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14
Q

What are the three hypothesis how migration could be a thread to the Nordic welfare state in Grodem (2016)?

A
  1. High employment rates → Nordic welfare states depend on high empl. That migrants can’t fulfill
    A. Labour market exclusion through need for high-skilled workers that migrants can’t fulfill
    B. Adverse selection: high low wages lead to higher minimum benefits, more attractive for low-skilled
    C. False incentives: migrants come only for benefits and not to work
  2. Public support for WS → Strong welfare state functions through homogen population
  3. Gender equality → Nordics have more gender equality that many migrants have different views on
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15
Q

What is Rodríguez-García (2010) critique on the two ideal integration models?

A
  1. Critique assimilation: doesn’t acknowledge plurality, can lead to marginalization and social exclusion
  2. Critique pluralism: can lead to segregation of migrant groups, marginalization within group/community, cultures are not homogenous
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16
Q

What are the core elements of Rodríguez-García (2010) alternative integration model?

A
  1. People should live out their own culture, but people of different cultures should actively live together.
  2. Everyone, whether majority or minority, should be involved in social change.
  3. Majority and minorities should adapt to each other bidirectionally, not only the latter to the former.
  4. Access to citizenship should be simplified, but at the same time understood in a more supranational way, while local/regional levels should become stronger.