The rise of Mussolini and the creation of a fascist dictatorship, 1919-26

Question 1

Describe the era 1918-22

Answer 1

Italy had just fought on the winning side of the war, taking a huge victory at Vittorio Veneto. However, this period would see social and political turbulence, as the liberal state had failed to bring about the fruits of the war that many felt they deserved, and they were further embarrassed by the occupation of Fiume. The Socialist Party had been making major gains, which threatened many in the middle and upper classes, and workers were striking across the country. The tensions socially and politically gave Mussolini an opportunity to form a new political movement in the form of the Fasci di Combattimento. This culminated in Mussolini becoming Prime Minister in October 1922.

Question 2

What problems did Orlando have to deal with after the war?

Answer 2

• Rising inflation due to the financing of war with foreign loans and printing of money
• Returning soldiers were pushing for land reform that they were promised
• There were divisions between returning soldiers and soldiers who were exempt to work in industry in the north. They were “cowards”

Question 3

Paris Peace Conference

Answer 3

Orlando argued that they should receive all of the territory that they had been promised in the 1915 Treaty of London, plus the port of Fiume. Their claim to Fiume was that there was a large Italian speaking population there. However the majority of Fiume was not Italian. The allied powers of the US, France and Britain did not see Italy as a great power. They did not receive Fiume or parts of the Treaty of London, like the Dodecanese Islands and parts of the Balkans. Orlando needed this territory to justify the war and avoid protests, revolutions and attempts on his life. He walked out of the conference in April, and when he went back in May, he had to accept that he would not receive this territory.

Question 4

What did Italy receive at Versailles?

Answer 4

Trentino and Trieste as part of the Treaty of London, and further occupied Istria and Northern Dalmatia. However their failure had undermined the liberal government.

Question 5

The “mutilated victory”

Answer 5

According to war hero and poet, Gabrielle d’Annunzio, it was a “mutilated victory” and was a shame to the 650,000 dead soldiers.

Question 6

When did Orlando resign?

Answer 6

June 1919

Question 7

Who replaced Orlando?

Answer 7

Francesco Nitti

Question 8

What was Nitti’s policy when he succeeded Orlando?

Answer 8

He wanted to downplay Italy’s claims in order to preserve their relationship with the allied powers. They had money and coal that Italy needed due to their weak economy. Therefore they allowed Yugoslavia to take Dalmatia and Fiume become a neutral city.

Question 9

What effect did Nitti have on the public?

Answer 9

Nationalists and military called him a cagoia (coward), and the mutilated victory would become a vocal point of the fascist rise to power. They would feed on the failure of the liberals in order to undermine them, as the pubic would be more inclined to support a more extreme front.

Question 10

The occupation of Fiume

Answer 10

Gabrielle d’Annunzio, a war hero and poet was also a prominent right-wing leader who had led protests in favour of intervention before the war. He was hostile towards the liberals for not bringing about the vision of a greater Italy. On the 12th September 1919, himself and 2,000 men, made up of ex-soldiers, Futurists, students and patriots seized the port of Fiume. The government did not act for 15 months out of fear of his popularity.

Question 11

How influential was this in the rise of fascism?

Answer 11

d’Annunzio held the same values of a greater, more united and patriotic Italy that Mussolini wanted to portray. It demonstrated what you could do with decisive action.

Question 12

Post-war economic crisis

Answer 12

Unemployment had reached 2 million by November 1919 as returning soldiers were now looking for jobs. The lira had collapsed in value, and savings, wages and pensions had lost their value. Major companies that had benefitted from war production like Fiat struggled after the war. Similarly, two major munitions companies Ansaldo and Alba collapsed in 1921, leading to the collapse of a major bank, the Banca di Sconto, causing a banking crisis.

Question 13

Biennio Rosso

Answer 13

“Two Red Years”. 1919-1920 saw anarchist and socialist radicals released after imprisonment during the war. Membership of socialist unions had grown from 250,000 in 1918 to 2 million in 1920. There were many strikes and calls for revolution, like in September 1920, where 400,000 workers took over factories, flying the flag of communism and anarchism for four weeks. It was crucial in Mussolini’s climb, as the middle classes were now fearful of the violent rise of socialism, and the fascists were taking a stand against them.

Question 14

Discontent in rural areas

Answer 14

Promises were made to soldiers of land reform, and they could not satisfy all of the soldiers demanding land. Therefore, some seized land from the owners. This obviously raised the alarms of wealthy landowners, who were now afraid of rural socialist militancy. It appeared across Italy, in both rural and industrial areas, that the left were going to seize power

Question 15

Extension of the franchise

Answer 15

The 1919 elections were taking place amongst all of this social and economic upheaval. The government felt like they could calm the anger of the people through political reforms. They extended the franchise by 11 million. All Italians who served at the front and any male of 21 could vote. They also changed the system of parliament to proportional representation. This was more democratic but makes it difficult to form a majority government

Question 16

Growth of socialist and catholic parties

Answer 16

The political system had become increasingly more polarised with the formation of the Partito Poplare Italiano (PPI). They were a Catholic party, who pushed for Catholic beliefs and values. They wanted land reform for peasants and they were hostile to the liberal regime. As well as this, the socialist PSI had also grown massively, evident in the rise of socialist feeling in Biennia Rosso. The Russian Revolution and the war had made them more radical. The Trasformismo methods of forming coalitions were now impossible.

Question 17

The November 1919 elections

Answer 17

The PSI won the greatest share of votes with 32%, 156 deputies in parliament. This is a 3x increase from 1913, demonstrating their massive growth. Next was the PPSI with 101 seats. However neither party wanted to work with each other in a coalition, so the liberals retained power until 1922. This election was a lost opportunity to make real change. People were continually questioning whether a more radical political system might be a better answer. Nitti’s government fell in 1920, and Giolitti returned to power.

Question 18

When was the Fasci di Combattimento founded?

Answer 18

23rd March 1919

Question 19

Fasci di Combattimento

Answer 19

Mussolini, previously an editor for “Avanti!” and a strong socialist who switched to the right, called upon leaders of around 20 ex-servicemen’s leagues in Milan to form a group of ex-soldiers who wanted to build an Italy that they had fought for. He believed that their shared experience of war, which he referred to as “trincerocrazia” would be a unifying phenomenon that would bind the Italian people together. It transcended north or south, or class. He believed that those who fought would have the moral right to lead a new Italy.

Question 20

What was the Fasci’s early policy?

Answer 20

It was an informal party and it did not have a strong party programme, but it was strongly anticlerical, wanted the confiscation of church property, an end to the monarchy, and a formation of a republic. It demanded the nationalisation, progressive taxes (tax more as income increases) and confiscation of profits from companies that made money from the war.

It sounded very socialist, possibly due to Mussolini’s socialist background, and it did not distinguish itself from other left-wing parties.

Question 21

Growth of the Fasci

Answer 21

They were founded in March, where only 50 attended the meeting, and by June they had 3,000 members. It grew very quickly.

Question 22

The Arditi

Answer 22

The Fasci was made up predominantly of arditi, a shock troop unit of special forces, formed after Caporetto. They wore a black uniform with a skull gripping a dagger in its teeth. This became the imagery of the Fascist Party and they became known as the ‘blackshirts’.

Question 23

The Squadrismo

Answer 23

Returning soldiers who had made up the bulk of the Fasci perceived socialists as an internal enemy like that of the Austrians. They dealt with them with extreme violence.

15th April, 1919 - 200-300 Fascists dressed in black attacked a left wing demonstration and burned down the “Avanti!” building.

The Fascists had done poorly in the November 1919 elections with no seats in parliament. He was humiliated with socialists parading a coffin symbolising his career around the streets of Milan. After the violence of Milan, none of the facists were arrested and the government made no attempt to condemn them. It became clear that the authorities were willing to let this violence slide out of fears of the socialists. So, Mussolini saw the squads as a tool so he armed and organised them. They had manganellos (clubs) and a revolver and were lead by a “Ras”. They were also given arms by local police barracks.

Question 24

Stats of squadristi violence in 1921

Answer 24

Within the first 5 months of 1921, 200 people were killed and 1,000 injured in violence against the socialists.

Question 25

Popularity of the squads

Answer 25

The fascist movement was becoming popular in the country, as wealthy landowners were glad to see a group taking a stand against socialism and their attempts at land reform for the peasants. The powerful idea that the fascists were 'saving' Italy from an internal enemy – the socialist revolution – was important for their propaganda.

Question 26

Fascist moves towards the right

Answer 26

In order to reach political success, the fascists needed a greater political legitimacy. The squads had been co-operating with the police to put down the socialist threat, supplying them with vehicles, guns and not arresting them. They at times joined in. The judiciary also showed leniency towards fascists.

Question 27

May 1921 elections

Answer 27

The Psi achieved the highest vote and most seats parliament, the Fascists had made considerable progress, as the National Bloc, a right wing coalition consisting of the fascists and Giolitti's liberals won 19% of the vote, winning the fascists 35 seats in parliament. This is not as high as Mussolini had hoped for, but has shown that the moves to the right and the harassment of the socialists by the squads had proven effective. It also gave them political legitimacy, and gave Mussolini immunity to prosecution.

Question 28

The "New Programme"

Answer 28

May 1920 – The New Programme was adopted, removing any mentions of removing the monarchy and attacking the power of the Pope as it had done before. It was much more conservative and right wing. It was also more pro-business, promising to sell of nationally owned businesses to private investors. As well as being business oriented, it was also militaristic, calling for compulsory military service.

Question 29

When was the PNF founded?

Answer 29

October-November 1921. Through this, Mussolini aimed to centralise control over the party. Finalised at the Third Fascist Congress in Rome in November

Question 30

Nature and extent of Fascist support

Answer 30

The PNF had seen considerable growth through 1921, reaching around 200,000 members by the end of the year. Their supporters came from many groups in society, such as the urban middle class, white-collar professionals, and small business owners. they feared both the rise of socialism and the rise in taxes the PSI would implement. Those in the countryside who were afraid of peasants taking over their land due to land reform – such as middle/upper class landowners and wealthy farmers. Richer landowners and industrialists provided them with money. Even some workers who were against the strength of the socialists, and the violence against workers, who wanted to carry on working during strikes, supported the fascists. Many saw the fascists as a more dynamic, newer movement as opposed to the old liberal order and they aimed to unite all areas of society to achieve the vision that they had always wanted for Italy.

Question 31

How did political unrest help Mussolini?

Answer 31

- The occupation of Fiume and the economic crisis led to the resignation of Nitti in June 1920 and Giolitti took over, He was 80 at this point, but his policy of compromise and absorption to deal with Biennia Rosso was successful in the short term. It ended in September 1920, *by pressuring banks to withdraw support for companies refusing to co-operate with workers, and refusing to use violence to deal with strikes.* **However, this angered nationalists, landowners and industrialists who felt like he was 'giving in' to their demands. The fascists on the other hand were 'fighting back'.** - In January 1921, the PSI split to form a new, more radical PCI (communist party) with support from the Bolsheviks. This had weakened the strength of the left. They were too small to have a significant threat in elections or revolution, but Mussolini capitalised off of a communist, Russian backed party in their propaganda. The myth that the fascists were 'saving' Italy from the left was accentuated because in July 1922, the PSI and PCI attempted to start another 24-general strike. However most workers did not support the move and it fizzled out. Mussolini and the PNF took credit for this. - Giolitti's policy of absorption was also less effective as it had been before the war. There were more parties who were more deeply rooted and divided. They were less likely to be bought off and had no interest in working together. Giolitti aimed to absorb the fascists by giving them a place in his national bloc as a government backed electoral list. However, Mussolini voted with the opposition, resulting in a parliament of 123 socialists, 35 fascists, 107 PPI and 15 communists. He would not have been able to form a stable government and resigned. He was replaced by Ivanoe Bonami and then Luigi Facta, both weak liberal politicians.

Question 32

Establishing a dual policy

Answer 32

Mussolini had to balance both the radical, violent members of the PNF who wanted to take power by force and the more constitutional members who wanted to seize power through parliament. Initially, he leaned towards the parliamentary side, as in June 1921, he called for an end to squadristi violence, as the threat of communism was waning, there was no need for it to continue.

Question 33

The Pact of Pacification

Answer 33

August 1921: This was an agreement of “immediate action to put an end to the threats, assaults ... and personal violence of any description" with the PSI and trade unions. This was apparently necessary to bring political and social peace. However, this was really political manoeuvring in the hopes that the liberals and Catholics would make them a deal instead to stop them from agreeing with the socialists.

Question 34

Reaction to the Pact

Answer 34

The three main ras bosses, Italo Balbo, Roberto Farinacci and Dino Grandi, all opposed the pact and refused to recognise it. Mussolini therefore resigned if they were not able to follow his direction. There was also calls for d'Annunzio to be leader instead of Mussolini and his lingering leftist loyalties. They rejected his resignation not long after, as his potential rivals were all weak in comparison. The ras however, remained consistent in their position of not negotiating with the left. He eventually capitulated and agreed to end the pact in November. However his resignation solidified his importance to the party who would flounder without him. The ras and the squads were now subordinate to Mussolini. This marked a shift in his dual policy and he was now clearly leaning towards power through violence.

Question 35

How did Mussolini's resignation aid his solidification of power in the fascist party?

Answer 35

They rejected his resignation not long after, as his potential rivals were all weak in comparison. The ras however, remained consistent in their position of not negotiating with the left. Mussolini eventually capitulated and agreed to end the pact in November. However his resignation solidified his importance to the party who would flounder without him. The ras and the squads were now subordinate to Mussolini and this marked a shift in his dual policy as he was now clearly leaning towards power through violence.

Question 36

Organisation of the squads

Answer 36

They were grouped into 'cohorts' under the command of 'consuls' organised under zone commands. The Blackshirts attacked areas across Italy where the socialists controlled the local council. Bonomi's government collapsed and was replaced by the equally inadequate Luigi Facta who was too weak to stop the squads. They had destroyed houses and building where socialists held meetings, and they had taken over areas around the capital and were prepared to make moves Rome. This was helped by the failed July Strike. With the left in a weakened position, they murdered many socialists leaders and forced left-wing councils to resign. Between May-October 1922 they had forced their way into the governments of many of Italy's provinces. However, Mussolini still favoured his dual policy, and took advantage of rivalries in parliament between Orlando, Nitti and Giolitti, who all wanted to be PM and nothing less. He promised them all that if they accept the fascists into their coalition, then he would make them PM, all at the same time, encouraging fascist violence.

Question 37

The March on Rome

Answer 37

Mussolini was concerned with the Ras pushing for a March on Rome, while he also thought that he could become PM constitutionally. He was also wary of the state military, who could put down the squads in the event of an uprising. On the 24th October, he proclaimed that either they will be allowed to govern or they will take power by marching on Rome. While holding talks with liberal politicians about forming a coalition, the squads were moving on Rome. On the 27th, they began occupying police stations and telephone exchanges. In response, Facta asks the king to authorise martial law, to which he agrees and then withdraws it. Facta resigned and the king reached out to Salandra who could not form a government. This left a void in government, which the king offered Mussolini to fill. Mussolini arrives in Rome on the 30th to be sworn in as PM.

Question 38

The role of Victor Emmanuel III

Answer 38

The king was weak and indecisive, shown by his lack of changing of decision in the days leading up to the march on Rome. He was not confident in Facta's ability to control the situation, and he had been persuaded by Salandra and his supporters to no sign the decree for martial law, as Facta's resignation would lead to Salandra being Prime Minister in a fascist coalition as he promised. He also feared that the military would not be loyal to him and side with the fascists. The soldiers were unlikely to fire on a group of predominantly ex-military. He may have also been persuaded by Mussolini, who hinted that if the march saw opposition, he may be replaced by his taller 'more manly' cousin, the Duke of Aosta, who sympathised with the fascists.

Question 39

Mussolini's appointment as prime minister

Answer 39

The truth of the matter is that he had become prime minister through political wrangling and rivalries between the liberal ministers like Salandra, Orlando and Giolitti, who would rather see Mussolini in power than one of their rivals. Therefore, Mussolini had to portray the image of a powerful insurrection that had earned him this position as PM. The march on Rome, organised by the Quadrumvirs involved around 50,000 fascists and a victory parade on the 31st. This myth would later become a recurring symbol of triumph in propaganda, from anniversaries to school textbooks writing about civil war and martyrs who supposedly died during the march.