Towards an Urban World Flashcards
(154 cards)
1
Q
Hoskins and Tallon 2004
A
UK urban renaissance - new urban idyll
2
Q
Zukin 1995
A
Symbolic community
3
Q
Florida 2002
A
The New Creative Class
4
Q
Zukin 1988
A
The Front - experience econ choregraphed by low-wage earners cleaning and preparing food. What kind of ‘public culture’ is being created through this process?
5
Q
Keiller 1999
A
Orgman urbanism - globally funded warehouse
6
Q
Sheller & Urry 2003
A
Does it still make sense to view ‘practice of everyday life’ from intimate knowledge of walking around city (Certeau 1984) or in a society primarily defined in terms of (auto)mobilities. Do people now gain knowledge of cities by driving through and around them?
7
Q
Garreau 1991
A
Edge cities and post-suburbia E.g. Tysons Corner, Virginia - major IFS around edge cities - major part of econ
8
Q
Fishman 1987
A
SB = search for bourgeois utopias. moving away from definitive SB landscape to post-SB landscape - UBS of SBs
9
Q
Douglass and Huang 2007
A
Utopia on the urban edge in SEA - Phu My Hung, Saigon
10
Q
Harvey 2008
A
Accumulation by Dispossession
11
Q
Dear 2000
A
Postmodern urbanism
12
Q
Soja 2000
A
Postmetroplis
13
Q
Graham and Marvin 2001
A
Splintering Urbanism
14
Q
Graham and Healey 1999
A
Network society - leads to ^ing sense of local disconnection in such places from physically close yet socially & econ distant places and people
15
Q
Baviskar 2007
A
Bourgeois environmentalism
16
Q
Amin and Thrift 2002
A
Trad divide between city & countryside has been perforated
17
Q
Dear and Dahmann 2008
A
Geog trumped pol - extension of cities beyond conventional pol jurisdictions negated notion of representative democracy - may even intsensify subordiantion of local state to plutocratic priviatism. Balitmore: post-indust city where rep demo in crisis - RSs selectivly taking and applying to some areas while neglecting others - stark div between rich and poor. Juxtaposition of space.
18
Q
Glass 1964
A
Gentrification. E.g. in 80s - ^ing evidence that residential rehab, brownstoning (MC to ‘bad’ NBDs), but also widespread restructuring of inner urban landscapes
19
Q
Lees et al. 2008
A
Inner urban landscape destruction continuing through 60s - brownstoning in NY, and SG red-brick-chic. Gentrify as global urban strategy - driven by simult expansion of ‘old’ & ‘new’ spatial econ shifts Class transformation of urban classin global S Gentrif happening on ^ massive scale in Shanghai & M, than older post-IDS cities Expansion in manuf and heavy industry, growth in high-tech activities, service sector
20
Q
Berry 1980
A
Filtering model of gentrification
21
Q
Smith 1979
A
Gentrification and uneven development. Capitalism Society Hill - Philadelphia Renaissance 1960
22
Q
Smith 1996
A
Capital devalorization in inner city - only when rent gap emerges can redevel be expected since if present use succeeded in capitalizing all or most of ground rent, little econ benefit derived from redevel. Process by which poor and WB NBDs in inner city are refurbished by influx of capital. Disturbs conventional understanding of city - Burgess model and Chicago school Gentrification tied to ‘see-saw’ movement of uneven devel
23
Q
Ley 1986
A
Occupational and econ changes - new cultural class, alternative urbanism to SBization
24
Q
Rose 1984
A
Demographic changes due to gentrification - rethinking gentrif beyond uneven devel of Marxist urban theory
25
Williams 1986
Questions of identity - higher allow women exercise choice over roles
26
Castells 1983
Pink economy - single men with no family, young, connected to rel prosperous service econ
27
Zukin 1988
Gentrification as meeting point between capital and culture
28
Visser 2002
SA cities: rent gap opps Theories of gentric also of relevance here
29
Harris 2008
Gentrification in comparative perspective - defy continued Eurocentric hegemony Mumbai
30
Butler and Lees 2006
Super gentrification E.g. Barnsbury, N London X Smith 1980s - gentrification no longer always restricted to disinvested NBDs
31
Hubbard 2008
Studentification
32
Boddy 2007
Designer NBDs - Bristol e.g. non-metrop UK cities. New housing devel and conversion in 2nd tier UK cities - is this stretching term of gentrif too far?
33
Urban Taskforce 1999 Lees 2003
Towards an urban reniassance in London Urban regen that could slot neatly into any gentrification textbook Using it in policy shows how gentrif has become naturalized and generalized
34
Utjermark et al. 2007
Getrnification as governmental strategy - e.g. Netherlands - disadvantaged NBDs - promoting liveability to excibit low level of crime and nuisance to attract MCs
35
Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 MacLeod and Johnstone 2012
Remodel low demand housing - and rebalance pop of disad and stigmatized comms in N cities - social engineering but on pre-existing resid land.
36
Cameron 2003
Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 Perhaps suggests partic sharp form of displacement and exclusion - relates to revanchist city X anti-social behaviour
37
Clark 2005
Urban gentrif reconsidered - not just capital to urban centre, also related to prod of space for & consump by a more affluent & diff incoming pop
38
Atkins et al. 1999
Roman ancient waled city to a modern 'public' city
39
Macleod 2013
Walling the city in modernity Walls were used for protection - now reflect hierarchies
40
Bermann 1983
Mid-19th C - Paris - a city synonymous with street insurrection - spectacular urban innovation of 19th C & MDS breakthrough in trad city
41
Minton 2006
The privitization of public space
42
Banerjee 2001
Crucial role of public spaces in environmental quality - interpreted demo ideals, good citiz, civic responsibs
43
Davis 1991
Narrative of end of urban space - Bunker Hill
44
Judd 1995
Verticality - Peachtree Centre, Atlanta
45
Caldeira 1999
Fortified enclaves: the new urban segregation - Brazil
46
Minton 2009
Reshaping britain's public urban space - growing emergence of 'private=public' space Becoming bland, sterile environs
47
2004 Act of Parliament - Role of Legal planning Term: 'Cumpolsory purchase'
Prove any new devel to be of signif benefit to local econ - favours econ over comm interests
48
Low 2006
Gated enclaves - restrict access to resident homes and to assoc 'public spaces'
49
Atkinson and Flint 2004
London's Former hospitals and schools - their consequent demise as 'public assets'
50
McKenzie 2006
Most powerful 'social movement' in contemp S California is that of affluent homeowners, engaged in defence of home values and NBD exclusivity, portioning selves from rest of metrop. Pmerium
51
Shaktin 2008
Manila, SEA - privitization and social equity - pub sector essentially subsidizing the priv of transportation and land devel
52
Turner 2002
Corporatization of public space - contradiction of public realm: Today's pol environ, difficult justify making space available to those without capacity to consume. So most cities reluctant to use downtown land for pub activites that do not prod revenue. Priv of downtowns - as part of 'effective marketing and promotion' of land downtowns ^ing priv style of downtown devel prods steady withering of urban realm
53
DeFilippis 1997
By rendering people in pov invisible, they afford local states ability to ignore them. Just as exclusion of women, peasants and proletariat from dom pub spaces of early cap EU contrib to hist marg of these groups, so is the ^ing exclusion of urban poor & HL pops from urban public spaces contrib to ^ing marg of these groups now
54
McLaughlin & Munci 1999
Upward trend in enclosure of commercial & resid space been defining feature of US urb - intensified by extensive surviellance and muscular policing
55
Blakely and Snyder 1999
Gated sanctuaries reped 'uncommon places for uncommon people'
56
Macleod 2012
Sao Paulo - defensive urbanism
57
Castells 1977
Privatopia eschews obligations to a city-scale mode of 'collective consumption'
58
Know 2008
Secessionary citz is premised on management of secessionary spaces of internal regs Moreover, a secessionary citz encouraged by powerful developers - sense of comm has become commoditized
59
Amin and Thrift 2002
City spaces can't be completely secured - still crossed by fumes of cities, internet, communications etc.
60
Davis 1990
Bunker Hill - has dammed the rivers of life downtown - superimposition of sealed fortresses
61
Soja 2000 and Foucault
Postmetrop repped as collection of carceral cities - an archipelago of 'normalized enclosures' and fortified space Vol and invol barricades
62
Mitchell 1997
Punishing the poor - geography of HL
63
Turner 2002
Phoenix's campus for HL - annihilation of space by law reps a brutalizing public sphere - now seeks to re-establish conception of citizneship -\> exclusionary citizenship
64
Herbert 2010
Aesthetics
65
Smith 1996
Gentrification reconsidered - creative cultures displacing existing residents -\> people illegally evicted
66
Smith 1998
Revanchist 1990s - 3 billion budget deficit - cutting services - erosion of sympathy for HL
67
Swanson 2007
Revanchist urbanism: indig in Ecuador - hygenic racism
68
Wacquant 2008
NL penal state punishing poor in penal law of terror - incarceration of marginal - ideally suited to publically dramatizing to slay monsters of urban crime
69
Ruddick 1996
HL have agency - tactical use of space - de Certeau 1984
70
Lees 1998
Vancouver's street kids resist spatial hegemony of the adult world
71
Graham and Hewitt 2013
Horizontalism tends to still dom analysis of contemp urban sapce - flat, 2D aspect
72
Adey 2010
Verticality - megacity security
73
Harris 2011
Verticality - architecture and inequality Politics of exposure or witnessing
74
Secor forthcoming
Topological space
75
Simone 2011
people are the urban life itself - intensive relations, especc in S contexts where life is precarious - incrementalism Peopls as IFS
76
Park 1984
The urban is a prod of human nature - the postmod hyperspace - stretching & reorg of society's time-space fabric in new dimensions The urban is a prod of nature, and partic of human nature
77
Dear and Dahmann 2008
'Urban fabric' - shows city is not a phys mechanism, but a state of mind
78
UK urban renaissance - new urban idyll
Hoskins and Tallon 2004
79
Symbolic community
Zukin 1995
80
The New Creative Class
Florida 2002
81
The Front - experience econ choregraphed by low-wage earners cleaning and preparing food. What kind of 'public culture' is being created through this process?
Zukin 1988
82
Orgman urbanism - globally funded warehouse
Keiller 1999
83
Does it still make sense to view 'practice of everyday life' from intimate knowledge of walking around city (Certeau 1984) or in a society primarily defined in terms of (auto)mobilities. Do people now gain knowledge of cities by driving through and around them?
Sheller & Urry 2003
84
Edge cities and post-suburbia E.g. Tysons Corner, Virginia - major IFS around edge cities - major part of econ
Garreau 1991
85
SB = search for bourgeois utopias. moving away from definitive SB landscape to post-SB landscape - UBS of SBs
Fishman 1987
86
Utopia on the urban edge in SEA - Phu My Hung, Saigon
Douglass and Huang 2007
87
Accumulation by Dispossession
Harvey 2008
88
Postmodern urbanism
Dear 2000
89
Postmetroplis
Soja 2000
90
Splintering Urbanism
Graham and Marvin 2001
91
Network society - leads to ^ing sense of local disconnection in such places from physically close yet socially & econ distant places and people
Graham and Healey 1999
92
Bourgeois environmentalism
Baviskar 2007
93
Trad divide between city & countryside has been perforated
Amin and Thrift 2002
94
Geog trumped pol - extension of cities beyond conventional pol jurisdictions negated notion of representative democracy - may even intsensify subordiantion of local state to plutocratic priviatism. Balitmore: post-indust city where rep demo in crisis - RSs selectivly taking and applying to some areas while neglecting others - stark div between rich and poor. Juxtaposition of space.
Dear and Dahmann 2008
95
Gentrification. E.g. in 80s - ^ing evidence that residential rehab, brownstoning (MC to 'bad' NBDs), but also widespread restructuring of inner urban landscapes
Glass 1964
96
Inner urban landscape destruction continuing through 60s - brownstoning in NY, and SG red-brick-chic. Gentrify as global urban strategy - driven by simult expansion of 'old' & 'new' spatial econ shifts Class transformation of urban classin global S Gentrif happening on ^ massive scale in Shanghai & M, than older post-IDS cities Expansion in manuf and heavy industry, growth in high-tech activities, service sector
Lees et al. 2008
97
Filtering model of gentrification
Berry 1980
98
Gentrification and uneven development. Capitalism Society Hill - Philadelphia Renaissance 1960
Smith 1979
99
Capital devalorization in inner city - only when rent gap emerges can redevel be expected since if present use succeeded in capitalizing all or most of ground rent, little econ benefit derived from redevel. Process by which poor and WB NBDs in inner city are refurbished by influx of capital. Disturbs conventional understanding of city - Burgess model and Chicago school Gentrification tied to 'see-saw' movement of uneven devel
Smith 1996
100
Occupational and econ changes - new cultural class, alternative urbanism to SBization
Ley 1986
101
Demographic changes due to gentrification - rethinking gentrif beyond uneven devel of Marxist urban theory
Rose 1984
102
Questions of identity - higher allow women exercise choice over roles
Williams 1986
103
Pink economy - single men with no family, young, connected to rel prosperous service econ
Castells 1983
104
Gentrification as meeting point between capital and culture
Zukin 1988
105
SA cities: rent gap opps Theories of gentric also of relevance here
Visser 2002
106
Gentrification in comparative perspective - defy continued Eurocentric hegemony Mumbai
Harris 2008
107
Super gentrification E.g. Barnsbury, N London X Smith 1980s - gentrification no longer always restricted to disinvested NBDs
Butler and Lees 2006
108
Studentification
Hubbard 2008
109
Designer NBDs - Bristol e.g. non-metrop UK cities. New housing devel and conversion in 2nd tier UK cities - is this stretching term of gentrif too far?
Boddy 2007
110
Towards an urban reniassance in London Urban regen that could slot neatly into any gentrification textbook Using it in policy shows how gentrif has become naturalized and generalized
Urban Taskforce 1999 Lees 2003
111
Getrnification as governmental strategy - e.g. Netherlands - disadvantaged NBDs - promoting liveability to excibit low level of crime and nuisance to attract MCs
Utjermark et al. 2007
112
Remodel low demand housing - and rebalance pop of disad and stigmatized comms in N cities - social engineering but on pre-existing resid land.
Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 MacLeod and Johnstone 2012
113
Housing Market Renewal Policy 2003-2011 Perhaps suggests partic sharp form of displacement and exclusion - relates to revanchist city X anti-social behaviour
Cameron 2003
114
Urban gentrif reconsidered - not just capital to urban centre, also related to prod of space for & consump by a more affluent & diff incoming pop
Clark 2005
115
Roman ancient waled city to a modern 'public' city
Atkins et al. 1999
116
Walling the city in modernity Walls were used for protection - now reflect hierarchies
Macleod 2013
117
Mid-19th C - Paris - a city synonymous with street insurrection - spectacular urban innovation of 19th C & MDS breakthrough in trad city
Bermann 1983
118
The privitization of public space
Minton 2006
119
Crucial role of public spaces in environmental quality - interpreted demo ideals, good citiz, civic responsibs
Banerjee 2001
120
Narrative of end of urban space - Bunker Hill
Davis 1991
121
Verticality - Peachtree Centre, Atlanta
Judd 1995
122
Fortified enclaves: the new urban segregation - Brazil
Caldeira 1999
123
Reshaping britain's public urban space - growing emergence of 'private=public' space Becoming bland, sterile environs
Minton 2009
124
Prove any new devel to be of signif benefit to local econ - favours econ over comm interests
2004 Act of Parliament - Role of Legal planning Term: 'Cumpolsory purchase'
125
Gated enclaves - restrict access to resident homes and to assoc 'public spaces'
Low 2006
126
London's Former hospitals and schools - their consequent demise as 'public assets'
Atkinson and Flint 2004
127
Most powerful 'social movement' in contemp S California is that of affluent homeowners, engaged in defence of home values and NBD exclusivity, portioning selves from rest of metrop. Pmerium
McKenzie 2006
128
Manila, SEA - privitization and social equity - pub sector essentially subsidizing the priv of transportation and land devel
Shaktin 2008
129
Corporatization of public space - contradiction of public realm: Today's pol environ, difficult justify making space available to those without capacity to consume. So most cities reluctant to use downtown land for pub activites that do not prod revenue. Priv of downtowns - as part of 'effective marketing and promotion' of land downtowns ^ing priv style of downtown devel prods steady withering of urban realm
Turner 2002
130
By rendering people in pov invisible, they afford local states ability to ignore them. Just as exclusion of women, peasants and proletariat from dom pub spaces of early cap EU contrib to hist marg of these groups, so is the ^ing exclusion of urban poor & HL pops from urban public spaces contrib to ^ing marg of these groups now
DeFilippis 1997
131
Upward trend in enclosure of commercial & resid space been defining feature of US urb - intensified by extensive surviellance and muscular policing
McLaughlin & Munci 1999
132
Gated sanctuaries reped 'uncommon places for uncommon people'
Blakely and Snyder 1999
133
Sao Paulo - defensive urbanism
Macleod 2012
134
Privatopia eschews obligations to a city-scale mode of 'collective consumption'
Castells 1977
135
Secessionary citz is premised on management of secessionary spaces of internal regs Moreover, a secessionary citz encouraged by powerful developers - sense of comm has become commoditized
Know 2008
136
City spaces can't be completely secured - still crossed by fumes of cities, internet, communications etc.
Amin and Thrift 2002
137
Bunker Hill - has dammed the rivers of life downtown - superimposition of sealed fortresses
Davis 1990
138
Postmetrop repped as collection of carceral cities - an archipelago of 'normalized enclosures' and fortified space Vol and invol barricades
Soja 2000 and Foucault
139
Punishing the poor - geography of HL
Mitchell 1997
140
Phoenix's campus for HL - annihilation of space by law reps a brutalizing public sphere - now seeks to re-establish conception of citizneship -\> exclusionary citizenship
Turner 2002
141
Aesthetics
Herbert 2010
142
Gentrification reconsidered - creative cultures displacing existing residents -\> people illegally evicted
Smith 1996
143
Revanchist 1990s - 3 billion budget deficit - cutting services - erosion of sympathy for HL
Smith 1998
144
Revanchist urbanism: indig in Ecuador - hygenic racism
Swanson 2007
145
NL penal state punishing poor in penal law of terror - incarceration of marginal - ideally suited to publically dramatizing to slay monsters of urban crime
Wacquant 2008
146
HL have agency - tactical use of space - de Certeau 1984
Ruddick 1996
147
Vancouver's street kids resist spatial hegemony of the adult world
Lees 1998
148
Horizontalism tends to still dom analysis of contemp urban sapce - flat, 2D aspect
Graham and Hewitt 2013
149
Verticality - megacity security
Adey 2010
150
Verticality - architecture and inequality Politics of exposure or witnessing
Harris 2011
151
Topological space
Secor forthcoming
152
people are the urban life itself - intensive relations, especc in S contexts where life is precarious - incrementalism Peopls as IFS
Simone 2011
153
The urban is a prod of human nature - the postmod hyperspace - stretching & reorg of society's time-space fabric in new dimensions The urban is a prod of nature, and partic of human nature
Park 1984
154
'Urban fabric' - shows city is not a phys mechanism, but a state of mind
Dear and Dahmann 2008
