Voting Behaviour - Class Flashcards
(9 cards)
Class Alignment in the 1951 Election
Class was a dominant factor in the 1951 general election. Around 65% of working-class voters backed Labour, while 80% of middle-class voters supported the Conservatives. This shows high class alignment, where voters reliably chose parties based on class identity.
Class Dealignment in the 1979 Election
The 1979 election saw the beginning of class dealignment. Many working-class voters, especially the C2 skilled working class, voted Conservative due to Thatcher’s focus on home ownership and reducing trade union power. 41% of C2s backed the Conservatives, showing that class loyalty was weakening in favour of issue-based and valence voting.
New Labour and the Blurring of Class Divisions (1997)
In 1997, Labour still performed strongly among working-class voters (59% of DE voters) but also gained significant middle-class support (34% of AB voters). Tony Blair’s centrist “Third Way” approach blurred class lines and attracted a broad coalition of voters, reflecting further dealignment.
Class Voting in the 2010 Election
By 2010, the connection between class and voting had fragmented. The Conservatives remained strongest among AB and C1 voters, but no party had a clear monopoly over a specific class group. The Liberal Democrats gained support across all classes, reflecting the increasing importance of issues and leadership perceptions over class.
The Red Wall and Realignment in 2019
In the 2019 election, many traditionally working-class Labour constituencies (the “Red Wall”) voted Conservative for the first time. This shift was driven more by Brexit, leadership perceptions, and cultural values than by traditional class loyalty. The Conservatives’ appeal to socially conservative, pro-Brexit working-class voters suggests class is now mediated by other factors.
Class Dealignment – Key Concept
Class dealignment refers to the weakening relationship between social class and party choice. From the 1970s onwards, economic restructuring, the decline of traditional industries, and the rise of a post-industrial society all contributed to this trend. Parties have also become less class-based in their messaging, making class a weaker predictor of voting behaviour.
Class and the 2015 General Election
The Conservatives won a majority and were strongest among middle-class voters (AB and C1), while Labour remained strongest among working-class voters (C2 and DE). However, class dealignment was evident:
• The UKIP vote cut across traditional class boundaries, attracting many white working-class voters who were disillusioned with both main parties.
• The SNP dominated Scotland regardless of class, suggesting national identity and constitutional issues were more important than class.
• Turnout was higher among middle-class voters, reinforcing their political influence.
Class and the 2017 General Election
• Labour performed strongly among younger, university-educated middle-class voters in urban areas, while the Conservatives gained support among older working-class voters, particularly in small towns and post-industrial regions.
• The Conservatives had a 44% share of the C2 vote and 47% of the DE vote — showing strong working-class support, likely influenced by Brexit and perceptions of Corbyn’s leadership.
• Labour’s share of the AB vote increased to 38%, suggesting support from more socially liberal, pro-Remain professionals.
The 2024 General election and class
Traditional class-based voting patterns continued to evolve. Labour secured 36% of the vote among AB (higher/intermediate managerial and professional) and C1 (supervisory, clerical, junior managerial) voters, compared to 33% among C2 (skilled manual workers) and DE (semi-skilled/unskilled workers and unemployed) groups. The Conservatives received 25% support from AB and C1 voters and 23% from C2DE voters. Reform UK performed notably better among C2DE voters, obtaining 20% support, compared to 11% from ABC1 voters.
