Works and analysis

Question 1

Taha Hussien, The Days.

Answer 1

He is best known for his autobiography in the west even though he had written many novels and essays.

It was written in Arabic. Originally published 1935. The brail edition was published in 1954.

The tone of the text is humorous and nostalgic. His style of writing is very engaging.

Due to the success of his book on pre Islamic poetry (1926) he had become well known in the Arab in his lifetime so would have been writing for fans of his previous work.

Analysis

Refers to himself in the third person as the boy. Gives the autobiography the feel of a work of fiction.

Discusses his senses. Talks of smelling, feeling and hearing a shisha being smoked.

Lives with his brother in a very modest lodging sleeps on a rug.

Local shop EL –Hagg Firuz sold boiled beans, Does he sell drugs? El hagg firuz tall jet black fellow who mumbled. This reminds him of the story of ziad and his pupil in el bayan wal tabyin Book of clarity and clarification by al jahiz who was an influential writer in 8th – 9th century Basra.

Students would pass by nice food shops in ally ways with nice smells but with no money would walk by resentfully.

Describes walking down a smelly ally full of beggars that made him feel anxious.

In the evening lectures would sound sluggish due to the baked beans and pickles they had eaten.

His lecture was on principles of Islamic law, in awe but doesn’t understand all of it. Tormented by one sentence he didn’t fully understand “Right is the negation of negation”

Did not feel at home in his room felt as if he was in exile their.

Found the journey too and fro too hazardous.

He feels at home in Al Azhar University finding rest and security, the breeze reminds him of his mothers kisses. He is dragged around by a impersonal companion.

Talks a lot of the air he breaths, cannot breath freely in the hubbub of the town and in his room “he passed his days there in exile from people and things alike, and in such anguish of heart that the oppressive air he breathed there brought him no refreshment, but only heaviness and pain.”

Evaluation

The document is very historically significant as it is considered a masterpiece of modern Arabic literature and a first had account of living in Cairo attending university as a blind man who was an influential modernist thinker.

It gives us a very good and almost too detailed understanding of the context modernist ideas were emerging.

The problems with this source are that it is being written to be entertaining. Memoir social commentary.

Question 2

Tahtwai
An Imam in Paris: account of a stay in France by an Egyptian cleric (1826-1831) = Takhlīṣ al-ibrīz fī talkhīṣ Bārīz aw al-dīwān al-nafīs bi-Īwān Bārīs

Answer 2

At a time when orientalism dominated much of European discourse, Tahtawi wrote one of the few comprehensive depictions of life in Europe as an Arab. Shortly after its’ publication in Arabic the Turkish version became a bestseller throughout the Ottoman Empire. He arrived in Rennaisance Paris at the age of 24, and his role was not initially one of a student, but an Iman, and advisor of religious affairs, but he spoke very little French and had a limited understanding of French and Western customs. It was a particularly important period in European history, and he intended it as a memoir of sorts to take back as an introduction to the west, for his countrymen. It is widely seen to be a perceptive text and he describes everything from the role of women in society to constitutional government.

Evaluation & Analysis

In the fourth essay, he starts by talking about linguistics; the alphabet, briefly, which is of course a new concept, and the methodology with which they (children) learn it, which isn’t so distinct. He talks about his experience being taught an array of arts and sciences, such as engineering and arithmetic and makes it apparent that he was well taught.

He says that the state sponsored much of there expenses such as ‘materials, books, paper, ink, clothes and shoes…’ as well as healthcare, which to his apparent surprise is not free, apart from for the ‘destitute’… they were considered ‘well off’ however, because of their fine clothes.

Tahtawi then goes into detail about the regulations set forth, including a curfew, which if broken would stop them leaving the premise ‘for one or two weeks’, indicating the restriction in freedoms, as well as Article 9, which asserted that they should either go to the ‘mission house’ or go with French children or their teachers to places of entertainment, indicative of their willingness to embed them and give them a thorough view of French society.

In the third section he includes the contents of a firman, a form of written order, sent to them by the ruler, which emphasises their eagerness to have the efendis learn true arts and sciences, and asks for something proving the ‘fruit of their labour’. He stresses not to simply read books on the subject and ‘think you have studied’. It orders them to write back detailing what they have learnt about arithmetic, geometry and drawing, and advises that they think about the arts and science, every minute of the day, indicative of how serious the ruling elite consider such an excursion.

Another letter included is from Monseuir Sacy, a French Baron which advises Tahtawi to gain an understanding and publish a book on the ‘french alphabet’ which he considers would lead the ‘people of Egypt to the sources of our works on science and skills’, which shows his willingness for the spreading of knowledge.

Another letter from Sacy, which Tahtwai describes as a ‘eulogy’, praises him for his assertions, but admits there are ‘Islamic prejudices’ in the portrayal of Frenchman as well as stereotypes, that only suit those from the cities, rather than France overall. In contrast monseuir cosieur sees no wrong in Tahtawi’s assertions, signifying that it may not be too controversial*. Overall, however, he claims he is ‘qualified to be of use to his country’, referencing, once again, the importance of Tahtawi bringing back Western teachings.

The next in his series of letters is a descendent of the first sultan of Egypt and Syria, Saladin, Jules Saladin, who is an accountant of the treasury and whom Tahtawi considers a personal friend, once again reaffirming the importance of his visit and that it wasn’t taken lightly by the French elite. Jules Saladin recognises that it is an important time in history.

Tahtawi claims he has translated 12 books, ‘or parts of books’ into his native Arabic, which he, and the state, would deem invaluable for the people of Egypt and the Middle East. The next is a letter he describes as ‘imaginary’, from a soldier, enlisted in the Russian army in the fight against Muslims, where he describes the muslim army as ‘despising danger’ and brave, who would stop at nothing to defeat the enemy. His description of the muslim army is vivid, depicting their marching music as that of ‘savagery’. They are spurred on by their Islamic fervour and patriotism, which he sees the Russians as lacking, and depicts them as ‘lions’, and says they had been deceived by the elite, who depicted them as weak minded and technologically weak.

The final section describes the way in which the french judge the work of academics, being that they don’t rely on their fame or recognition as a scientist, but require evidence to back up their argument. This is the main premise of Western science and it is interesting to note that he considers this abnormal. The text is highly informative and offers a good description of the context within which he resided in Paris. However, the text itself relies the reader to have a substantial knowledge on the role of people in Arab society.

Question 3

RENAN

Islamism and Science’ - essay published in The poetry of the Celtic Races and other studies - Ernest Renan

Answer 3

The text was written in order to scrutinise Islamic science in regards to Latin science, though it is made very clear that there is no intention of belittling Islam as a religion, but also points out that it must do just in that in order to effectively highlight the authors opinion that Islam essentially cast itself into oblivion by creating a notion in which science became obsolete in comparison to religion, making Islam and the fanatics that followed it outside of modernisation, though does not exclude other religions, just exemplifies how Islam is better at excluding science than other religions and civilisations.

The overall meaning of this text is that Islam, although it had many years as a leader in intellect, it has now regressed far below that, especially when compared to other civilisations whom are excelling in areas of intellect, due to the fact that Islam has repressed knowledge and advancement as there is a belief that Islam and God is all that is necessary or people to achieve and know, wholly rejecting the notion of science. This is not to say that Renan does not understand that this Arabic science is only truly Arabic by language and not necessarily by culture, and it would be ridiculous to assume so, with many of the most notable scholars not being Arabic by blood. Overall, concluding that science is the source of all reason and that the acceptance of those that follow Islam to reject in many ways notions of science, they do so to their own detriment.

This text is significant historically as it allows for a Latin/Western European view of Arabic science and the role Arabic science played in the eyes of Europe which was emerging very rapidly into the intellectual world, and taking the place of the Islamic world intellectually.

This text relates to the course as it covers the ways in which Islam has repressed much modernisation in the name of its religion and ties in closely with the modernisation of

Muslim communities, with Renan implying that this was a hindrance to the modernisation of Islam

An obvious issue with this text is that it is from a Western and non-Islamic view, with an assumption of bias toward Islamism in favour of Christianity. That being said, however, the piece took a rather impartial view throughout the essay, always acknowledging that other religions were not innocent of the shortcomings that Islam had, but there is never in depth scrutiny to compare these shortcomings that were non-Islamic, making this source relatively useful, though it could have provided more insight as to the shortcomings of Christianity and science.

Question 4

afghani Answer

Answer 4

The French Orientalist Ernest Renan (1823-1892) wrote and lectured to show how positive science was in conflict with revision, believing science would eventually supplant religion through modernist rationalism. It was in Renan’s “Islam and Science” that he applied all his main criticisms of religion on Islam. He offered the historical explanation that the past achievements in science and progress in the Islamic world between the 8th and 13th centuries were due to either Aryans or Christian Arabs. The Semitic and Turkish elements were incapable of recognizing the relevance of the natural sciences and philosophy. This implicitly meant Muslims needed colonial tutelage to overcome their backwardness, and thus any attempts to modernize Islamic society would fail.

Afghani’s response to Renan was published on the pages of the Journal des debats on 18 May 1883. This “Answer” was written in Arabic and then translated into French. This is indicative of who Afghani’s writing was intended for.

This is significant in the way Afghani makes his case. When writing for a European audience, he wrote with logic, clarity and rationality that appealed to the liberal sentiments of his audience. By contrast, in his writings to a Muslim audience, Michelangelo Guida reveals Afghani was less rational and strongly anti-Westernist, even more anti-British. Nikki Keddie follows this up by arguing that Afghani would adapt his discourse to his specific audience.

Furthermore, the tone of the “Answer” is critical of how Islam has developed, or rather stagnated– particularly, focusing on the corrupt, unscientific contemporary Muslim societies. However, Afghani’s “Answer” focuses on Islam as a civilization and advocates the need to return to true Islam, arguing the process of reason liberating the chains of religion that had taken place in the Reformation of Christendom was still yet to happen with Islam.

Analysis

Afghani begins by underlining the influence of Renan’s work, observing his ‘renown has filled the West and penetrated into the farthest countries of the East’. This second paragraph appears to acknowledge what Renan’s lecture aimed to do, ‘to throw a live light on (the Arabs) past’, and Afghani appreciates and commends Renan, who has applied himself to discovering a historical truth regarding ‘the influence of religions in the history of nations, and in particular in that of civilization’. It has a very complementary and appreciative tone towards the research and work of Renan.

Afghani continues on to break down Renan’s arguments. ‘two principles points … proving that the Muslim religion was by its very essence opposed to the development of science, and that the Arab people, by their nature, do not like either metaphysical sciences or philosophy’.

1) For the first point, Afghani argues ‘that no nation at its origin is capable of letting itself be guided by pure reason’. He suggests in its earliest stages, society is incapable of distinguishing between right and wrong, good and evil. Afghani is pointing out the incapability of all peoples (not just Muslims) in the earliest ages in their ability of reason, science or philosophy. Instead it was ‘necessary that humanity look outside itself’ for they could not reach reason on their own. Guiding society were ‘educators’ or ‘teachers’, presumably being prophets and religious leaders, who would receive total obedience from the people as they ‘imposed in the name of the supreme Being’. Afghani continues ‘it is by this religious education, whether it be Muslim, Christian, or pagan, that all nations have emerged from barbarism and marched toward a more advanced civilization’.

Afghani then accepts that religion can pose an obstacle to the development of sciences, but questions why the Muslim religion would be any different from other religions on this point, why wouldn’t the obstacle ‘disappear someday?’ He draws the comparison between Islam and Christianity: accepting the superiority of modern Christendom (the West), that has advanced rapidly on the road of progress whilst Muslim society remains restrained by ‘the tutelage of religion’. On this point, however, he suggests the Muslim world will catch up – that ‘the Christian religion preceded the Muslim religion in the world by many centuries’, that the evolution of Islamic society is simply a phase behind and will possibly even experience a Reformation of its own.

Afghani goes as far as accepting ‘the Muslim religion has tried to stifle science and stop its progress’ but again makes this link to the West, suggesting the same halt in philosophical/intellectual movement is being pushed by the Catholic church, ‘who continue to fight energetically against what they call the spirit of vertigo and error’.

2) In breaking down Renan’s second point, Afghani begins by examining the remarkable drive by the Arab people ‘into the road of intellectual and scientific progress with a rapidity only equalled by the speed of its conquests’. He is referring to the assimilation and innovation of Greek and Persian sciences by the Arabs, and the early intellectual movements that distinguished Islam’s golden age. ‘The Arabs, ignorant and barbaric as they were in origin, took up what had been abandoned by the civilized nations, rekindled the extinguished sciences, developed them and gave them a brilliance they had never had’. Afghani is therefore arguing that under early Arab rule, science and philosophy continued to develop and flourish, as they made their conquests and usurped ideas: sciences were ‘developed, extended, clarified, perfected, completed, and coordinated’.

Afghani than addresses Renan’s critique that this flourishment between about A.D. 775 to the 13th century, stretching over 500 years, was the result of foreign influence – that the early philosophers of Islam were mostly from Harran, from Andalusia, and from Iran, and thus not Arabs. Afghani concedes that philosophers who spoke another language were not Arabs, however that any whose first spoken and written language was Arabic should not be classified as anything other – ‘that human races are only distinguished by their language’.

Afghani concludes by focusing on Arab civilization since, and in part agrees with Renan on the hostility of the Islamic religion to science and reason – ‘this religion tried to stifle the sciences’. He questions ‘why Arab civilization, after having thrown such a live light on the world, suddenly became extinguished; why this torch has not been relit since; and why the Arab world still remains buried in profound darkness’.

Afghani’s tone becomes pessimistic when regarding not just Islam but religion as a whole: claiming ‘Religion imposes on man its faith and its belief, whereas philosophy frees him of it totally or in part. How could one therefore hope that they would agree with each other?’ He follows this up by stating ‘Whenever religion will have the upper hand, it will eliminate philosophy; and the contrary happens when it is philosophy that reigns as sovereign mistress. As long as humanity exists, the struggle will not cease between dogma and free investigation, between religion and philosophy; a desperate struggle in which, I fear, the triumph will not be for free thought, because the masses dislike reason, and its teachings are only understood by some intelligences of the elite’.

Evaluation

The significance of this text was the weight behind the words of Afghani and of Renan. These two figures provide an insight to two contrasting perceptions of Islam and modernism in the late nineteenth century. However, this dispute does not border into attacks by Afghani on the works of Renan. Instead he accepts a lot of the criticisms of Islam, and suggests that they can be applied to Christianity as well.

Afghani presents an evolutionary argument; that Christianity has had longer than Islam to pursue reason, and naturally Islam should be given longer to reach the path of reason and philosophy.

‘A remarkable point about Afghani’s answer is that in many ways it seems more in line with twentieth-century ideas than Renan’s original argument. It rejects Renan’s racism and puts in its place an evolutionary and or developmental view of peoples.’ (p.86) – Nikki Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism (1983)

However, what is also interesting is the level of criticism Afghani does place at Islam, giving an insight to his views of the stagnation Islam has been subject to.

Question 5

abduh -The True Reform and its Necessity for al-Azhar

Answer 5

Context

It is an excerpt from “The True Reform and its Necessity for al-Azhar” published in al-Manar, a periodical started in 1898 by Rashid Rida, which was the most important voice of Islamic reform. The article was published posthumously in 1906, suggesting Abduh’s support and ideas lived on beyond his lifetime.

It was written to outline the ‘sicknesses’ he had identified in Islamic society, particularly education, and to introduce the reforms he was proposing

As Abduh was a journalist aiming to shape public opinion we can guess it is written for the public, mostly in Arab countries as he is promoting internal and Islamic reform

It was written in the context of foreign occupation of Egypt, and what he saw as Arab decline and inferiority beside Europeans. It is therefore concerned with rebuilding a strong society and nation

The tone of the text is persuasive; he builds up his argument about why religion is important to society, why it needs reforming, and then ends with the reforms he proposes. Also describes the reforms as being ‘wise’ and a ‘duty’.

Analysis

Abduh begins by stating that Egypt’s community, civilisation and ethics are built on religion, and for that reason religion must be strengthened, as without it morality will collapse.

He argues education is central to reform; reform of the rest of society would come through education. Religious education should be changed, and modern sciences studied.

The reforms will bring back traditional Islam which has been lost and corrupted with time and the misinterpretations of different groups. One of key principles of reform is talfiq (piecing together), and he suggests he will take what is ‘true and useful’ from different Islamic groups to create a unified and modern system of Islamic law. It could be argued he is simply picking and choosing the parts of Islam that fit his philosophy

He describes his reforms as ‘professional, brave and wise’, extracting incorrect beliefs from the nation and replacing them with ‘authentic Islamic beliefs. He gives an example that the Sufis introduced the idea that making and saving money was in contradiction with faith. He argues this is irrational and therefore un-Islamic.

He then comes on to the reforms he wishes to implement in education and legal practice, encouraging ijtiahd (interpretation) over imitation. Again says this is a return to the ways of early Muslims.

He comes back to the point he began with, that religion is that basis of morality, and then links that to his ideas about nationhood. He says it is the responsibility of religion and clergymen to explain solidarity to Egyptians, that they constitute one physical entity. Nationalism was an important part of Abduh’s thought, and it is clear that he sees religion (reformed as he suggests) as the basis of the strong nation

Evaluation

Abduh was among the most key Islamic modernist thinkers, and this text gives an insight into his arguments. Many of his ideas were rejected by people who heard him but they had a lasting and influential impact.

He manages to link his ideas about religious reform, education and nationhood in to one neat argument, and these are three of the central pillars of Islamic modernism

During his lifetime he had difficulty having his suggestions of reform to al-Azhar implemented, but reforms that happened after his death were largely in line with his thinking. With historical hindsight we can see this more than his contemporary audience.

It is useful as it shows his methods for convincing people. He asserting his reforms are a return to the ways of early Muslims, and that they will help restore the glory of Islamic society, ideas that will appeal to Muslims. He also talks about the duty and wisdom in his project.

Could be argued that because he is writing to convince people of his arguments and plan for reform, that he brushes over the intricacies of how they would be implemented. But in general it gives a good impression of his influential stance.

Question 6

qutb - a child from the village

Answer 6

A Child From the Village is follows the life of a child in rural Egypt. It is written in novel form but is a mostly autobiographical look at Qutb’s own upbringing. Published in 1946, it focuses on his childhood in the 1910s. It was published whilst Qutb worked in education, before his time in the USA or involvement in Egyptian politics. It is therefore less politically focused than his later works.
Nevertheless, there is social commentary; in Chapter 3 Qutb describes the competing systems of Egyptian education. He fiercely criticises the religious schools and advocates the modern reformed schools by suggesting that traditional religious education should coexist with new ways of learning. Qutb weighs up each system to persuade the reader that modern schooling is a better approach. This suggests he is writing for an Egyptian audience as it would be most relevant to them and was initially published in Arabic. The tone of the text is generally direct, but is passionate in places as Qutb tries to forcefully make his case.

Analysis
· Introduction to the main theme, education: the protagonist has run away from school. Education is important; he is welcomed back, easing his mind from his fear of his gym teacher. He describes him as a ‘sick devil’ and his worries as an ‘incubus’, demonic imagery demonstrating the depth of his terror. (16)
· His mother is more emotional than his father, who plays it cool and makes fun of her for her ‘torrent of emotion’. (16) We see more of their dynamic later in the text.
· The structure of the school is three rooms, five grades, two teachers. The kindergarten is taught by the school janitor, which gives us a sense of how resources and trained teachers must have been a luxury at this time and in this rural location.
· The protagonist is treated well at the school because he brings them sugar and tea every day. Only the very wealthy children at the school receive the ‘special lessons’ he has. This suggests a system of favouritism in which teachers dedicated more time to families that could offer them more reward. (17)
· The school changes over time but the major change comes when the provincial council trains up fuqaha (religious law scholars) to become teachers. Shaykh Ahmed is thus replaced as he has no teaching qualifications. This causes an uproar in which villagers claim that the school is trying to remove the Qur’an from education entirely. Qutb doesn’t take this claim seriously, saying that his father is ‘too sensible’ to fall for it as someone who reads the news and is a Nationalist Party member. (18) This suggests that Qutb associates nationalism with scepticism for religious outcries.
· However, his father’s meek personality leads the boy to be taken out of school and sent to the kuttab (Islamic school). This is despite his mother’s protests, showing that it is her husband who has the final authority to make important decisions for the family; even though it causes ‘a storm in the house’, ‘inevitably, his father’s view carried the day’. (18-19)
· The boy is anxious and resistant towards the kuttab. He contrasts the neat and clean school he was used to with the ‘filthy’ school with no books, classrooms or chairs (etc.). He is ‘appalled’ by some of the behaviour he sees, such as licking slates clean and snapping fingers at the master. (19) Qutb’s depiction of the religious school is very negative; the ‘child’s soul was filled with repugnance at everything that surrounded him’ (20)
· He runs back to his old school, becoming a ‘propagandist’ telling how it was ‘unbearably filthy and different in every respect from the beautiful school’. Outlines stark contrast between the two types of school in his eyes. The headmaster tells the boy’s father his son is ‘intelligent’ and would be ‘wasted’ in the kuttab, suggesting that they are not seen as places for smart children to gain opportunities. (20-21)
· School seen as sacred, despite not being a religious school. He describes it as a ‘holy place’ and himself its ‘missionary’. He also suggests there is a ‘struggle against the kuttab’; the two schools compete as direct rivals. The boy memorises the Qur’an and competes against the kuttab boys in order to prove that religious learning can be done well in the new style of school too. (21)
· More pride at the school and its changes over time, including improvements that meant it qualified as a proper government school. The boy is so proud of this that he helps raise money to place a sign outside the school indicating its status. (22-23)
· Older students taught at the kuttab transfer to the government school, demonstrating hybridisation. They qualify as teachers, inspiring the boy who ‘worship[s]’ them. (23-24)
· Government schools pay better than the kuttab which relies on tithes. School inspectors sent by the government and the council are another aspect of the education reforms. The schools are trying to set very high standards; some of the teaching is advanced, such as complicated grammar he would not understand for many years (26-28).
· Girls joining the school is an anecdote of awkwardness that would not feel out of place in any young adult novel, bringing a familiarity and sense of universal experience to the story. (33)

Evaluation
This source offers a portrait of life in a small village in Egypt in a time of great change. Small-town life was the experience of many Egyptians, yet a lot of what we read focuses on city life so it is interesting to have a different perspective. This gives it historical significance, despite being written as a novel. It strongly relates to the theme of education reform in Egypt as Qutb uses his experiences to criticise the old religious schools and praise the new reformed schools, favouring a hybrid approach.
It is interesting that Qutb advocates the modern, more Western approach to education over Islamic schools when he is now known as an Islamic fundamentalist. This shows the evolution of his ideas; this book was written and published before some of the most formative experiences in Qutb’s life, such as his time in the USA which gave him a distaste for the West, and his time in prison, which turned him against the government. It thus may not necessarily be fully represent his later views for which he is now most known.
It is still a useful source. It is valuable to have an insight into village life, as well as how the education reforms were being applied (as long as we remember that this is just one person’s view). As an earlier work it also offers a different perspective on the now infamous figure of Qutb himself, allowing us to try and identify the roots of his fundamentalism within his early thinking.

Question 7

al-Banna - toward the light

Answer 7

Context

‘Toward the Light’ was originally a letter written in 1947 to Faruq I who was the King of Egypt and the Sudan, and to the prime minister of Egypt as well as to various kings, princes and rulers of various Islamic countries. It was later distributed again after Banna’s death.

It describes it as ‘the message of the Muslim Brotherhood’ (78). It has religious tones and frequently quotes the Quran to back up Banna’s points. It is very positive about Islam and shows Banna’s beliefs on how following an Islamic path will lead nations towards progress and advancement. While it does reference Egypt and Egyptian nationalism, it could be easily read as advice for any Islamic country.

Analysis

It is set into headings and subheadings with quotations from the Quran used throughout in order to back up al-Banna’s points. Preface written for the re-circulation of it after Banna’s death. Clearly originally written for royalty as it begins with ‘Your Excellency’ which is used throughout to address the reader and begins by stating how much of a responsibility it is that ‘a man should be held answerable for a nation’ (57). The language used is not quite praising the King but definitely aiming to please and influence him. He moves on to describe how his nation is in a period of transition and that there are two paths ahead which the nation could take: the way of Islam, the correct way and way of faith, or the path of the West. He continues by praising how the path of Islam has been successful in the past, ‘history has testified as to its soundness’ (58) and how Islamic unity will strengthen the world because Islam promotes ‘adherence to the good, and avoidance of the harmful’ (58). He moves on to discuss Western Civilization Today, he sees a slight good in the West through its ‘scientific perfection’ (58). However he sees the West as being in decline after inheriting world leadership after the East ‘fell asleep’ and is now crumbling after being ‘scorched by the fires of greed and materialism’ (59). Banna moves on to describe how Islam promotes principles which renascent (growing) nations need and which other regimes have failed to supply with. He discusses Islam and Hope, Islam and National Greatness, Islam and the Armed Forces, Islam and Public Health, Islam and Science, Islam and Morality, Islam and Economics and the Public Institutions of Islam. He discusses how Islam can benefit or make better these things. For example he sees nationalism without God or islam as ‘chauvinism or false pride’ (61). I thought his section on Islam and the Armed Forces interesting as he describes how European nations and political ideology are based on ‘pure militarism’ (63) but Islam can have a strong army because they will carry out justice and also prefer peace despite having the strength. His section on Islam and Science is also interesting as he argues that in no way does Islam reject science but actually commands mankind to study nature. He also states that ‘Islam has given the same weight to the ink of scholars as to the blood of martyrs’ (66). Above all Banna stresses that the key principle a renascent nation needs to be successful is morals, something he argues the West lacks. Banna goes on to argue how Islam protects minorities (although does so only to those who have not threatened Islam) and has great respect for the Abrahamic religions, describing them as being ‘brothers’ 69. He then goes on to describe how flaws in religious establishment itself does not mean there are flaws in faith itself. Here Banna subtly criticizes the establishment, calling for a reform of its ‘religious authorities’, going on to state that all Muslims should be considered religious authorities (72-73). He then goes on to describe how ‘the path of truth – the path of Islam’ (73) would be difficult and could not be achieved overnight but would lead the whole world to be a better place. As a kind of conclusion he gives a long list of the principal goals of reform grounded on the spirit of genuine Islam. His list includes many things such as reforming the law to make it completely Islamic, bettering education, calling for pan-Arabism amongst many others. Some of his principles are slightly vague as they don’t really offer much of a solution or even give what the exact problem is for example he writes “to solve the problems of marriage” (76) without stating what the problems are or how to fix them. Others I enjoyed were ‘the use of radio broadcasting for the education of the nation in a virtuous moral way’ 76. I think in general the list would be great if it were perhaps more constructive rather than stating things simply like ‘raise the level of education’.

Evaluation

This text I think is significant because it lays the foundations of what the Muslim Brotherhood wanted from the future. While it can be slightly Utopian and can be not that constructive on how to actually get there I think it is important as it sets goals and demonstrates what al-Banna wanted out of his country and where he wanted Egypt to be and how he wanted to forge a path that is different from the West and yet more progressive. There is a large emphasis on morals or the Wests lack of morals and how that distinguishes Islam as a political force. It is worth highlighting however that its original intention was clearly to persuade the King of Egypt that secularisation was not good for Egypt. I feel like had it not been addressed to someone with so much power it may have been more critical on what the current situation in Egypt was like which is not really mentioned by Banna. I think it is a useful source for a historian as clearly points out where the Muslim Brotherhood thought they could improve Islamic society and how they thought they could implement this change.

Question 8

Module - The Islamic Law and Constitution. chapter islamic law

Answer 8

The Islamic Law written by Mawdudi is the first chapter in his book The Islamic Law and Constitution. It was originally published on 01 June 1955 and later translated and edited by Khurshid Ahmad in 1960.
The text has clearly been written for the general public. No doubt due to Mawdudi’s career in journalism he had an ability to reach out to the general populace; the text is easy to read, amusing at times and arguably convincing. It was published soon after the partition of India where there was a long period of unrest in the South Asian Muslim community.
The chapter has been split under the headings Law and Life, The Objectives and Characteristics of the Shari’a, Legal Aspects of the Shari’a and an Examination of Objections in Shari’a Law. There are then several sub-headings under each.

Analysis
Law and Life
Initially, Mawdudi defines the term ‘law’. He states that law is integral in every part of life: education, the social system, the basis of the economic order, all of which shape a person’s character. However, he goes on to define these components as rules not as laws. A law is a rule which can be enforced only by the state. (p.89)
Mawdudi looks at how a law can be shaped over time and space. He argues that laws are shaped due to the environment in which they are created. This leads to a dialogue of how shari’a law was created and has since developed. It is important to note that he believes a more complex and concrete analysis would be achieved through comparing this directly with the development of Western law however lacks time to do so – this, I can only assume, would support his later argument that shari’a law stagnated when it came into contact with the West. (p. 90)
Under the sub-heading ‘The Islamic Concept of Life’, he discusses the oneness of God-Tawhid. This leads to his conclusion that independence and the human idea of independence is an implausible term as humans can never be independent of God. Instead, God gives independence by allowing the choice of being His loyal subject. (pp 90-1)
In the final two paragraphs of this section, he states that a Muslim society must live under shari’a law and if Muslims do not follow shari’a in its entirety then that society ‘breaks its contract’ with God and cannot be called Islamic. (p.92)

The Objectives and Characteristics of the Shari’a
The focus under this heading is to discuss how Shari’a underpins the way in which Muslims live through ma’rufat (virtues) and munkarat (vices). Mawdudi affirms if Muslims live their lives following shari’a law, they will naturally adhere to ma’rufat. (p. 93)
Mawdudi’s description of ma’rufat sees it coming under three categories – mandatory, recommendatory and permissible. The permissible allows a certain freedom as it covers everything which has not excluded by shari’a and the individual must deduce whether the action is virtuous. (pp 93-4)
Mukarat, according to Mawdudi has two categories: the first being an action explicitly prohibited by shari’a and the second being undesirable but not banned. What then follows is a dialogue examining the submission to shari’a. It is here we can see the theme of ‘oneness’ running through. (p. 95)
Mawdudi is explicit that shari’a only works if it is followed in its entirety. It will not function in the way God intended it if only certain parts are adhered to. If shari’a is followed completely, it naturally makes someone a good Muslim. He uses the example of theft and the punishment thereof. He asserts that should a pious Muslim give to charity (zakat) and ensure they look after their fellow Muslims then there would be no need for theft ergo the law for cutting off the hand of a thief becomes null and void. His criticism of the West comes in here as he goes on to say that should you live in essentially a capitalist system then there is a need for theft in order to survive and therefore theft should become permissible. (p. 96)

Legal Aspects of the Sharia
The legal aspects of the shari’a is mainly concerned with the interpretation and application of law. On page 98, Mawdudi maintains that shari’a offers broad laws and therefore must be interpreted and applied as necessary.
He then goes on to discuss the elements that make up shari’a law some of which permanent e.g. theft, adultery and drinking alcohol and the more flexible aspects which are to be interpreted. The permanent he testifies are a staple part of the Islamic culture and the more flexible laws must be adapted according to the current climate ONLY by a jurist who has studied Arabic, understands the history of Islam and is completely submissive to God. (pp 100-101)

An Examination of Objections in Shari’a Law
Mawdudi discusses how Islam constantly evolved since its creation until the beginning of the nineteenth century. It is here, he asserts, that colonialism stopped the evolution of Islamic law. It is during this period that people fell under a state of jahiliyya (ignorance of the guidance from God). For this, he blames the West. (pp. 102-3)
The West, Mawdudi deems, are heartless. He uses the example of the treatment of human beings during World War II and criticises the West for daring to call Islam a cruel religion. He is rather convincing in his use of comparisons. (p.103)
In the final part of this chapter, Mawdudi considers non-Muslims under shari’a law. He argues that the non-Muslim community should live under the ‘law of the land’ but they are given freedom to follow personal law of their own making. He concludes by stating that the Muslim community tolerated the western colonial laws and, now they have their land back and are the majority religion, then the minorities should do the same with shari’a. (pp 105-6)

Evaluation
The book was published just 8 years after the partition of India. Mawdudi was calling for an authentic Islamic State-as he saw one- in India under shari’a law. As Mawdudi was a gradualist, it is likely that this was a first step in an attempt to rebuild the Islamic community across the Islamic world. As Arabic countries had either achieved independence or were clawing back independence from the colonial powers, he was no doubt aiming to convince the umma that they had been corrupted by the Western world and need to become a Muslim worthy of the Islamic faith.

This work is a fundamental component when looking at the trail of Political Islam. Not only can we see Mawdudi’s early thoughts which were since developed by Islamists influenced by him but also that he remains today to be one of the most widely read Muslim scholars.

Question 9

QUTB-signposts

Answer 9

Context
Signposts along the Road was published in 1964. It was used as evidence against him in the trial that lead to his execution. His tone is very aggressive, he makes a lot of statements as if they’re facts. Anti-West, anti-Eastern bloc, anti-Democracy, anti-Marxism. He constantly looks to Muhammad and the first generation of Muslims as the standard that they should strive for.
In The Shade Of The Qur’an was written between 1951-1965. It is a commentary of the Qur’an. Against, he produces statements as if they are fact, and also gives examples of how the Qur’an has been misrepresented. He tries to explain the reasons why continued jihad is necessary.
Analysis
Signposts Along The Road:
136 – Starts by claiming “humanity today is standing at the brink of an abyss” and “humanity is bankrupt in the realm of ‘values.’” He claims that the Western world is aware of this, and also aware that it “cannot provide values for humanity and cannot even persuade itself of the justification for its own existence.” I assume his time in America would have had an effect on this view. He also attacks the Eastern bloc and Marxism, claiming that Marxism is “antithetical to the nature of human instincts and its needs” and “thrives only in a destructive environment or in an environment long habituated to a dictatorial system.” He then calls for new leadership for humanity, believing that Western civilisation “no longer has any of the ‘values’ that make such leadership possible.”
137 – He says that the new leadership must “possess and continually cultivate the material fruits of civilisation associated with European ingenuity and unique material achievements” but “also enrich humanity with new values entirely – those unlike anything humanity has ever known – by way of an original method that is practical and realistic at the same time.” Here he comes across as idealistic as it’s quite an outlandish statement to come out with. He moves on to say that “the era dominated by scientific progress… has also come to an end, as it does not possess this spirit of renewal” and that “the ‘patriotism’ and ‘nationalism’ that appeared [in the eighteenth and nineteenth-centuries] have withered.” He cites the Qur’an as saying “[Believers], you are the best community singled out for people: you order what is right, forbid what is wrong, and believe in God” (Q 3:110), but states that “Islam is unable to perform this role… unless it is actualised in society or in a community.” As a purist he feels that for centuries God’s law has not been followed due to “generations of ideas, practices, and systems entirely unrelated to Islam and the Islamic way.”
138 – He recognises that the task of assuming leadership will be difficult “for the real Muslim community vanished from existence and awareness long ago.” He recognises that European ingenuity has brought human progress to its zenith in contrast to the Islamic world being “almost devoid of such accomplishments.” So, in order to revive Islam he stresses the importance of having a quality that isn’t material creativity, which is “faith” and “way of life.” He mentions that the “entire world today exists in a state of ‘jahiliyya’ (ignorance of divine guidance)” and the issue of sovereignty that “makes some men masters of others.”
139 – Sovereignty leads to the abuse of power and leading the people astray from “the way of life prescribed by God.” He says Islam’s way of life is unique as the “Islamic way of life alone liberates all humans from the servitude of some to others, freeing them to worship God alone.” He believes that with this Islam has something “new that is absolutely perfect” and to actualise it in the real world it is “essential that a community live in accordance with” and from there it can spread. So, to begin this revival he states there must be “a vanguard resolved to stay the course and navigate a vast sea of jahiliyya that has taken root in every region on earth.” With this statement it is quite easy to see why there are so many extremists that are willing to die for the cause. If somebody believes they recognise “the ‘signposts along the road’” and that jahiliyya is deep-rooted all over the world, they’ll continue to expand no matter what.
140 - He advises to look to the Qur’an to remain on track as “the Qur’an was the only spring from which [the first] generation drank” so they were not corrupted. He also believes that to be pure in the eyes of God, you must only live through word of the Qur’an as Muhammad did.”
141 – He believes that subsequent generations after the first were educated by a corrupt source and that is why a generation like the first has never appeared again. He concludes “there is thus no doubt that the dilution of this primary source was the principal determinant of the clear difference between these later generations and the unique and distinctive first generation.” As well as this he believes the Qur’an should be studied and then its instructions should immediately be put into practice, as at its core it is guidance on how to live, not “a book of intellectual enjoyment, or a book of literature or art, fables or history, although it contains all of these elements.”
142 – He believes that one must separate from the jahiliyya, as the first generation did, as this conscious break between Islam and jahiliyya allowed Islam to thrive without distraction.
143 – As opposed to the current state of affairs where Islam was immersed in jahiliyya and this corrupted Islam. He calls to “return to the beginning” and “find out what [the Qur’an] wants us to be and then become it.” He does not believe jahiliyya can be negotiated with and prohibits Muslims from living in the way ordained by God. He finishes stating “we must not change our own values and ideas in the least, nor should we meet it halfway.”
In The Shade of the Qur’an:
145 – Begins by saying “the different stages of the development of jihad… [Reveal] a number of profound features of the Islamic approach that merit discussion.” The first is “the serious realism of the Islamic approach.” He states that Islam seeks to free people so they can worship God alone. “Second, Islam is a practical movement”, which ties in with his views that Islam is guide on how to live, that “does not confront practical realities with abstract theories.” He claims that many people misread the Qur’an “and give the Islamic approach a deceptive appearance.”
146 – Reiterates that Islam aims to provide an environment where people “enjoy full freedom of belief” by abolishing oppressive political systems. Third, “such continuous movement and progressive ways and means do not divert Islam from its definitive principles and well-defined objectives.” Its main objective is to worship God alone, and there is no compromise to this. Finally, submission to God must be accepted or be at peace with. He talks about writers that “try to limit jihad to what is called today ‘a defensive war’” then states “the motivates of Islamic jihad can be found with the nature of Islam” as “we may describe the Islamic faith as declaration of the liberation of mankind from servitude to creatures, including man’s own desires.” He also makes the point that Islam serves every human being, not simply Arabs or Muslims, and once the world lived as God intended it would be a peaceful world.
147 – Islam is a revolt against sovereignty being given to human beings, as that usurps God’s authority, so the ultimate goal is to eliminate “all human kingships to establish the rule of God.” This is because people in power tend to refuse to give power back to God.
148 – Qutb believes that Islam is equipped to combat existing human situations. He states again that God wants to liberate mankind, not just Arabs or Muslims. He claims that anybody who serves something other than God is an unbeliever and “obedience to man-made laws and judgements constitutes worship that takes people out of Islam.” Eradication of this situation would “ensure man’s liberation.”
149 – He states Islam “strikes hard” against regimes that oppress worship of God, and that Islam does not force its beliefs but aims to give people complete freedom to choose their faith, but they must abide by Islamic laws and submission to God alone. He claims jihad is inevitable given the nature of Islam as it is a movement of liberation for all people, fighting discrimination set up by “political regimes that create economic, class, and racial distinctions.”
150 – He explains that the idea that Muslims are confined to the Arabian Peninsula “betrays a stark defeatism.” He continues “Jihad is essential for the Islamic message if it is to be taken seriously as a declaration of the liberation of man” and “It is not satisfied with a cheap peace that applies only to the area where people of the Muslim faith happen to live.”
151 – He starts to talk about the idea of fighting. At first God only permitted fighting when Muslims had been attacked. He explains that Muslims did not commit aggression initially, but were then forced to defend themselves, then they were ordered to fights against all idolaters and eventually “fight against those among the people of the scriptures who do not believe in God.” So his argument is that Islam was a positive movement and nonviolent but forced to change under attack, which seems to be a rather biased look at the situation.
152 – He concludes by saying that those who usurp God’s authority will try to silence God’s word, this necessitates continued jihad until all submission is made to God alone.
Evaluation
You can quite easily see how some of Qutb’s views can be seen very extreme. Qutb states the West was responsible for unleashing jahiliyya (age of pagan ignorance) upon the world through the legacies of Greek philosophy, Judaism, Christianity, the scientific revolution, and the European Enlightenment. He rejected the idea that religion should be a private affair and rejects the claim that there is a meaningful political distinction between practices of worship and those pertaining to social relations. He believed that Islam is beyond intellectualism, beyond the theory and practice divide, that it “is intended to penetrate into the veins and arteries of a society and to form a concrete organised movements designed to transform it into a vibrant dynamic community.” (Qutb 1990, 32) He believes that there is an authentic Islam, the essence of which is praxis rather than theory.
Criticisms: The historicism of his ideologies allows him to sidestep the interpretive challenges of specifying how, why, and under what circumstances particular provisions of Islamic law must be applied. He also seems to oversimplify certain reasoning in favour of Islam when there is much more to be discussed.

Question 10

Soroush

Answer 10

Context
This source comes from an essay delivered at Tehran’s Shahid Beheshti University in 1991. Soroush was writing with the intention of developing the human understanding of Islam – presenting a liberal perspective on how religion and government function, and emphasising the synchronicity between external principles and the everchanging world.
Soroush wants to demonstrate the compatibility between Islam, reason, and freedom. This essay fits into a period of questioning traditional practices and beliefs and of upheaval. This essay demonstrates his views on matters such as the freedom of Muslims to interpret the Qur’an, the inevitability of change or reform in religion, the necessity of freedom of belief, and the compatibility of Islam and democracy. Soroush emphasizes the rights of individuals in their relationship with both government and God.

Analysis
‘freely attend a meeting of the freedom-seeking brothers and sisters of the university community in order to address the noble and worthy topic of freedom’ (p.244) – addressing university students, how do intellectual scrutinise religion?
Viewing the world through the poles of ‘the West’ and Islam. ‘In the West, “rationality” used to be associated with metaphysics, but now it is more or less connected to experiment and quantity. It is also somehow related to the analytical and logical qualities of thought’ (p.244)
Defining reason and freedom, before addressing their relationship. To Soroush, ‘reason … serves as a dynamic faculty for thinking and seeking the truth; it is about the kind of freedom that is required by reason qua reason’ (p.245)
‘we will seek to clarify the relationship between reason and freedom. We will ask whether reason and freedom help or hinder each other. We shall thus talk about the freedom for exercising the faculty of reason, that is the freedom of thinking’ (p.245)
1. Soroush begins by focusing on this relationship – that ‘freedom and unfreedom are a matter of indifference’ without our ability of reason to understand. He emphasises ‘reason and freedom are inextricably intertwined … [that] the absence of one would vitiate the existence of the other’, and that therefore ‘freedom belongs to the rational human beings’. (p.245)

2. He then separates two ‘visions of reason: reason as destination and reason as path’. The first vision identifies reason as the truth, while the second sees it as a ‘critical, dynamic, yet forbearing force that meticulously seeks the truth by negotiating tortuous paths of trial and error’. Reason can be the answer, but it also can be the means to reach that answer. (p.245)
3. Soroush does not necessarily accept the first vision of reason, however underlines the second vision as entailing much respect to the method of achieving the truth as it does the truth itself. The truth only matters as much as the method of reaching said truth.
   This is key to understanding ‘the motives of those who feign interest in freedom but end up castigating and denouncing it … out of fear that errors might contaminate the stock of truths stored in the warehouse of reason’ (p.246). Soroush explains, that people who sincerely care about the truth may advocate limits on freedom, arguing that the ‘freedom of thought’ will allow ‘false opinions [to] gain currency’ (p.246).
   The better method would be to choose the truth from among the competing false opinions. Soroush continues that ‘Our mission as rational human beings is to search actively for the truth’ (p.246). Therefore, Soroush is clearly arguing that whilst in open systems errors are made in finding the truth, these errors are preferable to a closed system where the truth is incorrectly dictated to its people.
   He concludes this point by stating ‘If we choose the dynamic vision of reason as our guiding light, we shall not fear errors as a menace to freedom … We shall gain a new respect for the blend of tastes and colors and learn to search for the sweet truth in the midst of the bitter errors’ (p.247)
4. Soroush identifies ‘those who shun freedom as the enemy of truth’. Furthermore, they ‘fail to recognize that the realization of freedom leads to the strengthening of the truth and the weakening of the falsehood’ (p.247). Through freedom of reasoning, the truth will be revealed, however those who seek to prevent that process of reasoning for fear of false truths are preventing progress.
5. ‘Reason has a certain expansiveness, the alternative to which is the narrowness and the darkness of ignorance. And the same is true of freedom: anyone who finds it frustrating will find the alternative even more so’ (p.247)
   ‘reaching the truth in an open environment is essentially different from attaining it in a closed one … Freedom provides a range and dynamism for the truth that is absent in unfreedom. It is true that freedom can make falsehoods bolder. But this lesser evil may be condoned in view of the greater good that freedom makes possible’ (p.248). Here, Soroush claims that in a free space, the truth can be acquired, whereas an unfree space denies such attainment. Furthermore, that whilst freedom also allows for falsehoods to be acquired, they in-turn serve as a lesser evil in the view of the greater good.
6. Soroush defines discovery – the purpose of which being to identify the truth. Freedom serves as a ‘necessary tool … need[ed] to uncover the truth’. For the truth needs uncovering, it is not ‘naked’, rather ‘concealed a hundredfold’. Freedom provides us with the space to conduct reason, which in turn searches for the truth. (p.248)
7. Soroush then examines the contrast between ‘emotionalism’ and reason. Highlights the restrictions of devotion, in contrast to autonomy. Where ‘emotions dazzles the eye of reason’, ‘reason is paralyzed, rational analysis is replace … [by] blind devotion’. He criticises the following of blind devotion, for it sacrifices the freedom to reason and make sense of one’s own path. This in-turn can result in fanaticism. Emotion in devotion thus counters reason in freedom. (p.248-50)
8. The question of ideology, ‘ideas that have causes but no reasons’. This depiction casts ideology as ‘the veil of reason’ or ‘the enemy of rationality and clarity’. Soroush continues that ‘no reasons can be properly adduced for a false idea’. Is human reason made a prisoner of ideologies? If reason is viewed as a permanent slave to ideology, it thus ‘entails hostility to freedom’. (p.250-251)
9. ‘Reason is by nature a free zone’. However some philosophers believed freedom is an illusion – we are confined by our settings: born into a family, among followers of a specific religion, and under the control of a given government. Everything is decided upon us by our childhood. Soroush counters by arguing reason remains free from the ‘chain of casuality’. (p.251-2)
10. ‘Freedom feeds only on freedom, as reason feeds only on reason’. By this Soroush means the practice of reasoning creates a proficiency to our reason; and that only through freedom can we address the issues of freedom. We require the practice of reason to fully develop reason, and we need to be free in order to fully discover the capabilities of freedom. (p.252)
11. Linking freedom and religion – ‘those who adopt the path of religion and submission are valued because they have chosen this path freely’ … begs the question, if religion is imposed on us, do we truly believe? (p.253)
12. The relationship between justice and freedom. Justice ‘as the realization of all rights’, one of said rights being ‘the right to be free’. No existing antinomy between these concepts. Freedom part of a wider system of justice. ‘Without freedom, justice is incomplete’. (p.253)
13. Freedom and reason – both can be dismissed or accepted on the basis of their imperfections. Soroush reflects that in society, a struggle between freedom and unfreedom is constantly fought. He acknowledges the faults in both reason and freedom, however suggests, ‘as a friend [of freedom] you will forgive the faults of freedom and strive to correct its errors. As a foe, you will use a single shortcoming to abandon freedom altogether’ (p.253)
    ‘The defenders of freedom are well aware of its problems, but they do not think that these problems could be remedied by turning their backs on freedom. The supporters of reason do not assume that all false religions are valid or that the temptations and the squabbles of disbelievers are acceptable’ (p.254)
    Ultimately, ‘Reforming freedom and reason cannot be accomplished by shutting them down’ (p.254)
14. Freedom as a contest – internal and external: liberation from the rein of passion and anger, and emancipating oneself from the yoke of potentates, despots, charlatans, and exploiters, respectively. Soroush warns against interpretations of freedom as instigating anarchy, insanity, disorder. Instead, he opts to call on the ‘free-minded’ to defend freedom from oppressors. (p.255)
15. Freedom requires practice, it requires patience, and will improve with time but requires that time to improve. (p.256)
16. Truth and falsehood. False perceptions that reason and the truth are weak – freedom cannot be cultivated under these conditions. Reference to the Qu’ran – used to support argument that in the struggle of jihad against falsehoods, we must trust in God to give the answer. Falsehood will not prevail. (p.256-7)
17. ‘Only when all opinions have been aired can one recognize the truth’. However for all views to be heard, we require freedom. ‘It is a mistake to think that repressing falsehoods would promote truths. In restraining freedom with the intention of limiting falsehoods will subsequently equally limit the truth. (p.257-9)
18. To reject the freedom of ideas reveals ignorance. Soroush argues ‘Only those who lack in ideas need fear the marketplace of ideas’. Furthermore, those who argue against freedom do not argue ‘in good faith’ nor ‘according to the rules of rational discourse’ (p.259)
19. Reference to the free choice of the way of the prophets – ‘submission based on free will’. The Prophet knows the true path, and those who devote themselves have made the choice to do so. However, without Prophetic knowledge as a guiding light, ‘nothing is better for humankind than the possession of freedom’. (p.259-60)
20. Require internal and external freedom … ‘the freedom predicated on submission and the submission predicated on freedom’ (p.261)

Evaluation
Soroush is effectively calling for the reign of freedom and reason in Iran. He emphasises the compatibility of these values of democracy with Islam. Indeed, Soroush is careful not to undermine Prophetic knowledge, but stresses in the absence of divine rule, society must be granted freedom to reason and reform accordingly to the truths revealed. In this sense, Muslims should be allowed to interpret the Qu’ran, which can in turn lead to change in our collective understanding of Islam.

Soroush’s emphasis on the necessity of freedom of belief was a controversial opinion at a time in the post-Islamic revolutionary world. Rather than followed the authority, or accept dictated ideology, Soroush offers freedom as the essential condition for progress and modernity. Soroush emphasizes the rights of individuals to this freedom to define their relationship with both government and God.

The significance can be found in the influence Soroush held within Iran, and by the emerging conflict between his supporters and other Iranians regarding values of freedom.

Question 11

Qaradawi - interview with an Algerian admirer of Qaradawi’s islam and democracy

Answer 11

Analysis:

The framework is an interview with an Algerian admirer of Qaradawi’s, in which he discusses the definition, guidelines and compatibility of democracy with Islam.

He is asked how Islam can be compatible with Democracy, as some religious scholars claim democracy signifies the rule of the people by the people, whereas in Islam it is not the populace but God who is the ruler, and therefore democracy is a form of unbelief.

Answer: Firstly he turns this around, and questions those who accuse others of unbelief without understanding the gravity of such an accusation, and suggests they are the unbelievers. (p230) This creates the impression he has a wide knowledge of Islam straight away, laying the foundation for a strong position in the debate he is involved in.

2 & 3: -He gives a definition of the ‘essence of real democracy’, “that people chose who rules over them and manages their affairs and no ruler or regime they dislike is forced upon them” (p232) and ties this to the benefits of democracy, E.g. freedom of press, multiparty systems, minority to express its opposition, before then asking how this can contradict Islam? He then goes further by comparing democracy to Islamic prayer, “Islam rejects the idea that people be led in prayer by someone they do not accept” (p232) and extends this to from prayer, to life and politics. Therefore suggesting how can such benefits of democracy not benefit Islam.

4 -8: -He makes sure to define the difference between human sovereign and democracy, drawing the link between a human sovereign and a dictator. Throughout this he uses the Quran to attack “divine” rulers on earth, those who take the slaves of God as their own slaves. (p232). He attacks the Pharaoh for being a dictator and uses this criticism of a human sovereign to suggest this is exactly why democracy is needed.

• He mentions the unholy alliance the Quran draws upon, the divine ruler oppressing Gods lands, (Pharaoh) the upstart politician (Haman party) and the capitalist lord who benefits (represented by the Korah), Korah belonged to Moses rather than to the people of the Pharaoh, showing material interests will unite people, rather than lineage or race, could this be a comparison to corrupt Muslim regimes which align with western governments for material interests?
• He discusses how the Quran also holds the people who follow tyrants responsible, “The Pharaoh was asked, what made you the Pharaoh? He responded: I found no one trying to resist me” (p234) Using this passage to convey the responsibilities to those living under a dictator.
• Uses the criticisms of the Prophet for those rulers who become so unjust people can no longer say out loud they are unjust, a characteristic of many dictators throughout the 20th century, and even the 21st. Again using Islamic texts: Hadith report narrated by Abdallah ibn Amr says, When you see my community too afraid to call an unjust ruler unjust, bid farewell to them.” (p235)

9-13: -Qaradawi then moves on to discuss how the implementation of democracy is in line with Islam, bringing most points back to Shari’a principles or Quranic verses.

-He discusses how Islam established the principle of consultation as one of the basic principles of Islamic life, and speaking the truth to the oppressive ruler to be the most meritorious form of Jihad. He suggests resistance against domestic tyranny is to have priority over foreign aggression, as the former frequently causes the later. Domestic tyranny can lead to foreign aggression.

• Gives an example of Caliphs who have understood they are the representative of the community and are accountable if they fail in their obligations. For example , Muhammad himself, and the second caliph – showing perfect examples from the beginning of Islam to discuss this modern idea, again bringing back to his moderation outlook.
• He does suggest other systems may be more suitable, but until they are found democracy must be adopted, before quickly bringing this back to how it links with Shari’a. “It is a well established principle of Sharia that anything that serves as an indispensible means towards fulfilling an obligation it itself to be deemed obligatory.” (p237)
• Qaradawi does recognize democracy is adopted, and uses examples within Islamic history of other methods being taken from elsewhere, For example Battle of the joint forces, the Prophet dug a trench around Medina, which was a tactic he took from the Persians. (p237)
• Also mentions how a candidate for the voting system is linked to the Quran, as a voter must have a legal witness: “Call two just witnesses from your people” p(238)

14 & 15: Goes on to discuss the essence of democracy, and how this is in agreement with the essence of Islam, as long as it goes back to original sources in the Quran and the actions of the rightly guided Caliphs. Discusses the difference between these Caliphs and those leaders who reject God as the overall Sovereign, i.e. Dictators. (Rulers in Egypt, Middle East). Argues that democracy does not ask for a rejection of Gods sovereignty, just the rejection of a dictatorship.

• Closest to a definition we come across, “democracy is that the people elect their rulers as they please, that they hold them accountable for their actions, that they refuse their orders when these violate the nations constitution, that is, in Islamic terms, when the rulers command that which is sinful, and that the people have the right to remove the rulers when they deviate and act unjustly and when they don’t listen to advice or warning” (p239) Many of this would tap into a large audience within Egypt as assassinations, revolutions, coups, had taken place causing political chaos. Linked to “In Islamic terms”.
• The sovereignty of god has two kinds: the first is universal and determinative, in the sense that god governs all existence, directing with his commands and unchanging practice, this means a determinative sovereignty rather than legislative. The second relates to legislation, the authority to impose legal obligations, which manifests itself in what God has sent with the messengers. He claims there is no contradiction between the two, and people should not be considered infidels for seeking democracy to govern the political principles of Islam.

16-18: Attacks Islamists, such as Qutb (Although doesn’t mention him) who argue against democracy, Islamists argue the majority should not decide but Islamic principles should, even if nobody agrees with the decision. He addresses the Quranic verses Islamists use to argue this, and argues this is irrelevant if living under an Islamic society, as democracy does not compromise Muslims within a Muslim society. Don’t need to worry that the majority will make bad decisions, as majority is Muslim. He then Gives a series of examples on how the majority vote is a correct method of voting, E.g. The prophet, “The devil accompanies the single person, but he is the father of two”, and again in Hadith reports for a praise towards “ the great multitude” (P242) Once again bringing his own ideas and principles of democracy in line with Islamic texts.

19 & 20 : Makes a slight threat that without the process of consultation Islamic societies fall into despotism, and through despotism that the Shari’a has been suspended and secularism imposed, pointing in the direction of Egypt’s history with Britain. Again in 20 draws a link between the lack of democracy within Egypt and the use of assassinations and revolutions, claiming a democracy wouldn’t have resorted to these measures.

Last section: Describes the leaders role as a contract with the people, and once again uses this point to link democracy with Islam, “This is how the Islamic principle of consultation is close to the spirit of democracy, or, rather, how the essence of democracy comes to accord with the spirit of Islamic consultation.” (p245)

Question 12

Hamas charter

Answer 12

Biography and Context
The Islamic Resistance Movement (Ḥarakat al-Muqāwamat al-Islāmiyyahare) known by its acronym Hamas, was formed in Palestine in 1987. Hostility towards Israel had been rife following the creation of Israel and expelling thereof of Palestinians from their homes. The creation of Hamas came as a response to the First Intifada, the catalyst of which is attributed to the deaths of several Palestinians as a result of a traffic collision with an Israeli driver. This drove several prominent members of the Muslim Brotherhood in Gaza, to transform themselves into the resistance movement, Hamas. Though a new organisation, they already enjoyed social, political and economic links built from their time in the Muslim Brotherhood. Soon after forming, they drew up the Charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) of Palestine published 18 August 1988.

Analysis
As argued by Zaman and Euben, it clearly follows the ideology of founding member Ahmed Yasin, yet, has been authored by a wide ranging group from shaykhs to radicalists. The aim of Hamas initially set out to eradicate Israel in order for the Palestinian people to reclaim the land and build an Islamic State.

Chapter 1
Articles 1-8) Introduces it as being a movement based on resistance in Palestine yet makes clear it is an international movement based on the Islamic faith and is for all pious Muslims. It is quite repetitive: continually stating this is a movement for all Muslims who adopt Islam as a way of life.

Article 6 is an important part of chapter 1. It states that it is a movement for all religions to live in peace. This is an important point because it is stating that should Islam be the religion of Palestine, all can live in peace. As this charter has been created in the wake of violent attacks, it proffers a sentiment likely to appeal to many.

Article 7 reiterates it is an international movement. Ties it into Izz ad-Din al-Qassam who led resistance movements against the British and Zionists in the 1930’s and was killed by the British in 1936 due to his activities. This gives a historic element to the movement and suggests that they are taking up the reins of a martyr.

Article 8 states that Allah is the leader, the Qur’an is it’s constitution and Jihad is how to achieve their goals.

Chapter 2
Articles 9-10) This article shows a significant departure from the Muslim Brotherhood, which is purely a religious organisation, by adding a nationalist dogma to its ideology. The excerpt ends by stating if ‘Islam does not take its rightful place in the world arena, everything will continue to change for the worst.’ Not only does this reinforce the nationalist aspirations of Hamas but it also ties together the two themes that run through this extract; the malevolent oppressors and the benevolent oppressed.

Chapter 3
Articles 11-22)
Affirming it is a nationalist movement and includes women and men. States that women do not need permission from their husbands or masters to fight.

Arguing that Palestine is integral in the Islamic faith and to lose any of Palestine means to lose part of their religion.

Jihad is central to the movement and must be performed in order to liberate Palestine. Article 14 argues that there are three spheres that must play a role in this jihad: the Arab sphere, the Islamic sphere, and the Palestinian sphere.

When discussing training for liberating Palestine, it consists of religious training and learning the Islamic history. I would assume this would fit into being a pious Muslim means that you would be ready for the task of jihad.

There is a lot of emphasis on women being part of this training. They must ensure their children are raised within a pious household and they raise their children in order to perform the duty of jihad.

They make comparisons of Zionism to Nazism and the people must rise up as a single body to fight the enemy. They also argue that the Zionists control the media, ignited revolutions which caused separation of church and state. They even state the Jewish people started both world wars.

Chapter 4
Articles 23-33)
These articles focus on its place within other Islamic movements. They acknowledge that they may perform tasks differently such as ijtihad, but they respect the other Islamic movements. They will not judge and slander other movements. In respect of Palestinian movements, it aligns itself with them by stating they will support each other. In respect of the PLO, states that when it submits wholly to the Islamic faith (i.e. stops adopting a secular state as part of it’s ideology), then they will become their ally.

Article 31 offers followers of all faiths to live under Islam in peace. It states that it is only the Islamic faith which offers pluralism.

Chapter 5
Articles 34-35)
This speaks of the history of Palestine in the context of the Crusaders. They argue that it was only when the Muslim people united under the banner of Islam, they were able to defeat the Crusaders and win Palestine back.

Evaluation
This document offers the historian insight into the formation of Hamas which was built on nationalist and religious values. By looking at the document in its entirety, there is a definite Islamic-nationalist trend which shows through highlighting the reflecting the need for an amalgamation of faith and citizens in order to regain their land.