Ethnicity

Question 1

what is primordialism?

Answer 1

primordialism takes ethnicity to be “based on a myth of collective ancestry, which usually carries with it traits believed to be innate” (Horowitz, 1985, p52)

Question 2

which scholar takes ethnicity to be “based on a myth of collective ancestry, which usually carries with it traits believed to be innate”?

Answer 2

Horowitz, 1985, p52

Question 3

why should we reject primordialism?

Answer 3

the assumption of fixed group identities is logically untenable as there are at least three ways in which ethnic identity is more fluid than permitted by the ancient rivalries thesis

1. entire ethnic groups have been invented

• e.g. Yoruba in Nigeria and Shona in Zimbabwe were arguably inventions of the colonial era and possessed little conscious group identity or formal institutions before the 19th century (Berman, 1998)

2. boundaries of ethnic groups are not necessarily fixed

• e.g. members of the Nubian ethnic group in Uganda is open to a certain category of Sudanese who bear similar religious and military status as the existing Nubians (Kasfir, 1979)

3. new dimensions of ethnic cleavage can emerge

• e.g. the introduction of provinces in independent Zambia created a new, territorial dimension of ethnic differentiation such that “Northerners” are often identified in popular perception as the fifth ethnic category alongside the older four linguistic groups (Posner, 2005)

given this fluidity, it is clear that ethnicity is not a fossilised determination but a living presence produced and driven by material and historical forces (Ake, 1993)

Question 4

what are the three ways in which ethnic identity is more fluid than primordialism allows?

Answer 4

1. entire ethnic groups have been invented

• e.g. Yoruba in Nigeria and Shona in Zimbabwe were arguably inventions of the colonial era and possessed little conscious group identity or formal institutions before the 19th century (Berman, 1998)

2. boundaries of ethnic groups are not necessarily fixed

• e.g. members of the Nubian ethnic group in Uganda is open to a certain category of Sudanese who bear similar religious and military status as the existing Nubians (Kasfir, 1979)

3. new dimensions of ethnic cleavage can emerge

• e.g. the introduction of provinces in independent Zambia created a new, territorial dimension of ethnic differentiation such that “Northerners” are often identified in popular perception as the fifth ethnic category alongside the older four linguistic groups (Posner, 2005)

Question 5

give an example to show that entire ethnic groups have been invented.

Answer 5

Yoruba in Nigeria and Shona in Zimbabwe were arguably inventions of the colonial era and possessed little conscious group identity or formal institutions before the 19th century (Berman, 1998)

Question 6

give an example that shows that boundaries of ethnic groups are not necessarily fixed.

Answer 6

members of the Nubian ethnic group in Uganda is open to a certain category of Sudanese who bear similar religious and military status as the existing Nubians (Kasfir, 1979)

Question 7

give an example that shows that new dimensions of ethnic cleavage can emerge.

Answer 7

the introduction of provinces in independent Zambia created a new, territorial dimension of ethnic differentiation such that “Northerners” are often identified in popular perception as the fifth ethnic category alongside the older four linguistic groups (Posner, 2005)

Question 8

what is instrumentalism?

Answer 8

instrumentalism emphasises the “contingent, situational and circumstantial” use of ethnicity “in the pursuit of material advantage” often by elites (Berman, 1998)

focuses on the manipulation of ethnic identities and loyalties for political and economic ends

Question 9

which scholar writes that instrumentalism emphasises the “contingent, situational and circumstantial” use of ethnicity “in the pursuit of material advantage” often by elites?

Answer 9

Berman, 1998

Question 10

give an example that supports instrumentalism.

Answer 10

Malawi Example (Posner, 2004)

• in Malawi, both the Chewa and Tumbuka communities are large enough to constitute viable political coalitions in the competition over national power.
• Malawian politicians find the ethnic groups useful building blocks, and their mobilisation of these communities renders the cleavage politically salient

Question 11

why should we reject instrumentalism?

Answer 11

reject as too cynical and doesn’t account for enduring symbolic appeal

it ignores the crucial significance of historical, social and cultural factors that mean ethnicity goes beyond simply being a tool for elites and is often only possible under certain conditions

Posner highlights the importance of the group size in relation to the country as a whole in allowing or incentivising the elite to use ethnic cleavages

Zambia Example (Posner, 2004)

• in Zambia, neither the Chewa nor Tumbuka communities alone have the size to be an effective political vehicle thus they go unmobilised by Zambian politicians and the cultural differences remain politically inconsequential and yet the ethnic groups still stand

Question 12

give an example that rejects instrumentalism.

Answer 12

Zambia Example (Posner, 2004)

• in Zambia, neither the Chewa nor Tumbuka communities alone have the size to be an effective political vehicle thus they go unmobilised by Zambian politicians and the cultural differences remain politically inconsequential and yet the ethnic groups still stand

Question 13

what is constructivism?

Answer 13

constructivism understands ethnicity as “the ambiguous, constantly contested and changing results of cultural politics” (Berman, 1998)

contemporary ethnic communities and identities are the outcomes of a continuous and continuing process of social construction, emanating from encounters of indigenous societies with the political economy and culture of external players and the deliberate manipulation of diverse political actors

Question 14

which scholar understands ethnicity as “the ambiguous, constantly contested and changing results of cultural politics”?

Answer 14

Berman, 1998

Question 15

what is my view on ethnicity?

Answer 15

ethnicity is not a stagnant, fixed concept. It is the result of ever-changing dynamics between classes, cultures, and political institutions

Question 16

what dimensions did the social construction of ethnicity have?

Answer 16

social construction of ethnicity had internal (‘moral ethnicity’) and external (‘political tribalism’) dimensions (Berman, 1998)

Question 17

outline the impact of the colonial state on ethnicity.

Answer 17

by defining new social, political and economic institutions, these colonial institutions constituted the structural context shaping both the form and the content of ethnic communities, identities and interests, as well as the modes of ethnic political mobilisation and organisation (Berman, 1998)

clientelistic relations

• patron / client alliance
• patronage networks
• clientelistic relations in the post-colonial era

Ranger’s ‘Invented Tradition’ (2012)

intellectual rigidity

Question 18

how did the clientelistic relations of the colonial state impact ethnicity?

Answer 18

key political relationship of the patron/client alliance between European administrators and the African chiefs of administrative subdivisions beneath them who supplied the day-to-day presence and muscle of colonial domination

• e.g. French indirect rule

to maintain order, colonial state made extensive use of local ‘tribes’, in the process giving them a new formality and rigidity

• divide and rule strategy: colonial state isolated local administrative sub-divisions to ensure that united resistance movement wouldn’t emerge

each administrative unit ideally contained and were rendered a single culturally and linguistically homogeneous ‘tribe’ in which people continued to live within the indigenous institutions and were subject to ‘tribal discipline’ through local structures of authority

chiefs were at the centre of the local network of clientelistic relations and, because colonial local administration took a ‘tribal’ view of things, this tended to be ethnically defined

Question 19

how did patronage networks impact ethnicity?

Answer 19

importance of clientelistic relationship is also seen through patronage networks as it reinforced the role of the state as the principal source of benefits and made the patron / client relation the fundamental relationship between ordinary people and those with wealth and power

administrators rewarded chiefs and headmen; also elders and other African officials and rich/influential men to secure loyalty

Question 20

how did clientelistic relations in the post-colonial era impact ethnicity?

Answer 20

this balance of power extended beyond the colonial landscape and continued into the post-colonial era

Ake argues that the nationalist movements mobilised ethnic groups into politics (Ake, 1993)

politicisation changed into political ethnicity when national movements, which were united mainly by common grievances, started to disintegrate on the verge of independence as its leaders manoeuvred to inherit power

Nigeria Example (Ake, 1993)

• in the spirit of indirect rule, the major administrative and political units of Nigeria were made to coincide with the spatial locations of the three major ethnic groups
• under pressure from nationalist forces, the British devolved power to these regions
• the three leading nationalist leaders, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello in the north, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in the east, and Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the west opted for power in the region instead of remaining in the central government which was still controlled by the British
• hence Nigeria became dominated by three regional, ethnic parties

Question 21

give an example that shows clientelistic relations in the post-colonial era impacting ethnicity.

Answer 21

Nigeria Example (Ake, 1993)

• in the spirit of indirect rule, the major administrative and political units of Nigeria were made to coincide with the spatial locations of the three major ethnic groups
• under pressure from nationalist forces, the British devolved power to these regions
• the three leading nationalist leaders, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello in the north, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in the east, and Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the west opted for power in the region instead of remaining in the central government which was still controlled by the British
• hence Nigeria became dominated by three regional, ethnic parties

Question 22

what does Ranger mean by ‘invented tradition’?

Answer 22

Ranger introduced the idea of the invention of tradition through both creating new cultures and defining existing ones to a greater ‘degree of clarity, consistency and rigidity’ than existed before (Ranger, 2012)

Question 23

how are Ranger’s invented traditions exemplified?

Answer 23

exemplified in customary laws including membership, gender relations, access to land and control of labour and resources

these are rigidified over time, becoming deeply rigidified customs over time that perhaps weren’t originally that important

Question 24

how did the colonial state impose intellectual rigidity?

Answer 24

formalised structures, oral histories and written texts

Zambia Example (Posner, 2001)

prior to colonialism, languages in Zambia corresponded to tribes - multiple languages

by the time of Zambian independence in 1964, Bemba, Nyanja, Tonga and Lozi had achieved the status of first among equals in so far as language use was concerned

by 1990, fully 78.8% of population used one of these four languages as either their first or second languages of communication

how did this happen?

• missionaries were in charge of education; areas with missionary stations had higher linguistic homogeneity
• formal education began with policy decision to only teach in one of the four languages
• economic incentives to have a lingua franca in urban environments

Question 25

offer an example of the intellectual rigidity imposed by the colonial state.

Answer 25

Zambia Example (Posner, 2001)

prior to colonialism, languages in Zambia corresponded to tribes - multiple languages

by the time of Zambian independence in 1964, Bemba, Nyanja, Tonga and Lozi had achieved the status of first among equals in so far as language use was concerned

by 1990, fully 78.8% of population used one of these four languages as either their first or second languages of communication

how did this happen?

• missionaries were in charge of education; areas with missionary stations had higher linguistic homogeneity
• formal education began with policy decision to only teach in one of the four languages
• economic incentives to have a lingua franca in urban environments

Question 26

outline the impact of economic factors on ethnicity.

Answer 26

ethnicity has also been deeply intertwined with economic factors

this construction of ethnicity had internal (moral ethnicity) and external (political tribalism) dimensions (Lonsdale)

uneven development of capitalist production & markets affected class formations too

Question 27

what is moral ethnicity?

Answer 27

moral ethnicity was the political arena within which ethnic identities emerged from the renegotiation of the bounds of political community and authority, the social rights and obligations of moral economy and the rights of access to land and property

more about personal accountability than universal, equal citizenship

good: some trust and solidarity

bad: relations within group may be unequal and violent; moral ethnicity may legitimise violence against others

Question 28

what is political tribalism?

Answer 28

the competitive confrontation of ethnic contenders for the material resources of modernity through control of the state apparatus

political tribalism emerged out of the diverse consequences of colonialism for different African communities, especially regarding access to the resources of modernity and economic accumulation

this is because colonial states’ strategy of fragmentation & isolation of distinct tribal units promoted ethnic competition and conflict, especially with regard to resources

this was exaggerated in many colonies by a hierarchical ordering and specialisation of labour or production

growing economic differentials & uneven development led to conflict & jealousy

• colonial state had prosperous capitals and railways into certain areas, leaving certain areas behind

Question 29

which scholar introduces the idea of moral ethnicity and political tribalism?

Answer 29

Lonsdale, 1981

Question 30

how do economic factors play into class and how does this impact ethnicity?

Answer 30

uneven development of capitalist production and markets introduced significant differentiations in class formation that led to competition and conflict between ethnic communities for access to the benefits of colonialism and patronage resources

movement of labour from rural areas as a result of growth turned urban areas into loci of ethnic contact and differentiation

demarcation of ethnic differences took on political importance to the degree it was relevant in legitimating claims to these rights and resources, and in providing individuals with both meaning and organised channels for pursuing culturally-defined interests

Question 31

was ethnicity a tool solely for the elite?

Answer 31

no, ethnicity used by both dominant and poor classes (Berman, 1998)

the ‘class project’ of the dominant class was expressed in self-interest interpretations of custom claiming rights to control of land and labour and in investment in the social networks of clientage controlling access to state-centred patronage

the poor & subordinated used ethnicity to sustain their claims of access to land and resources and to insist on the responsibilities and reciprocities of the wealthy and powerful

• e.g. the Anglican women’s organisation, the Mpingo wa Amai or Mothers’ Union, among the Chewa of east-central Africa enabled Chewa women to redefine historic roles and institutions within the changed circumstances and to respond to novel problems raised (Ranger, 2012)

Question 32

outline the channels through which cultural factors impacted ethnicity.

Answer 32

as a survival strategy (Ake, 1993)

relation to Ekeh’s two publics (Ekeh, 1975)

Question 33

how was ethnicity used as a survival strategy?

Answer 33

ethnicity not always a cynical and opportunistic tool; sometimes it serves as a survival strategy for people struggling to affirm their humanity (Ake, 1993)

as the post-colonial state became more violently repressive, political ethnicity was greatly accentuated as people turned to traditional solidarity groups as centres of resistance to state repression (Ake, 1993)

in times of economic and political instability, kinship and ethnicity provide networks of mutual support and trust (Berman, 1998)

• e.g. the Apartheid in South Africa, which drastically tried to deculture black Africans, inevitably engendered resistance and the search for cultural identity which was often found in ethnicity

ethnic formations are often the most significant countervailing force to state power as well as the best defence of a separate space against the totalising tendencies of the post-colonial state (Ake, 1993)

Question 34

which scholar supported the idea of ethnicity as a survival strategy rather than as an opportunistic tool for the elite?

Answer 34

Ake, 1993

Question 35

what are Ekeh’s ‘Two Publics’?

Answer 35

Ekeh proposes there are two distinct public realms in post-colonial Africa: the primordial public and the civic public

primordial public: characterised by primordial groupings, ties, and sentiments that influence and determine individuals’ behaviour

• distinctly moral dimension

civic public: historically associated with the colonial administration, is based on civil structures such as the military, civil service and the police

• amoral & lacks the moral imperatives that feature in the private and primordial public realms

Question 36

what is the relevance of Ekeh’s ‘two publics’ to ethnicity / ethnic identity in the post-colonial context?

Answer 36

relevance of Ekeh’s two public realms becomes apparent when examining the moral and amoral aspects of these public spaces

• the primordial public carries a distinctly moral dimension, whereas the civil public is amoral and lacks the moral imperatives that feature in the private and primordial public realms

this distinction underscores the complexity of ethnic identity, as individuals navigate between these two realms, negotiating between moral and amoral considerations and duties

the primordial public reflects the moral ethnicity and cultural ties that emerge from the renegotiation of political community boundaries, while the civic public represents the amoral political tribalism influenced by the consequences of colonialism, especially concerning access to modern resources and economic accumulation

Question 37

what is the Marxist approach to ethnicity?

Answer 37

Marxists believe ethnicity is a distraction from class politics

they understand ethnicity as “false consciousness” which conceals the exploitation and inequality intrinsic to capitalist class relations

they believe ethnic consciousness is superimposed over the interests of the masses & thus serves to camouflage the more fundamental and objective interests of competing classes

Question 38

what is meant by ‘false consciousness’?

Answer 38

false consciousness: ways in which material, ideological, and institutional processes mislead members of the proletariat within capitalist societies, concealing the exploitation and inequality intrinsic to the social relations between classes