Cases - Semester 1 Flashcards
(103 cards)
Chisholm vs Georgia 2 US (2 Dall.) 419 (1793)
article III - the judiciary - state immunity - state sovereignty
*Holding:** Article III, §2 abrogated states’ sovereign immunity and granted federal courts power to hear disputes between citizens and states.
= Thus, state conduct subject to judicial review
Justice Iredell dissented, reasoning that under Common Law, each state was sovereign, and could not be sued without consent. This opinion eventually became law with the passage of the Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution, which provides that “The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any foreign state.” He argued that: states were ‘heir of the british sovereignty’. The British doctrine of Sovereign immunity states that the sovereign could not be sued without consent.
Issue: can citizens sue governments in federal court?
Facts: Chisholm attempted to sue State of Georgia over payments due to him for goods that Farquhar had supplied Georgia during War of Independence. Georgia said it was a sovereign state, and could not be sued without consenting to the suit
Trans Union v Ramirez
standing - article III
Issue: Does either Article III of the Constitution or Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 23 permit a damages class action when the majority of the class did not suffer an injury comparable to that of the class representative?
Ratio decidendi
To have Article III standing to sue in federal court, a plaintiff must show that she suffered concrete injury in fact, that the injury was fairly traceable to the defendant’s conduct, and that the injury is likely to be redressed by a favorable ruling by the court. To show a concrete injury, a plaintiff must demonstrate that the asserted harm is similar to a harm traditionally recognized as providing a basis for a lawsuit in American courts—i.e., a close historical or common-law analogue for their asserted injury.
Of the 8,185 class members, TransUnion provided third parties with credit reports containing OFAC alerts for only 1,853 individuals; these individuals have standing. The remaining 6,332 class members stipulated that TransUnion did not provide their credit information to any potential creditors during the designated class period and thus have failed to demonstrate concrete harm required for Article III standing. Mere risk of future harm is insufficient to establish standing.
Held: 5-4 decision, Justice Kavanaugh for the majority: “Congress’s creation of a statutory prohibition… does not relieve courts of their responsibility to independently decide whether plaintiffs suffered harm under Art.III” => Only a plaintiff concretely harmed by a defendant’s violation of the Fair Credit Reporting Act has Article III standing to seek damages against that private defendant in federal court.
Dissenting, Thomas: what did the Founders think? Originalism
Dissenting, Kagan / Breyer / Sotomayor: The Court holds that a class of plaintiffs whom Congress decided could bring an action actually cannot, because of Art III. In (another case, Spokeo), held that Art III requires concrete injury even in the context of statutory violation…”
Facts: In February 2011, Sergio Ramirez went with his wife and father-in-law to purchase a car. When the dealership ran a joint credit check on Ramirez and his wife, it discovered that Ramirez was on a list maintained by the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), of people with whom U.S. companies cannot do business (i.e. “a terrorist list”). Ramirez and his wife still bought a car that day, but they purchased it in her name only. TransUnion, the company that had prepared the report, eventually removed the OFAC alert from any future credit reports that might be requested by or for Ramirez.
On behalf of himself and others similarly situated, Ramirez TransUnion in federal court, alleging that the company’s actions violated the Fair Credit Reporting Act (FCRA).
Court addressed issue of concrete harm in a case under the Fair Credit and Reporting Act (federal statute). TU only used first and last names, so wildly over-inclusive. Some people had names wrongly reported to third party businesses as having bad credit, but not everybody.
The jury awarded each class member nearly $1,000 for violations of the FCRA and over $6,000 in punitive damages, for a total verdict of over $60 million. On appeal, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit upheld the statutory damages but reduced the punitive damages to approximately $32 million.
California v Texas, 2021
standing - article III
Issue: Do respondents have Article III standing to challenge the Food and Drug Administration’s 2016 and 2021 actions with respect to mifepristone’s approved conditions of use? (how did they suffer loss)
Held: The plaintiffs lack standing to challenge the Affordable Care Act’s minimum essential coverage provision. To have standing to bring a claim in federal court, a plaintiff must “allege personal injury fairly traceable to the defendant’s allegedly unlawful conduct and likely to be redressed by the requested relief.” No plaintiff in this case has shown such an injury.
With respect to the individual plaintiffs, the Court found the injuries they alleged—past and future payments necessary to carry the minimum essential coverage that §5000A(a) requires—not “fairly traceable” to the allegedly unlawful conduct. There is no penalty for noncompliance, only the statute’s unenforceable language, which alone is insufficient to establish standing.
With respect to the state plaintiffs, the Court found the injuries they alleged not traceable to the government’s allegedly unlawful conduct. The state plaintiffs alleged direct and indirect injuries. The states alleged indirect injuries in the form of increased costs to run state-operated medical insurance programs, but they failed to show how an unenforceable mandate would cause state residents to enroll in valuable benefits programs that they would otherwise forgo. The states alleged direct injuries in the form of increased administrative and related expenses, but those expenses are the result of other provisions of the Act, not §5000A(a) and are thus not fairly traceable to the conduct alleged.
Justice Clarence Thomas authored a concurring opinion, praising Justice Samuel Alito’s dissent in this case (describing the “epic Affordable Care Act trilogy”) but stopping short of agreeing with his opinion in its entirety because Justice Thomas agreed with the majority that the plaintiffs lack standing in this case.
Justice Samuel Alito authored a dissenting opinion, which Justice Neil Gorsuch joined, arguing that Texas and the other state plaintiffs have standing and that because the “tax” imposed by the individual mandate is now $0, the mandate cannot be sustained under the taxing power.
Facts: In 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the individual mandate of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) against a constitutional challenge by characterizing the penalty for not buying health insurance as a tax, which Congress has the power to impose. In 2017, the Republican-controlled Congress enacted an amendment to the ACA that set the penalty for not buying health insurance to zero, but it left the rest of the ACA in place. Texas and several other states and individuals filed a lawsuit in federal court challenging the individual mandate again, arguing that because the penalty was zero, it can no longer be characterized as a tax and is therefore unconstitutional. California and several other states joined the lawsuit to defend the individual mandate.
The federal district court held that the individual mandate is now unconstitutional and that as a result, the entire ACA is invalidated because the individual mandate cannot be “severed” from the rest of the Act. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit upheld the district court’s conclusion but remanded the case for reconsideration of whether any part of the ACA survives in the absence of the individual mandate. The Supreme Court granted California’s petition for review, as well as Texas’s cross-petition for review.
Cf. 2023 Mifepristone case (= drug used for abortions): FDA v Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine
article III - standing
Held (unanimous decision): Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine and other plaintiffs lack Article III standing to challenge the Food and Drug Administration’s regulatory actions regarding mifepristone. Legal, moral, ideological, and policy concerns about abortion DO NOT SUFFICE TO SUE IN FEDERAL COURT.
Moore v Harper, 2023
Election clause
Issues:
- Whether the concept of judicial review could be read into the background of the Elections Clause of the Constitution. At issue was the so-called “independent state legislature” theory, which asserted that state supreme courts lacked the power to review state legislature’s determinations regarding the time, place, and manner of federal elections?
- Under the U.S. Constitution, does the state legislative body, independent of any constraints by state courts or other laws, have sole authority to regulate federal elections?
Held: The Federal Elections Clause does not vest exclusive and independent authority in state legislatures to set the rules regarding federal elections.
First, the Court confirmed that it had jurisdiction to review the case. The North Carolina Supreme Court’s decision to overrule its previous judgment did not moot the case because there remains a live dispute between the parties.
Second, the Court concluded that the Elections Clause does not grant state legislatures exclusive authority to regulate federal elections. Judicial review has been an accepted practice since Marbury v. Madison, and under the Court’s precedents, the Elections Clause authority of state legislatures is subject to checks and balances provided by the state constitution.
NB: mootness concerns => the issue was fixed independently.
Chief Justice ROBERTS wrote for the Court:
= [In] the Federalist Papers, Alexander Hamilton maintained that ‘courts of justice’ have the ‘duty . . . to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the Constitution void.’ The Federalist No. 78. ‘This doctrine’ of judicial review, he also wrote, was ‘equally applicable to most if not all the State governments.’
Facts: After the 2020 Census, North Carolina gained an additional seat in the U.S. House of Representatives => required redistricting of the state, North Carolina’s Republican-majority state legislature passed a partisan gerrymander. The map was challenged in state court, and in February 2022, the North Carolina Supreme Court struck down the map for violating the state constitution’s “free elections clause” and other provisions. The legislature proposed a second gerrymandered map, so the court ordered a special master to create a map for the 2022 congressional elections. The legislators asked the U.S. Supreme Court to review based on an argument that the Elections Clause of the U.S. Constitution gives state legislatures alone the authority to regulate federal elections—the so-called Independent State Legislature theory.
Chae Chan Ping v US
plenary and inherent powers
- upheld the authority of Congress to set immigration policy and to pass new legislation even if it overrode the terms of previous international treaties
- important precedent for the Supreme Court’s deference to the plenary power of the legislative branch in immigration law and the government’s authority to overturn the terms of international treaties
- This is an area where congress is supreme =precedent for Supreme Court’s deference to plenary power of US legislative branches.
- Doctrine of consular nonreviewability (a 20th century expression)
held: The Court upheld the law and affirmed Congress’s authority within this sphere as an inherent attribute of sovereignty. This decision interpreted the Constitution as granting Congress broad authority to deal with foreign affairs and immigration, even though no specific clause gave Congress a power over immigration.
= Held: *Adopted Federalist argument and relied on “inherent” power attached to “sovereignty”
facts: In The Chinese Exclusion Case, the Supreme Court considered the question of whether legislation preventing foreign nationals from reentering the country is within Congress’s constitutional powers. When Congress passed a law preventing Chinese immigrants from entering or reentering the United States, Chinese laborers sued to return.
United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corporation
In the Joint Resolution, did Congress unconstitutionally delegate legislative power to the President?
Upheld the Joint Resolution. The Court reasoned that the federal government could not exceed its enumerated powers regarding internal issues but had a much broader scope of discretion in foreign affairs. Because “the President alone has the power to speak or listen as a representative of the nation,” Congress may provide the President with a special degree of discretion in external matters which would not be afforded domestically. Roosevelt thus had the discretion to determine what impact a certain policy might have on foreign affairs and make decisions accordingly, even had Congress not authorized him.
“…the Court recognized sweeping federal and, more specifically, presidential power in the area of international affairs; it also seemed to free Congress from the need to formulate precise standards when it delegated power involving foreign relations.”
The Curtiss-Wright Export Corporation, a weapons manufacturer, sold fighter planes and bombers to Bolivia during the Chaco War, during which Paraguay and Bolivia contested control of a semi-arid region. This violated a Joint Resolution of Congress and a proclamation issued by President Roosevelt, which banned U.S. weapons manufacturers from aiding either side of the war. Challenging its indictment, Curtiss-Wright argued that Congress had violated the non-delegation doctrine in allowing the executive branch to make decisions that were properly left to the legislature.
Trevett v Weeden (1786)
“Rhode Island, however, which was first in war, was last in peace, and its period of political gestation extended to May 29, 1790 when it reluctantly ratified the handiwork of the Philadelphia Convention (in which it took no part) by the narrowest of margins and only under political and economic pressure from the new national government.”
=> created the precedent for Marbury v Madison
political questions doctrine
Baker v. Carr
Did the Supreme Court have jurisdiction over questions of legislative apportionment?
Dissent:
Justice Felix Frankfurter strongly dissented, arguing that the Court’s decision cast aside history and judicial restraint and violated the separation of powers between legislatures and courts
Reasoning:
In Zivotofsky, the Court concluded that the political question doctrine could not justify refusing to hear cases involving the constitutionality of a federal statute. There, the Court addressed a statute that provided that Americans born in Jerusalem may elect to have “Israel” listed as the place of birth on their passports.33 When the State Department refused to follow that law under a long-standing policy of not taking a position on the political status of Jerusalem, plaintiff Zivotofsky sued to enforce the statute.34 The Supreme Court concluded that the political question doctrine did not bar it from hearing the case; as the Court noted, the courts were “not being asked to supplant a foreign policy decision of the political branches with the courts’ own unmoored determination of what United States policy toward Jerusalem should be.”
Held: In an opinion which explored the nature of “political questions” and the appropriateness of Court action in them, the Court held that there were no such questions to be answered in this case and that legislative apportionment was a justiciable issue. In his majority opinion, Justice Brennan provided past examples in which the Court had intervened to correct constitutional violations in matters pertaining to state administration and the officers through whom state affairs are conducted. Brennan concluded that the Fourteenth Amendment equal protection issues which Baker and others raised in this case merited judicial evaluation.
“In the instance of lack of jurisdiction, the cause either does not ‘arise under’ the Federal Constitution, laws or treaties (or fall within one of the other enumerated categories of Art III, s2); or is not a ‘case or controversy’ within the meaning of that section; or the cause is not one described by any jurisdictional statute. Our conclusion…that this cause presents no justifiable ‘political question’ settles the only possible doubt that it is a case or controversy.” (p.198)
NB: In a recent decision in 2019, this case was referred to.
Criticism “Courts all the time make judgments in which there are no standards to apply”.
Charles W. Baker and other Tennessee citizens alleged that a 1901 law designed to apportion the seats for the state’s General Assembly was virtually ignored. Baker’s suit detailed how Tennessee’s reapportionment efforts ignored significant economic growth and population shifts within the state.
Coleman v Miller, 307 US 433 (1939)
politcial questions
Is the best reason for such an outcome that the court should not superintend the only constitutional procedure that allows for overrule of its own decisions? Note that in Nixon, Rehnquist gave a similar functional reason: ‘in our constitutional system, impeachment was designed to be the only check on the judicial branch by the legislature.
The Court held that the Kansas legislators had standing to sue, but found that two of the plaintiffs’ claims raised political questions that could only be resolved by Congress. With respect to the whether the Kansas legislature’s previous rejection of the Child Labor Amendment precluded its subsequent ratification, the Court stated that this “should be regarded as a political question pertaining to the political departments, with the ultimate authority in the Congress in the exercise of its control over the promulgation of the amendment.”
In his concurrence, Justice Black (joined by Justices Frankfurter, Roberts, and Douglas) suggested that the Court had not gone far enough in denying judicial power to resolve Article V controversies. Black believed that all Article V questions should be considered political and not judiciable.
Justices Butler and McReynolds dissented. They argued that the Child Labor Amendment proposal had expired.
Was Kansas’s ratification of the Child Labor Amendment valid?
In 1924, the Child Labor Amendment passed both houses of Congress. Under Article V of the Constitution, three-fourths of state legislatures must ratify an amendment passed by Congress before it becomes part of the Constitution. After both houses of the Kansas legislature had rejected the proposed amendment in 1925, the Kansas house passed a resolution of ratification in 1937. The Kansas senate then equally divided (20-20) on the resolution, and the Lieutenant Governor, over the objections of those who opposed the amendment, broke the tie in favor of ratification. Kansas legislators challenged the action in state court and it ultimately made its way to the Supreme Court
Nixon v US (1993)
politcial questions justiciability
Is Nixon’s claim – that Senate Rule XI violates the Impeachment Trial Clause – justiciable, i.e., appropriate for judicial resolution?
No. A unanimous Court held that the question of whether or not the Senate rule violated the U.S. Constitution was nonjusticiable since the Impeachment clause expressly granted that the “Senate shall have sole Power to try any impeachments.” The clause laid out specific regulations that were to be followed and as long as those guidelines were observed the courts would not rule upon the validity of other Senate procedures regarding impeachments. Chief Justice William Rehnquist observed that while the Supreme Court was the “ultimate intrepreter of the Constitution,” a matter would be deemed nonjusticiable when there was “a constitutional commitment of the issue to a coordinate political department.”
Walter Nixon, a Federal District Judge, was convicted of a felony, making false statements to a grand jury. The House of Representatives voted three articles of impeachment; impeachment in the Senate followed. In accordance with Senate Rule XI, a Senate committee heard the evidence and reported its findings. The full Senate convicted Nixon and sought to remove him from office. Nixon challenged Senate Rule XI in federal court on the ground that the rule violated the impeachment clause of the Constitution, which declares that “the Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments.” The lower courts deemed the issue nonjusticiable and declined to intervene in the dispute.
Marbury v Madison
judicial review - federalism
Opinion delivered by Chief Justice Marshall. Held for Marbury.
Yes, to the three questions but the injunction was not granted because they have appellant jurisdiction only.
Holding: The refusal to hand over the writ was illegal ( the judges considered it as a legal rather than a political question.) Marshall construed art. 13 f the judiciary act Broadly and article III sec 2 of the constitution narrowly (subterfuge?).
The Court held that the provision of the Judiciary Act of 1789 enabling Marbury to bring his claim to the Supreme Court was itself unconstitutional, since it purported to extend the Court’s original jurisdiction beyond that which Article III, Section 2, established.
“…where the heads of departments are the political or confidential agents of the executive, merely to execute the will of the President… nothing can be more perfectly clear than that their acts are only politically examinable….
⇒ In so holding, Marshall established the principle of judicial review, i.e., the power to declare a law unconstitutional= “a law repugnant to the constitution is void”
He argued that the Constitution is the paramount law of the nation. The opposite view would contradict the “very foundation of all written constitutions” + called back to the oath of office.
Thomas Jefferson defeated John Adams in the 1800 presidential election. Before Jefferson took office on March 4, 1801, Adams and Congress passed the Judiciary Act of 1801, which created new courts, added judges, and gave the president more control over appointment of judges. The Act was essentially an attempt by Adams and his party to frustrate his successor, as he used the act to appoint 16 new circuit judges and 42 new justices of the peace. The appointees were approved by the Senate, but they would not be valid until their commissions were delivered by the Secretary of State.
William Marbury had been appointed Justice of the Peace in the District of Columbia, but his commission was not delivered. Marbury petitioned the Supreme Court to compel the new Secretary of State, James Madison, to deliver the documents. Marbury, joined by three other similarly situated appointees, petitioned for a writ of mandamus compelling the delivery of the commissions.
McCulloch v Maryland
relationship between the nation and the states-necessary & proper clause
Principles established by the case:
- congress has extended implied powers to support its enumerated powers
- constitution was created as a reflection of the will of the people, not the states
- federal law is supreme over state law
(Feldman) The Supreme Court has repeatedly relied on Chief Justice Marshall’s broad interpretation of the N&PC…., often in the context of similarly broad interpretations of Congress’s commerce power.
In a unanimous decision, the Court held that Congress had the power to incorporate the bank and that Maryland could not tax instruments of the national government employed in the execution of constitutional powers.
Pursuant to the Necessary and Proper Clause (Art. I, Section 8), Chief Justice Marshall noted that Congress possessed powers not explicitly outlined in the U.S. Constitution. Marshall redefined “necessary” to mean “appropriate and legitimate,” covering all methods for furthering objectives covered by the enumerated powers. Marshall also held that while the states retained the power of taxation, the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof are supreme and cannot be controlled by the states.
Quote: “purport[s] to enlarge, not to diminish the powers vested in the government. It purports to be an additional power, not a restriction on those already granted.”
In 1816, Congress chartered The Second Bank of the United States. In 1818, the state of Maryland passed legislation to impose taxes on the bank. James W. McCulloch, the cashier of the Baltimore branch of the bank, refused to pay the tax. The state appeals court held that the Second Bank was unconstitutional because the Constitution did not provide a textual commitment for the federal government to charter a bank.
Did Congress have the authority to establish the bank?
Did the Maryland law unconstitutionally interfere with congressional powers?
Maine v Taylor (1986)
dormant commerce clause
No. In an 8-to-1 decision, the Court held that the limitation imposed by the Commerce Clause on state regulatory power was not absolute and that the States “retain[ed] authority under their general police powers to regulate matters of ‘legitimate local concern.’” The Court found that Maine’s ban on the importation oflive baitfish served a legitimate local purpose (=legitimate interest) that could not adequately be served by available nondiscriminatory alternatives. The Court argued that the ban was not a simple case of “arbitrary discrimination against interstate commerce.”
In order to protect its fisheries from parasites and non-native species, the state of Maine prohibited the importation of live baitfish. Robert J. Taylor, the owner of a bait business, violated the law and was prosecuted by Maine authorities.
Question
Did the Maine law unconstitutionally burden interstate commerce, violating the Commerce Clause?
Brown-Forman Distillers v NYS Liquor Authority (1986):
dormant commerce clause
pricing that disadvantages out of state > violation of the DCC, disadvantages the consumer and directly discriminates => overturned
The State of New York enacted an Alcoholic Beverage Control Law (ABC law) governing the production and distribution of distilled liquor within the state. The ABC law prohibited distillers from selling liquor to in-state wholesalers at a price higher than the lowest price the distiller charged to out-of-state wholesalers. The New York State Liquor Authority (NYSLA) (defendant) initiated license-revocation proceedings after learning that Brown-Forman Distillers Corporation (Brown-Forman) (plaintiff) violated the ABC law. Brown-Forman sought review of the NYSLA’s decision to revoke its liquor license and challenged the constitutionality of the ABC law in New York state court. Brown-Forman argued that New York’s ABC law regulated interstate commerce by controlling the prices set by in-state distillers for out-of-state sales. The appellate division disagreed and held that the distiller’s affirmation did not directly regulate interstate commerce in violation of the Commerce Clause. Brown-Forman appealed. The Court of Appeals of New York affirmed. The United States Supreme Court granted certiorari to review.
Miranda v Arizona
fifth amendment
The Fifth Amendment requires that law enforcement officials advise suspects of their right to remain silent and to obtain an attorney during interrogations while in police custody.
This case represents the consolidation of four cases, in each of which the defendant confessed guilt after being subjected to a variety of interrogation techniques without being informed of his Fifth Amendment rights during an interrogation.
On March 13, 1963, Ernesto Miranda was arrested in his house and brought to the police station where he was questioned by police officers in connection with a kidnapping and rape. After two hours of interrogation, the police obtained a written confession from Miranda. The written confession was admitted into evidence at trial despite the objection of the defense attorney and the fact that the police officers admitted that they had not advised Miranda of his right to have an attorney present during the interrogation. The jury found Miranda guilty. On appeal, the Supreme Court of Arizona affirmed and held that Miranda’s constitutional rights were not violated because he did not specifically request counsel.
Question
Does the Fifth Amendment’s protection against self-incrimination extend to the police interrogation of a suspect?
Cooley v. Board of Wardens of Port of Philadelphia ex rel. Soc. for Relief of Distressed Pilots (1852)
dormant commerce clause
The majority held the pilotage law did not violate the Constitution, reasoning localized elements of commerce like selection of pilots could be appropriately delegated to the states. Though navigation was commerce, the Court held that pilotage demanded diverse local rules to cope with varying local conditions. Therefore, Congress’s power was selectively exclusive.
Pennsylvania law required all ships entering or leaving the port of Philadelphia to hire a local pilot. Ships that failed to do so were subject to a fine. Cooley was a ship owner who refused to hire a local pilot and also refused to pay the fine. He argued that the law violated the Commerce Clause, which gives Congress authority over interstate commerce and bars Congress from delegating that authority to the states. This argument was rejected by the lower courts.
Question
Does a Pennsylvania’s law requiring ships to hire a local pilot violate the Commerce Clause of the Constitution?
Pike v Bruce Church Inc
dormant commerce clause
Other aspects
* the regulation, in effect, dictated where the packing of the cantaloupes must occur (within Arizona) before they entered interstate commerce. This was crucial because it restricted the natural flow of commerce by mandating that operations be performed in Arizona that could more efficiently be performed elsewhere, specifically in Blythe, California, where Bruce Church, Inc. already had established facilities.
- The Court highlighted that the Arizona regulation required a significant alteration in the business operations of Bruce Church, Inc., imposing a direct and heavy burden. The regulation was not merely a peripheral adjustment but a fundamental change that involved substantial capital investment and operational shifts. This requirement was deemed to exceed permissible state interference with interstate commerce as it imposed an artificial geographical constraint on business activities that are inherently interstate in nature.
The U.S. Supreme Court held that the Arizona regulation did indeed place an unconstitutional burden on interstate commerce. The Court affirmed the lower court’s issuance of a permanent injunction against the enforcement of this regulation.
Reasoning: The Court’s reasoning was anchored in the principle that while states may regulate activities within their borders to protect local interests, such regulations must not impose undue burdens on interstate commerce
Bruce Church, Inc., a company engaged in agricultural operations across Arizona and California, faced an order under the Arizona Fruit and Vegetable Standardization Act which required that all cantaloupes grown in Arizona be packed in state-approved containers before leaving the state. Bruce Church, Inc. typically transported uncrated cantaloupes from their Parker, Arizona farm to Blythe, California for packing. This practice was challenged in 1968 when the appellant, the official enforcing the Act, prohibited this transportation to enforce the packaging standards. The company argued that the required packing facilities would necessitate significant investment and delay, risking severe financial loss due to the perishable nature of cantaloupes. Consequently, Bruce Church, Inc. sought judicial relief, claiming that the order constituted an unconstitutional burden on interstate commerce.
United States v Comstock (2010)
necessary and prooper clause
Justice Clarence Thomas, joined in part by Justice Antonin G. Scalia, dissented. Justice Thomas argued that the Necessary and Proper Clause empowers Congress only to enact laws that carry into execution one or more enumerated powers. Here, he argued that the Adam Walsh Protection and Safety Act did not carry into execution an enumerated power.
The Supreme Court held that the Necessary and Proper Clause grants Congress authority sufficient to enact the Adam Walsh Protection and Safety Act. With Justice Stephen G. Breyer writing for the majority, the Court pointed to five considerations that compelled its holding. (1) the Necessary and Proper Clause grants broad authority. (2) The Court recognized that Congress has long delivered mental health care to federal prisoners. (3) Congress had good reason to pass the statute as it has the power to protect nearby communities from the danger prisoners may pose. (4) The Tenth Amendment does not reserve a zone of authority to the states in this context. (5) The Court recognized that the statute was narrow in scope and did not confer on Congress a general police power, which is reserved to the states.
Justice Anthony M. Kennedy wrote separately, concurring in the judgment. He maintained that authority under the Necessary and Proper Clause is dependent upon the “strength of the chain” from Congressional action and its enumerated power, not on the number of “links in the chain.” Justice Samuel A. Alito also wrote separately, concurring in the judgment. He cautioned that the majority opinion should not be construed as granting an unlimited ability by Congress to extend its power.
Convicted sex offenders moved to dismiss petitions requesting their indefinite civil commitment under the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act. A North Carolina federal district court dismissed the petitions. On appeal, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit affirmed. It held that the Protection and Safety Act exceeded the scope of Congress’ authority when it enacted a law that could confine a person solely because of “sexual dangerousness,” and the government need not even allege that this “dangerousness” violated any federal law.
Question
Did Congress have the constitutional authority to enact the Adam Walsh Protection and Safety Act?
US v Kebordeaux
commerce clause
Justice Antonin Scalia wrote a dissenting opinion in which he argued that an act intended to execute a power of Congress is only necessary and proper if the power is as well. Because it is not clear that the Wetterling Act’s registration requirement is a valid Congressional power, SORNA’s modification and execution of that power is equally unsure. In his separate dissent, Justice Clarence Thomas argued that SORNA’s registration requirements are unconstitutional because they do not execute any Congressional powers explicitly granted by the Constitution. Instead, SORNA represents an unconstitutional usurpation of state powers regarding sex offender registration. Although Congress has the power to regulate the conduct of members of the military, once Kebodeaux became a civilian, there is no justification for the involvement of the federal government. Justice Antonin Scalia partially joined in the dissent.
Yes, yes. Justice Stephen G. Breyer delivered the opinion of the 5-4 majority. The Court held that the Necessary and Proper Clause grants Congress the power to enact SORNA and apply it in this case, despite the fact that Kebodeaux was convicted and served his time prior to SORNA’s enactment. Although SORNA was not in effect when Kebodeaux was sentenced, his release was not conditional. Rather, he was subject to the Wetterling Act, a federal act that entailed similar registration requirements later enacted under SORNA. Because Kebodeaux was subject to federal requirements at the time of his release, it is within Congress’ power to modify those requirements through SORNA and apply them to Kebodeaux. The Court also held that the Necessary and Proper Clause granted Congress the power to create federal crimes and regulate their punishment, so SONRA did not represent Congress overstepping its bounds.
Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr. wrote an opinion concurring in the judgment in which he argued that the Constitution grants Congress the power to regulate the conduct of members of the military and impose penalties if those regulations are disobeyed. This power, in addition to the Necessary and Proper Clause, gave Congress the authority to act in this case. However, he argued that the majority’s opinions analysis of the benefits of the registration requirement are unnecessary to reach the decision in the case and stray too far into justification for a federal police power. In his separate opinion concurring in the judgment, Justice Samuel A. Alito, Jr. wrote that the Necessary and Proper Clause grants Congress the power to require the registration of members of the military who have been convicted of sex crimes as the gap between military and state laws often does not allow the state to do so.
Anthony Kebodeaux was a registered sex offender. He served three years in prison in for his offense. After his release Congress enacted the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA). When Kebodeaux moved from San Antonio, Texas to El Paso, Texas, he failed to update his residence in the registry within three days, as required, and was charged and convicted under SORNA. He appealed, arguing that the law was unconstitutional as it applied to him because regulating a sex offender’s intrastate travel after being released from custody exceeds Congress’ powers. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit reversed, holding that past commission of a federal crime is insufficient to permit the federal government to have unending criminal authority over Kebodeaux. While SORNA was unconstitutional under the circumstances of this case, the court did not question Congress’ ability to place restrictions on federal prisoners after release, including requiring sex offenders convicted after SORNA to register intrastate changes of residence.
Question
Did the court of appeals err in conducting its constitutional analysis on the premise that Kebodeaux was not under a federal registration obligation until SORNA was enacted, when pre SORNA federal law also obligated him to register as a sex offender?
Did the court of appeals erred in holding that Congress lacks the Article I authority to provide for criminal penalties as applied to a person who was convicted of a sex offense under federal law and completed his criminal sentence before SORNA was enacted?
US Term Limits, Inc v Thornton (1995)
state sovereignty in the us
Justice Clarence Thomas, in dissent, countered:
It is ironic that the Court bases today’s decision on the right of the people to “choose whom they please to govern them.” Under our Constitution, there is only one State whose people have the right to “choose whom they please” to represent Arkansas in Congress … Nothing in the Constitution deprives the people of each State of the power to prescribe eligibility requirements for the candidates who seek to represent them in Congress. The Constitution is simply silent on this question. And where the Constitution is silent, it raises no bar to action by the States or the people.
No. The Constitution prohibits States from adopting Congressional qualifications in addition to those enumerated in the Constitution. A state congressional term limits amendment is unconstitutional if it has the likely effect of handicapping a class of candidates and “has the sole purpose of creating additional qualifications indirectly.” Furthermore, “…allowing individual States to craft their own congressional qualifications would erode the structure designed by the Framers to form a ‘more perfect Union.’”
Amendment 73 would result in “a patchwork of state qualifications” for U.S. representatives, and called that consequence inconsistent with “the uniformity and national character that the framers sought to ensure.” Concurring, Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote that the amendment interfered with the “relationship between the people of the Nation and their National Government.”
On November 3, 1992, Arkansas voters adopted Amendment 73 to their State Constitution. The “Term Limitation Amendment,” in addition to limiting terms of elected officials within the Arkansas state government, also provided that any person who served three or more terms as a member of the United States House of Representatives from Arkansas would be ineligible for re-election as a US Representative from Arkansas. Similarly, the Amendment provided that any person who served two or more terms as a member of the United States Senate from Arkansas would be ineligible for re-election as a US Senator from Arkansas.
Question
Can states alter those qualifications for the U.S. Congress that are specifically enumerated in the Constitution?
- US v Curtiss Wright Export Corp
delegation of powers
held: In an opinion written by Justice Sutherland, the majority upheld the Joint Resolution. The Court reasoned that the federal government could not exceed its enumerated powers regarding internal issues but had a much broader scope of discretion in foreign affairs. Because “the President alone has the power to speak or listen as a representative of the nation,” Congress may provide the President with a special degree of discretion in external matters which would not be afforded domestically. Roosevelt thus had the discretion to determine what impact a certain policy might have on foreign affairs and make decisions accordingly, even had Congress not authorized him.
Facts: The Curtiss-Wright Export Corporation, a weapons manufacturer, sold fighter planes and bombers to Bolivia during the Chaco War, during which Paraguay and Bolivia contested control of a semi-arid region. This violated a Joint Resolution of Congress and a proclamation issued by President Roosevelt, which banned U.S. weapons manufacturers from aiding either side of the war. Challenging its indictment, Curtiss-Wright argued that Congress had violated the non-delegation doctrine in allowing the executive branch to make decisions that were properly left to the legislature.
Did Congress unconstitutionally (art. I, section 1) delegate legislative power to the president?
Murthy v. Missouri
standing
The Court concluded that the petitioners lacked standing for two main reasons:
First, the plaintiffs failed to establish a clear causal link between their past social media restrictions and the actions of the government defendants. Most of the plaintiffs could not demonstrate that their content was restricted due to government pressure rather than the platforms’ independent moderation policies. Even for Jill Hines, who made the strongest case, the connections were tenuous and did not clearly show that her restrictions were likely traceable to government coercion rather than Facebook’s own judgment.
Second, the plaintiffs could not demonstrate a substantial risk of future injury traceable to the defendants’ actions. By the time of the lawsuit, most of the government’s communications with social media platforms about COVID-19 and election misinformation had significantly decreased. Without evidence of ongoing pressure from the government, it was speculative to assume that future content moderation decisions would be attributable to the defendants rather than the platforms’ independent policies. The Court also found that an injunction against the government was unlikely to affect the platforms’ content moderation decisions, creating a redressability problem.
The Court emphasized that at the preliminary injunction stage, plaintiffs must make a clear showing that they are likely to establish each element of standing, which the petitioners failed to do based on the evidence presented.
Respondents—two States and five individual social-media users who sued Executive Branch officials and agencies, alleging that the Government pressured the platforms to censor their speech in violation of the First Amendment—lack Article III standing to seek an injunction. Justice Amy Coney Barrett authored the 6-3 majority opinion of the Court.
Multiple plaintiffs, including epidemiologists, consumer and human rights advocates, academics, and media operators, claimed that various defendants, including numerous federal agencies and officials, have engaged in censorship, targeting conservative-leaning speech on topics such as the 2020 presidential election, COVID-19 origins, mask and vaccine efficacy, and election integrity. The plaintiffs argue that the defendants used public statements and threats of regulatory action, such as reforming Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, to induce social media platforms to suppress content, thereby violating the plaintiffs’ First Amendment rights. The States of Missouri and Louisiana also alleged harm due to the infringement of the free speech rights of their citizens.
The U.S. District Court for the Western District of Louisiana granted the plaintiffs’ motion for a nationwide preliminary injunction prohibiting the federal government from meeting with social media companies or otherwise seeking to influence their content-moderation policies. The U.S. Supreme Court granted the government’s motion for an emergency stay and granted certiorari to review the case on the merits.
In FDA v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, 602 U.S. 367 (2024)
standing
Reasoning:
The plaintiff doctors and medical associations, none of whom prescribe or use mifepristone, do not allege direct monetary injuries, property injuries, or physical injuries from FDA’s actions relaxing the regulation of mifepristone. Rather, they have legal, moral, ideological, and policy concerns about abortion. While these concerns are legitimate, they do not suffice on their own to confer Article III standing to sue in federal court.
Given the broad and comprehensive conscience protections guaranteed by federal law, the plaintiffs have not shown that FDA’s actions will cause them to suffer any conscience injury. Additionally, the causal link between FDA’s regulatory actions and the alleged monetary and related injuries (e.g., diverting resources, increased risk of liability suits, potentially increasing insurance costs) is too speculative or attenuated to establish standing. Finally, the medical associations have not demonstrated organizational standing. Thus, even if true that no one would be able to challenge FDA’s actions if the plaintiffs cannot, the Court has long rejected this “if not us, who?” argument as a basis for standing.
The Court held that third-party physicians who challenged the FDA’s approvals of the abortion drug mifepristone lacked standing.
Medication abortion in the U.S. is commonly conducted using a combination of mifepristone and misoprostol. Mifepristone was approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in September 2000 and is used in over half of all U.S. abortions. Initially, its distribution was limited to hospitals and medical facilities under FDA regulations. The 2007 Food and Drug Administration Amendments Act introduced Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategies (REMS), reinforcing FDA’s control over drug approvals. Despite REMS review in 2011, mifepristone’s distribution remained restricted. In March 2016, the FDA expanded access, allowing medical practitioners to prescribe it and extending the usage period in pregnancy. In April 2021, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the FDA permitted mail distribution from certified sources, and in January 2023, approved pharmacies also began distributing it.
However, following the Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which eliminated the constitutional right to abortion, several states sought to restrict mifepristone’s sale. The Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine and other anti-abortion groups challenged the FDA’s approval, claiming inadequate consideration of evidence in 2000. In April 2023, a federal district court judge sided with the plaintiffs, suspending the FDA’s approval. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit partially stayed this decision, maintaining the original 2000 approval but striking down the 2016 REMS changes that eased access. After a hearing on the merits, in August 2023, the Fifth Circuit upheld the ban on changes made in 2016. The U.S. Supreme Court granted review and stayed the lower court’s injunction.