conservatism Flashcards
(51 cards)
Conservatism
Conservatism has traditionally sought to conserve society and has been distrustful of
ideological thinking. As a political idea, conservatism has developed considerably:
l Traditional conservatism emerged, in part, as a reaction to the rational
principles of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century. It argued that
pragmatism (a practical attitude), empiricism (evidence and experience) and
tradition were vital in maintaining society.
l One-nation conservatism developed in the late nineteenth century and
evolved further in the twentieth century. One-nation conservatism supported
more state interference in both society and the economy to preserve society.
l The New Right emerged as a force in the 1970s. A marriage between neo-
liberalism and neo-conservatism, it argued that one-nation conservatism had
encouraged too many changes to the role of the state, and had lost touch with
true conservative values.
Human imperfection
Human imperfection is a core feature of most
aspects of conservatism. Thomas Hobbes
(1588–1679), in his famous work Leviathan
(1651), argued that humans are imperfect and
self-interested. Political writer Noel O’Sullivan
argued that traditional conservatism views human
imperfection in three distinct categories:
Hobbes argued that human imperfection cannot
be avoided.
l Humans desire power and material gratification and are distrustful of others.
This is what Hobbes calls the ‘state of nature’ — a violent, fearful place where
humans are in never-ending conflict as they pursue their selfish desires.
l The ‘state of nature’ describes society before the existence of the state, where
individuals live without laws. Here, life would be little more than a struggle for
power, a ‘perpetual and restless desire for power and power that only ceaseth
in death’. Existence would be bleak — a violent anarchy where life would be
‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short’.
Although Hobbes thought humans intellectually imperfect, he did not think them
completely irrational. Humans would recognise the ‘state of nature’ as a hell on
Earth and would realise that they needed protecting from themselves. Hobbes
theorised that individuals would seek a social contract: surrendering individual
autonomy to a sovereign monarch, who in return would provide order through
their authority. This would allow society to develop, and humans to live
collectively and without fear. (See page 278 for a more detailed discussion of social
contracts.)
Edmund Burke (1729–97) agreed with Hobbes that humans are imperfect but
disagreed considerably on the extent of this imperfection.
l Burke did not think humans are ruthlessly individualistic; rather, they are
naturally communal, as their imperfection compels them to band together in
supportive communities.
l Burke agreed with Hobbes that humans are capable of making mistakes, but not
to the same destructive levels. The scope of human reason and understanding is
poor, so people are more likely to fail than succeed.
l Burke thought that decision making based on rationalistic ideas of abstract
thought is ill-advised. According to him, change should only be cautiously and
empirically considered: ‘Politics ought to be adjusted not to human reasonings
but to human nature, of which reason is but a part and by no means the greatest
part’. (See page 284 for rationalistic ideas and abstract thought.)
The beliefs of Michael Oakeshott (1901–90) have more in common with Burke
than with Hobbes.
l Oakeshott argued that humans are ‘fragile and fallible’ but that they are capable
of benevolence.
l Like Burke, Oakeshott argued that society is organic and consists of intricate
customs and traditions that provide consolation, comfort and happiness.
l However, the nirvana promised by utopian societies is unobtainable, as perfection
cannot be created by imperfect creatures.
Key term - authority
Authority Those in higher positions of society who are best positioned to make decisions on
society’s behalf. Their legitimacy comes from being high up in the social hierarchy, and those
below them in the hierarchy are obliged to obey.
Key thinker - Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679)
Hobbes was a philosopher linked to both conservative and
liberal traditions. His work and ideas were written in response
to the anarchy associated with the English Civil War (1642–51).
His main ideas were discussed in his key work, Leviathan
(1651). Hobbes was a royalist and spent the English Civil War
in exile for fear of the reaction of Parliament to his pro-royalist
position. During this time he worked out the ideas that became
Leviathan. Hobbes returned to England in 1660, with the
restoration of the monarchy and the crowning of Charles II as
King of England.
Hobbes’ main ideas are based on how he imagined state and
society to have formed.
l Humans are imperfect and selfish, with a relentless desire
to acquire goods and self-gratification where existence
would be a hellish chaotic world of constant warfare.
l Humans are rational enough to seek order, which can only
be achieved by a social contract where individuals give
up freedoms (which are meaningless in a chaotic ‘state of
nature’) to an all-powerful sovereign. In return the sovereign
grants legal and physical protection to their subjects.
l The social contract between the people establishes a
sovereign and when the contract is complete, individual
autonomy ceases and all power is transferred to the
sovereign. The sovereign alone determines the rights and
laws of the people. Society cannot exist before the creation
of the state.
l The sovereign is not bound by the social contract, they
receive the obedience of the people who freely gift their
autonomy in the hope that the sovereign will maintain
order. The sovereign is not bound by any law and is free to
govern as they see fit.
l Hobbes recognises that the sovereign may behave in a
corrupt manner, but insists that such behaviour would be
incredibly unwise since if the subjects no longer feel safe,
they could deprive the sovereign of power.
l Hobbes never believed there was an actual historical
event in which there was mutual promise to delegate self-
government to a sovereign. Rather, Hobbes argued that the
best way to understand the state was to imagine that it
had resulted from such an agreement.
In focus - The English Civil War (1642–51)
The English Civil War was fought by the supporters of the
monarchy of Charles I and opposing groups, primarily
Parliamentarians.
l In Behemoth (1681), Hobbes argued that a crucial cause of
the Civil War was the issue of absolute monarchy.
l Parliament opposed absolute monarchy and wanted the
monarch to consult and be guided by Parliament in the
running of state and economy, while Charles I believed in
the divine right of kings and saw his actions as monarch to
be answerable only to God and not to Parliament.
l The violence and chaos of the Civil War, which culminated
in victory for Parliament and the execution of Charles I,
played a crucial role in Hobbes’ thinking, leading to him
writing Leviathan (1651), which advocated absolute
monarchy.
l In Hobbes’ opinion it was unjust for Parliament to have
risen against their rightful sovereign. Parliament, of course,
came to a very different conclusion, arguing that Charles I
had ruled unjustly and had betrayed his subjects.
Key term - Empiricism
Empiricism The idea that
knowledge and evidence
come from real experience
and not abstract theories.
Key thinker - Edmund Burke (1729–97)
Edmund Burke was a Whig MP, whose ideas have influenced
both liberals and conservatives. He is now regarded by many
as the father of conservatism. Burke opposed the French
Revolution which, in turn, influenced his political thinking and
ideas. This is reflected in his key work, Reflections on the
Revolution in France (1790).
Burke’s main ideas
l Political power does not give those in charge the right to
remodel society according to an untested and abstract
blueprint. Rather, those in power should be mindful of the
society that they have inherited and their duty extends to
preserving society for their descendants.
l Society is organic, but it is not static and sometimes it must
‘change to conserve’ itself. These changes should be guided
by history, tradition, pragmatism and above all empiricism.
l Unlike Hobbes, Locke (see page 279) and Rousseau (page
431), who all believed in a social contract theory among
the living, Burke argued that society was a social contract
between not only the living but also those who were
dead and those yet to be born. Consequently, the state’s
changes to society must be extremely cautious.
l Burke believed that modern states were so complex that
attempting to reform them based on rationalistic ideas
alone could lead to disaster and tyranny. The French
Revolution, based on abstract principles, discarded
empiricism and tradition for utopian idealism and
‘philosophical abstractions’ that quickly descended into
violence and chaos. ‘Politics ought to be adjusted not to
human reasonings but to human nature, of which reason is
but a part and by no means the greatest part.’
l Burke viewed society as hierarchical and while he argued
that society’s elite had specific duties, he opposed
any attempts to extend the franchise and thought that
universal suffrage would lead to mob rule.
l Burke’s ideas have proved influential, not only to traditional
conservatism but also to one-nation conservatism and neo-
conservatism — in particular, his belief that the organic society
is not static and sometimes it must ‘change to conserve’ itself.
Table 10.1 Definitions of empiricism and rationalism
Empiricism
- If the state subscribes to empiricism,
the changes it makes are informed by
past experience. For example, Peel’s
decision to remove the corn tariff in the
Repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 put
the good of society above tradition. This
was the time of the Irish potato famine
and Peel saw from this that food must
be made cheaper. Peel was informed by
Burke’s maxim of ‘change to conserve’
Rationalism
- If the state subscribes to rationalism,
the changes it makes are informed
by abstract ideas. For example,
Harold Macmillan adopted Keynesian
economics, which were based on a
rational economic blueprint of state
management rather than the long-
standing tradition of laissez-faire limited
government
Maintaining society
The multiple traditions, customs and institutions of an organic society give
individuals a sense of ‘rootedness’ and belonging, and in return individuals have
duties and obligations to maintain society.
The state is an organism that must evolve if it, and society, are to continue to
flourish. Burke’s idea of ‘change to conserve’, where the state maintains society,
has influenced not just traditional conservatives but also one-nation conservatives
and neo-conservatives in the practicalities of statecraft.
l The past is to be revered and ancient institutions should not be tampered with,
but if there are defects or abuses that harm the workings of the organic society,
they must be removed.
l Inaction can damage the organic society; the French and Russian revolutions
were the consequence of disorder in society. It is for this reason that Burke
argued that ‘a state without the means of some change is without the means of its
conservation’.
Organic society or state
Conservatives believe that society is not created but emerges and grows, developing
like an organism (Figure 10.1). Hobbes’ belief that the state precedes society is vital
in understanding how conservatives see reality. The natural rights and laws favoured
by John Locke (see Chapter 9) are a rationalistic conceit, as individual rights need
a state to maintain them. Burke agreed with Hobbes, arguing that these ‘pretended
rights are all extremes and in proportion as they are metaphysically true, they are
morally and politically false’. Individual rights are dependent upon law and order
and only the state has the authority to give individual rights a practical meaning.
Ironically, given that conservatism is so grounded in empiricism, Hobbes’ idea of a
social contract is rationalistic in origin.
l Traditional conservatives such as Hobbes, Burke and Oakeshott believed that
once the state provides the necessary order, society will emerge organically,
maturing into a complicated organism of traditions and customs.
l Burke wrote of ‘little platoons’ of localised communities that retain their identity
and enable wider integration within the nation. Such communities are bound
by affection and cooperation and give structure and meaning to our lives. The
organic state, with its history, customs and tradition, is vital for informing both
the present and the future.
l Burke argued that the landed aristocracy performed a crucial cultural role in
maintaining this social order and he was particularly critical of the French
nobility for abandoning the responsibilities of their aristocratic ‘platoon’, the
consequence of which was a withering of organic society that culminated in
the French Revolution. Burke was keen to remind the British nobility of the
disastrous consequences of such neglect, urging them to maintain the organic
‘subdivisions’ that bind society.
l Burke wrote: ‘To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we
belong to in society, is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections.
It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country
and to mankind.’
Key thinker - Michael Oakeshott (1901–90)
Michael Oakeshott was a twentieth-century philosopher. His main ideas were discussed in his
key essay, ‘On Being Conservative’ (1956).
Oakeshott’s main ideas
l Conservatism is as much a disposition as it is a set of political ideas. The security of long-
standing customs and traditions is at the core of Oakeshott’s conservatism.
l ‘The politics of faith’: rationalism is beyond the ability of human beings because they are
intellectually imperfect. Oakeshott argues for the ‘politics of faith’, where decision making
is grounded in empiricism and not rationalism (Table 10.1).
l Government should govern in the best interests of the people, grounded in pragmatism
and empiricism and not guided by abstract concepts of what should be.
l Oakeshott argued for ‘the politics of scepticism’, which concluded that the implementation
of abstract ideas often leads to unintended negative consequences. Rationalists
underestimate the complexity of reality. They don’t understand that in attempting to
improve society or the economy they may make matters worse. Oakeshott warns us to be
mindful that when trying to make improvements, the ‘cure is not worse than the disease’.
An unequal society
Some parts of the organism are more important
than others and inequality is natural. The organic
society is hierarchical: there is a natural order in
where each individual has their place. Individuals
are of unequal talents and ability, and for Hobbes,
Burke and Oakeshott this was a practical reality
of human existence.
l For Hobbes, society was to be ruled
by an absolute monarch governing a
‘commonwealth’ arranged by rank and
influence.
l For Burke, the aristocracy should lead as
they were wiser and stronger than their
inferiors and they had a responsibility for
the lower orders.
Since the mid- to late nineteenth century, all
current conservative thinkers, starting with
one-nation conservatives, have accepted the
concept of democracy. However, society
remains hierarchical, even within a modern
democracy, and the paternalism of noblesse
oblige can be found in post-war one-nation
conservatism and neo-conservatism.
Key term - Change to conserve
Society should adapt to
shifting circumstances
by making small changes
rather than rejecting
change outright. These
compromises will preserve
the essence of society. If
society does not change,
it risks rebellion and/or
revolution.
Key term -
Key term Noblesse oblige The duty of the society’s elite,
the wealthy and privileged, to look after those less
fortunate.
Pragmatism
Pragmatism is a core value of conservatism. Pragmatic thinkers are informed by
empiricism and have a deep distrust of the abstract theories favoured by political ideas
such as liberalism and socialism. As Burke argued, ‘Example is the school of mankind,
and they will learn at no other.’
l Burke’s idea of ‘change to conserve’ influenced Conservative prime minister
Benjamin Disraeli (see page 314).
l These changes were derived from empiricism with the aim of making society
more stable as well as being an example of paternalism (see page 309).
l It can be argued that later one-nation conservatism, embodied in Conservative
governments from 1951 to 1979, pragmatically accepted and continued the
radical changes made to British society by Attlee’s Labour government, such as
state intervention in the economy and the creation of the welfare state.
l Neo-liberals reject pragmatism as they have a more positive view of human
nature and they prefer rationalism.
Tradition
Traditions are seen as the accumulated wisdom of the past that underpin society. As
G.K. Chesterton argued:
‘Tradition means giving votes to the most obscure of all classes, our ancestors. It is
the democracy of the dead. Tradition refuses to submit to the small and arrogant
oligarchy of those who merely happen to be walking around.’
l Traditions are represented by the institutions of state and customs of society that
have proven their worth and are fit for purpose. This is why conservatives in the
UK revere monarchy and the House of Lords, while Republicans in the USA
revere the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
l Religion is perhaps the most important tradition. Burke perceived religion as
‘our comfort, and one great source of civilisation’. Moreover, religious traditions
bind society together to the extent that Burke argued atheism must be supressed
as it was destabilising. Oakeshott argued that with the decline of religion (since
the 1960s social revolution) those who would once have embraced its values are
now inclined towards abstract ideas and potentially harmful rationalist thinking
as a kind of intellectual replacement.
For Burke, traditions were vital as they encouraged continuity and peace: the
ultimate political goal.
l Burke argued that society was a ‘partnership between those who are living, those
who are dead and those who are to be born’. Tradition, custom and habit should
govern human action, not abstract thought.
l Accumulated wisdom is found within long-standing institutions such as the
monarchy, ancient schools and universities, and communities, as well as the
aforementioned religion. Humans should trust traditions to guide them. Burke
called this ‘wisdom without reflection’. Traditions allow individuals to feel
belonging, a sense of identity reinforcing the social cohesion of society.
l Abandoning traditions is dangerous. As Oakeshott argued, ‘What has stood the
test of time is good and must not be lightly cast aside.’
Conservatives can cite numerous examples to demonstrate the damaging
consequences of when long-standing traditions are abolished in favour of rationalist
replacements, such as the French and Russian revolutions.
Paternalism
Conservatives believe society is unequal and arranged in a natural hierarchy, in
which the ruling class has a noblesse oblige relationship to the people below them.
This paternal responsibility is designed to help those less fortunate and who cannot
act in their own interests.
Traditional conservatives favoured a kind of localised
paternalism that can be traced back to the feudal period,
whereby squires ‘took care’ of their tenants and farmers, in
the tradition of noblesse oblige. Industrialisation transformed
both society and economy and was, as Marx and Engels
demonstrated, extremely exploitative (see Chapter 11).
Paternalism was in many ways the early one-nation
conservative response to the possibility of revolutionary
socialism. Disraeli’s Crystal Palace speech of 1872 spoke of
‘the elevation of the condition of people’ and foreshadowed
laws such as the Artisans’ and Labourers’ Dwellings
Improvement Act 1875 (see page 314). The ruling elite of
the late nineteenth century accepted their obligations to
the new industrial working class by enacting social reforms
and limited welfarism to help the poorest in society and to
preserve stability.
After the Second World War, paternalistically motivated one-
nation conservatives increasingly intervened in both society
and economy. Macmillan advocated more state intervention
and a larger welfare state than any other conservative prime
minister, accepting and supporting the concept of a free
National Health Service and universal state education. Such
paternalism was beyond anything imagined by Burke or
Disraeli and is an example of soft paternalism, where power
still rests with elites but where their decision making is
informed by listening carefully to what non-elites want.
One-nation conservatism was first conceived by
Benjamin Disraeli
Neo-conservatives argued that the paternalistic welfarism of the post-war period
had unintended consequences. Those they were trying to help became hopelessly
dependent on the state and the societal obligations of traditional conservatism had
been forgotten. Neo-liberals go even further, as we discuss in the next section.
Key term - Laissez-faire
Laissez-faire A preference
for minimal government
intervention in the
economy.
Libertarianism
Libertarianism is a political philosophy that emphasises negative freedom (freedom
from interference) and minimal state intervention.
Libertarianism was inherent in traditional conservatism as Burke supported Adam
Smith, the champion of laissez-faire economics. The traditional conservatism of
the eighteenth century saw a minimal role for the state in society and the economy.
It was only with the growth of the state and welfare spending that income tax in the
UK became a compulsory requirement of the state on its citizens. In the modern
era, libertarianism within conservatism is found via neo-liberalism, which is a
modern updating of classical liberalism (see page 316). Neo-liberals formed an uneasy
ideological union with neo-conservatives in the 1970s to form The New Right.
Neo-conservatives admired the classical liberal ideas that were consistent with Burke’s
brand of traditional conservatism such as the small state and laissez-faire economics.
Neo-liberals (also known as libertarians) believe in an atomistic society made up
of self-interested and self-sufficient individuals. Ayn Rand (1905–82) is associated
with the term ‘atomistic individualism’, where autonomous individuals seek
rationalised self-fulfilment. On Rand’s terms, society does not exist as we are but
as a loose collection of independent beings. Neo-liberals’ view of human nature is
quite different from the thinking of traditional conservatives.
l Neo-liberals reject pessimistic human imperfection, preferring the rationalism of the
Enlightenment, that people are able to order their lives on a moral and logical basis.
l Neo-liberals like Robert Nozick (1938–2002) and Rand reject empiricism,
which puts them at odds with traditional, one-nation and neo-conservatives who
are all influenced by this concept.
l Neo-liberals believe in egotistical individualism, whereby the rights of the
individual are more important than those of the state.
l Neo-liberals believe in negative freedom, whereby the individual should be free
from as many external constraints (including the authority of religion) as possible.
Neo-liberals argue for a massive reduction in tax and state spending on society as
both a moral and an economic imperative for individual freedom. Nozick argued
that the state encroaches on the lives of citizens and that welfarism creates a
dependency culture, with the state ‘owning’ individuals.
l Neo-liberal economist Friedrich Hayek argued that expensive welfare states
should be abolished as they will eventually bankrupt society. He and his disciples
point to the huge deficits that developed Western economies are running. Nozick
and Rand called for a rolling back of the state’s involvement in society to achieve
atomism.
l Nozick’s neo-liberal ideas of individual freedom led him to support the legalisation
of hard drugs and prostitution — two ideas that offend the religious morality of
neo-conservatives and go against long-standing conservative traditions.
key term - Atomism
Atomism A society that
exists as a loose collection
of self-interested and self-
sufficient individuals.
Key thinker - Ayn Rand (1905–82)
Rand is an unusual political thinker as many of her philosophical ideas are found in works of
fiction, in particular Atlas Shrugged (1957), as well as in her philosophical work The Virtue of
Selfishness (1964). Rand was born in Russia and her family lost everything during the Russian
Revolution. Rand emigrated to the USA in 1926 and her formative experiences of tyrannical
collectivism that sacrificed the freedom of the individual proved to be a key influence on her ideas.
Rand’s main ideas
l Individuals are rational and their highest moral purpose is the achievement of personal
happiness. Rand rejected human imperfection and loathed any kind of collectivism
because the obligations demanded from individuals eroded their freedom.
l The only moral purpose of the state is to protect individual rights. In an atomistic society,
individuals have the right to maintain property and income without being taxed for welfare
spending. Individuals should maintain their lives through their own efforts; Rand opposed
state-sponsored welfare provision, favouring voluntarism.
l Rand’s championing of the individual meant she supported same-sex relationships and
abortion, which were still illegal in the USA when she began writing.
l Rand believed in ‘objectivism’, which is where individuals who experience negative freedom
are best able to comprehend reality and achieve self-realisation and self-fulfilment.
Individuals should therefore be guided by self-interest. Rand argued that there is a logic
and virtue in selfishness.
l Rand’s neo-liberalism, like Robert Nozick’s, should not be confused with individualist
anarchism (a complete loss of government), as both require a small state to maintain free
markets and social freedoms and to defend borders (see page 354).
l Rand espoused a racist ideology and belittled the rights of Native Americans. Her ideas
have been used to justify white supremacy.
In focus - Paternalism, pragmatism and Covid-19
Covid-19 demonstrated the importance of society to conservatives in both the UK and the USA.
One-nation conservatism influenced Prime Minister Johnson and neo-conservatism influenced
President Trump. Both agreed to huge state interference in society and economy that at any
other time would have been completely unacceptable to their conservative values. Such was
the extent of the state’s control of society and economy by the enforcement of lockdowns and
the massive furloughing of the workforce in the UK economy that Johnson was compared to
Hobbes’ Leviathan (see page 301). Neo-conservatism, like one-nation conservatism, remains
committed to the preservation of the organic society. This led to Republicans supporting a
Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act in 2020. This demonstrates a fault
line within the New Right, as neo-liberals would argue against such massive state involvement
since they perceive state and society as atomistic.
Key thinker - Robert Nozick (1938–2002)
Robert Nozick was an American academic whose most famous work, Anarchy, State and Utopia
(1974), describes his libertarian ideas. Nozick’s ideas began as a rebuttal of John Rawls’
modern liberal ideas. Nozick argued that the state forcibly taxing the rich violated their intrinsic
freedom. Governments had no right to encroach upon the rights of individuals by taking their
money and giving it to others.
These libertarian beliefs led him to two broad conclusions:
l ‘Minarchist’ government with minimal interference in the lives of individuals makes for the
best society.
l The state’s primary function is to protect individual human rights.
Nozick’s minarchist society would allow communities to be free to practise their own
particular moral codes rather than have political or religious values imposed upon them by
the state.
Traditional conservatism
Traditional conservatism is best understood as a set of political ideas that developed
as a response to the French Revolution of 1789, which challenged the hierarchical
aristocracy of European society. Initially, traditional conservatism had reactionary
and pragmatic branches, but it can also be seen as a psychological disposition within
all of us (Figure 10.2).
