liberalism Flashcards

Question

Key thinker - Mary Wollstonecraft (1759–97)

Answer 1

Wollstonecraft’s most important publication, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), is rooted in liberal philosophy. Wollstonecraft’s main ideas l Wollstonecraft had a positive view of human nature, viewing men and women as equally rational. She argued that this truth was ignored by contemporary state and society as women were denied formal equality under the law, which gave them considerably fewer rights than men. l All citizens should enjoy equality under the law and be free from discrimination. Wollstonecraft campaigned for a change in the law to give women more rights in terms of employment and property ownership, as well as retaining legal freedoms when they were married — all areas of difficulty for women at the time. l Wollstonecraft supported formal equality and the social contract ideas of Locke. She viewed the divine rights of kings as an ‘absurdity’ and was a vocal supporter of both the American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789, arguing for republicanism. l One of Wollstonecraft’s main aims was for women to be granted access to education.

Answer 2

Betty Friedan’s ideas were influenced by both classical liberalism (the importance of individualism) and modern liberalism (the enabling state) for how women can achieve equality of opportunity with men. Her key works are The Feminine Mystique (1963) and The Second Stage (1983). Friedan’s main ideas l Friedan argued strongly for individual freedom. In particular, she believed that individuals should be free to be able to achieve their potential. Like Mary Wollstonecraft, she argued that gender was a serious hindrance to women as they were constantly discriminated against. l She believed that women were victims of restricted opportunities within society because of patriarchal attitudes. (For a more detailed discussion of patriarchy, see Chapter 14.) l Friedan was influenced by classical liberalism in her belief that if the state allowed equality of opportunity, then women’s individual efforts could achieve the successful combination of marriage, motherhood and career. l Friedan was also influenced by the ideas of modern liberalism and, like Rawls, she felt that if utilised properly, an enabling state could assist women in being free. The state could counter dominant patriarchal values that discriminate against women, and ensure foundational equality and equality of opportunity in both society and the economy. This would include state benefits for single, divorced or widowed mothers.

Answer 3

Rawls is considered the most important advocate of modern liberalism of the twentieth century. His key work was A Theory of Justice (1971). Rawls’ main ideas l Rawls’ key idea was ‘justice as fairness’, and he believed that everyone would agree to an enabling state (and positive freedom) if they were in a position of ignorance. l An enabling state would provide a welfare state (including health and education). Rawls’ theory implies that classical liberals (oblivious to their personal circumstances) would choose an interventionary state that guaranteed equality of opportunity, rather than a limited state that did not. To the traditional idea of foundational equality, Rawls added the need for social and economic equality. He argued that a just society must provide equality of opportunity for everyone and this could only be achieved by the state taking a larger role within society. This would be funded from progressive taxation. l Robert Nozick (1938–2002) (see Chapter 10) argued that Rawls’ ideas were a betrayal of liberalism and that Rawls’ demands for an interventionary state had more in common with socialism than liberalism. Nozick’s ideas are part neo-liberalism, which can be seen as a modern version of classical liberalism and as a reaction to modern liberal and socialist ideas.

Answer 4

When Locke was writing in the seventeenth century, many governments in Europe were monarchies and the state was run by authoritarian elites. Locke’s ideas were a reaction to his perception of illegitimate government enforced on the people. The concept of liberal democracy is underpinned by the social contract theory of Locke, whereby the government only holds power in trust for the people whom it serves. Government, Locke argued in his book Two Treatises of Government (1689), should be by consent as this was the only legitimate basis for authority. Liberal democracy was initially representative democracy, which offered only a very limited form of democracy. This was the case in the early years of the USA, where only male property owners were allowed to vote. l Edmund Burke, who many claim was as much a liberal thinker as he was a conservative thinker, also argued for the importance of representative democracy, asserting that a voter elected a representative to make decisions based on his own judgement and not that of the electorate. (For more on the Burkean principle, see Chapter 1). l Mill, like the US Founding Fathers, feared the dominance of the working class if they were given the vote. In his work Considerations on Representative Government, he argued for plural votes for the educated and wealthy to prevent his own class being swept aside by the proletariat. l Mill, like Locke and Wollstonecraft, has therefore been categorised as favouring elite democracy, whereby the Establishment exercises the real power and has significantly more influence than the ordinary voter. Such ideas have given way to full emancipation in Western democracies, and modern liberals accept that each individual should have a vote. However, the defining feature of liberal democracy, both classical and modern, is that it involves more than just free and fair elections. It also includes constitutionalism (the rules by which the state operates) and safeguards of civil liberties and individual freedoms, particularly against the tyranny of the majority. Political writer Barbara Goodwin argues that there are six key points of liberal democratic theory and the influence of both classical and modern liberal thinkers is clearly evident (Table 9.5).

Answer 5

Supremacy of the people - * While classical liberals accept this as a broad concept of the social contract, this does not equate to full democratic representation * Modern liberals are insistent that supremacy of the people means that every adult should have the vote * However, the US Electoral College remains as a filter against the ‘tyranny of the majority’ in the USA (see Chapter 17) The consent of the governed as the basis of legitimacy * A concept that unites both forms of liberalism — elections provide frequent opportunities for the governed to register their consent The rule of law and peaceful methods of conflict resolution * The rule of law forms part of the social contract between the governed and the governors The existence of a common good or public interest * Classical liberalism struggles with such concepts as it views society as atomistic and therefore any collective will is difficult for classical liberals to support * The developmental individualism of Mill and T.H. Green and the social justice of Rawls base their version of society on more collective aims such as a welfare state The value of the individual as a rational, moral, active citizen * Both strands of liberalism can accept this definition Political equality and equal civil rights for all individuals * Classical and modern liberalism are united on this * Friedan championed the rights of women in both respects, while Rawls’ theory of justice argued that not only were such rights a necessity, this was also a rational choice for individuals to make when attempting to ascertain the principles of a society

Answer 6

The ideological nature of classical and modern liberalism means that these ideas are difficult to reconcile as each posits a fundamentally different understanding of what constitutes: l freedom and the individual which in turn informs: l the role of the state in regard to society and the economy.

Answer 7

Liberalism’s attitudes towards freedom are polarised, as classical liberalism and modern liberalism have fundamentally different definitions of what constitutes freedom.

Answer 8

Classical liberalism views freedom in a negative sense, which involves freedom from constraint and interference where possible. l J.S. Mill argued that an individual’s actions should be unencumbered unless they directly negatively affect others, in a theory that has become known as the ‘harm principle’. l This led Mill (like Locke) to support tolerance of the views and actions of others. Mill therefore advocated a society where there was freedom of thought, discussion, religion and assembly. Locke and Mill advocated egotistical individualism, whereby individuals were self- reliant, self-interested and rational. Mill argued that individuals were sovereign beings capable of free will and therefore should organise their own lives. They would not only be freer in a negative freedom-based society, but minimal encroachments would facilitate their development as individuals. These ideas influenced the Founding Fathers in their creation of the US Constitution, with the saying ‘when government grows, our liberty withers’ being attributed to Thomas Jefferson. Locke argued that individuals’ lives were their own and arbitrary government would enslave them. This idea was developed by Isaiah Berlin, who argued that when modern liberals expand the role of the state for paternalistic functions, they do so at the expense of individual liberty. The paternalistic aspect of state intervention, for classical liberals (and neo-liberals), is therefore oppressive, as the examples below illustrate: l Compulsory welfare states require taxation, and while individuals are free to opt out of these services, they cannot opt out of paying the taxation that funds them. l J.S. Mill argued that the individual had the right to non-interference, even if their actions caused them individual harm. This is as relevant now as in Mill’s time, with neo-liberals such as Robert Nozick arguing that individuals have the right to consume drugs or end their own life if they so wish. l Perhaps the most memorable example is the so-called Spanner Case (1990), which was named after the arresting officer. Fifteen gay men were convicted of assault occasioning actual bodily harm, even though all the injured parties were engaged in acts of consensual sadomasochism. One doubts that J.S. Mill had such trysts in mind when he wrote, ‘Over himself, over his own mind and body, the Individual is sovereign’, but this case illustrates the state encroaching on individual freedom.

Answer 9

Modern liberalism can be seen as both a continuation of and a contradiction to classical liberalism. J.S. Mill has sometimes been called a transitional liberal, as his later ideas advocated aspects of developmental individualism, which implies positive freedom as the state would have to facilitate such a development. However, it is T.H. Green and Rawls who are most associated with the development of modern liberalism and the broader understanding of freedom and individuality. Green asserted that freedom was not just to be left alone but should also be viewed positively, with the creation of constructive assistance to encourage individual freedom. Modern liberals broadly agree with classical liberals on the concept of self-reliance, but argue that the state must offer a ‘hand up’ if every individual is to achieve this goal. The problem with negative freedom is that the lack of assistance from the state only compounds social and economic disadvantage. Positive freedom evens the playing field, so that all individuals can enjoy similar equality of opportunity and social justice. Green’s ideas provided the ideological and intellectual template for the UK’s post- war welfare state. They also informed Rawls’ A Theory of Justice argument, in which Rawls maintained that societal position and particular circumstance (race, gender, social class, innate intelligence) were of huge importance in whether an individual thrived or failed. Rawls advocated a substantial increase in the role of the state. For liberal feminists such as Friedan, both strands of liberalism have been cited in terms of women achieving parity with men in society. Citing Mill’s harm principle, she successfully built on the ideas of Wollstonecraft to demonstrate that the freedoms of women were being harmed by sexual discrimination inconsistent with the social contractual agreement made in the US Constitution.

Answer 10

While modern liberals can argue that their version of liberalism is a continuation of classical liberalism in classifying freedom and individualism, neo-liberals, best described as contemporary versions of classical liberals, would disagree. To them, modern liberalism is a betrayal of the core values of the limited state and egotistical individualism. Both Nozick’s and Rand’s ideas (see Chapter 10) were influenced by the classical liberal Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), a German Enlightenment thinker who argued that individuals in society should not be treated as a thing or a resource. Neo-liberal ideas of reducing the size of the state, free markets and laissez-faire economics were aspects of both Thatcher’s and Reagan’s administrations. However, it would be incorrect to describe these politicians as neo-liberal, as both were also influenced by neo-conservative ideas. (For a more detailed discussion of both neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism, see Chapter 10.)

Answer 11

Tolerance Requires a willingness to accept the existence of opinions or behaviour that one dislikes or disagrees with. Locke argued for a need to tolerate diversity of spiritual belief because one cannot force another human being to have faith. J.S. Mill went further in advocating freedom of speech as essential for the discovery of truth.

Answer 12

ll aspects of liberalism subscribe to a mechanistic theory of the state, as if it were a machine to serve the individual. Classical liberals believe that the role of the state should be strictly limited to maintaining law and order, property rights and securing the society from invasion. The optimal size of the government is therefore small. Modern liberals, on the other hand, argue that the state should create conditions of freedom to allow individuals to reach their full potential. The ideas of J.S. Mill are often associated with classical liberalism and he remains a much quoted philosopher for contemporary neo-liberals. However, his later ideas also anticipated modern liberalism, and as a key thinker he illustrates the tensions within liberal thought when attempting to balance human individuality and autonomy while furthering developmental individualism in relation to a more interventionist state (Figure 9.3). Based on Mill’s ideas, modern liberalism can be seen as the natural continuation and evolution of classical liberalism. This is very much what thinkers like T.H. Green believed, arguing in the latter half of the nineteenth century that the main question for liberalism was no longer about state and society leaving the individual alone, but whether the state was assisting the individual in fulfilling their potential. Green argued that liberty as defined by classical liberalism was worthless if individuals lacked the capacity to exercise those liberties. The social constraints on freedom were manifest and the state must recognise the existence of common duties as a way of promoting individuals’ capacities. Modern liberalism therefore advocates an enabling state, which helps individuals to be truly free by reaching their potential. Such ideas were influential on Asquith’s Liberal government: l The Old-Age Pensions Act 1908 l The Labour Exchanges Act 1909 l The National Insurance Act 1911 l The Trade Unions Act 1913. All are examples of the state trying to facilitate the freedom of the individual: be it in providing old-age pensions, assisting the unemployed into employment, providing welfare benefits or improving workers’ rights. Modern liberalism inspired the Beveridge Report (1942), which was the intellectual foundation for the post-war welfare state and went even further than Asquith, as it proposed that the state tackle the five giants that were impeding the freedom of the individual within the UK (Table 9.6). The development of the welfare state transformed the UK state from a limited state to an enabling state, and state intervention within society was dramatically increased. Compounded to this intervention in society (funded by increased taxation), the role of the state was also transformed by modern liberalism’s preference for the state economic management of John Maynard Keynes over the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith. Keynes argued that government could prevent economic slumps and the devastating unemployment that followed by managing demand and stimulating the economy. Modern liberalism seemed to be dominating, with this transformation of the role of the state becoming the norm in post-war Europe and the USA. John Rawls’ Theory of Justice (1971) added a sophisticated rational argument that built on the work of J.S. Mill and T.H. Green. Rawls made this clear in his three principles of justice: 1 Individuals had to have the same set of absolute liberties. 2 There must be equal opportunities for all. 3 Although some inequalities were inevitable, there must be a priority to help the disadvantaged.

Answer 13

Negative freedom (Mill’s classical liberal ideas) Atrophy argument If the state interferes and restricts individual autonomy it will arrest individuals’ development (in the way a child’s development is arrested if a parent overprotects them) Overload argument Adding further responsibilities burdens an already overloaded state Initiative argument Overzealous government intervention will sap commercial enterprise Corruption argument Extension of powers to the state adds to the likelihood of abuses of power. Mill anticipated Lord Acton, who famously argued: ‘Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely’ Positive freedom (Mill’s modern liberal exceptions to his classical liberalism) Atrophy counterarguments The state must supply public goods (things with a collective consumption necessity) in default of private provision. Examples include clean air and water, defence, official statistics The state must interfere to protect children The state must provide education for its citizens There must be poor law support (basic welfare) Overload counterargument The extra responsibilities of the state are necessary to maintain freedom Initiative counterarguments There must be a regulation of working hours Individual consumers must be protected from unfair and unscrupulous marketing Corruption counterargument The exceptions to classical liberalism will not lead to abuses of power as they are altruistic in nature

Answer 14

Want - Extreme poverty Ignorance - Due to a lack of formal education Disease - Exacerbated by the lack of free healthcare Squalor - Poor living conditions Idleness - Exacerbated by unemployment

Answer 15

Rawls called the last principle the ‘difference principle’. As we have discussed, Rawls proposed, via hypothetical construct, that citizens veiled from knowledge of their own circumstances would choose a society that recognised a common good, meritocratic excellence and fairness. So, while Rawls recognised that a meritocracy would mean some individuals were well rewarded for their efforts, the state would have to ensure equality of opportunity, be it by supporting a minimum wage, ensuring society was free from discrimination or increasing state spending (and taxation) to fund an enabling welfare state. The difference principle has become Rawls’ dominant legacy. He made a deliberate effort to avoid the rigid egalitarianism found in socialism, where everyone’s outcomes are equal, by allowing that some variation can be just. For example, if the inventors of a vaccine became billionaires but helped save the lives of lots of people, that would be an inequality that would be justified.

Answer 16

The classical liberal John Locke and the modern liberal John Rawls had different visions for the role of the state within society and the economy. Consider these quotations from them and other liberals: ‘Government has no other end, but the preservation of property.’ John Locke ‘The only purpose for which power can rightfully be exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.’ J.S. Mill ‘Historically one of the main defects of constitutional government has been the failure to insure the fair value of political liberty. The necessary corrective steps have not been taken, indeed, they never seem to have been seriously entertained.’ John Rawls

Answer 17

The relationship between the two strands of liberalism is complex. Both seek to enhance individual freedom, provide equality of opportunity and support private ownership, while opposing a state-controlled economy. It is possible to argue that modern liberalism is just a logical development of classical liberalism, a rational response to the demands of the industrialised world. This was certainly the perception of Mill, T.H. Green and Rawls, among others. However, this is not the interpretation of neo-liberals, who are the intellectual descendants of classical liberals. Neo-liberals such as Robert Nozick, Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman all opposed the ideas of modern liberalism on classical liberal terms: l Modern liberalism’s belief in an expanded enabling state limits individual liberty and erodes individualism. Rather than relying on themselves, individuals become dependent on a state that supports them from ‘cradle to grave’. Hayek argued that state paternalism created a dependency culture which arrested individual development and initiative. l Hayek also argued that the exponential cost of and demand for welfare provision would eventually bankrupt state and society. In the developed world today, many countries, including the USA and the UK, are running huge deficits because they spend more than they receive in taxation. See these real-time world debt clocks as an illustration: www.usdebtclock.org/world-debt-clock.html l Nozick argued that the taxation the state demanded from its citizens infringed their freedom, and he believed that ‘tax, for the most part, is theft’. Nozick maintained that Rawls’ principles of redistribution and social justice were essentially socialism and a betrayal of liberalism’s core idea of egotistical individualism. l Nozick believed that modern liberalism betrayed the classical liberal notions of Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), who had argued that an individual should not be treated as a thing or resource. Modern liberalism opposes such self-ownership as its enlarged state goes against negative freedom and oppresses individuals to pay taxes, obey its intrusive laws and fight its wars. l Milton Friedman was critical of the supposed efficacy of Keynesian economics. The state was ill-equipped to plan or intervene in the economy, and this was as true for state planners in Western democracies as it was for communist societies. l Neo-liberalism therefore sees the role of government as limited to controlling inflation, via a policy called ‘monetarism’, which emphasises the need for governments to show restraint in their role as monopolists over the supply of money. For monetarist economists like Friedman, the state’s tendency to print money (as an easier alternative to raising revenue through taxes) leads only to inflation, eroding the value of private citizens’ wages and savings. l The ideas of classical liberalism inform (in part) the modern US Republican Party, while modern liberalism has a similar influence over the Democrat Party. Somewhat confusingly, when the term ‘liberal’ is used by politicians or the media, what they are actually referring to is modern liberalism. Even more confusingly, classical liberal ideas are often referred to as conservative (because Republicans wish to hark back to ideas that existed prior to modern liberalism). While it is possible to argue that modern liberalism emerged like a butterfly from the larva of classical liberalism, in practical terms they are two distinct visions of liberalism. Updated by more recent thinkers and now known as neo-liberalism, the ideas of classical liberalism and modern liberalism are very much autonomous. Fundamentally these two strands of liberalism are irreconcilable in how they define freedom and the individual and the role of the state within society and the economy. Knowledge check.

liberalism Flashcards

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