Ethnicity Flashcards
(38 cards)
what is primordialism?
primordialism takes ethnicity to be “based on a myth of collective ancestry, which usually carries with it traits believed to be innate” (Horowitz, 1985, p52)
which scholar takes ethnicity to be “based on a myth of collective ancestry, which usually carries with it traits believed to be innate”?
Horowitz, 1985, p52
why should we reject primordialism?
the assumption of fixed group identities is logically untenable as there are at least three ways in which ethnic identity is more fluid than permitted by the ancient rivalries thesis
- entire ethnic groups have been invented
- e.g. Yoruba in Nigeria and Shona in Zimbabwe were arguably inventions of the colonial era and possessed little conscious group identity or formal institutions before the 19th century (Berman, 1998)
- boundaries of ethnic groups are not necessarily fixed
- e.g. members of the Nubian ethnic group in Uganda is open to a certain category of Sudanese who bear similar religious and military status as the existing Nubians (Kasfir, 1979)
- new dimensions of ethnic cleavage can emerge
- e.g. the introduction of provinces in independent Zambia created a new, territorial dimension of ethnic differentiation such that “Northerners” are often identified in popular perception as the fifth ethnic category alongside the older four linguistic groups (Posner, 2005)
given this fluidity, it is clear that ethnicity is not a fossilised determination but a living presence produced and driven by material and historical forces (Ake, 1993)
what are the three ways in which ethnic identity is more fluid than primordialism allows?
- entire ethnic groups have been invented
- e.g. Yoruba in Nigeria and Shona in Zimbabwe were arguably inventions of the colonial era and possessed little conscious group identity or formal institutions before the 19th century (Berman, 1998)
- boundaries of ethnic groups are not necessarily fixed
- e.g. members of the Nubian ethnic group in Uganda is open to a certain category of Sudanese who bear similar religious and military status as the existing Nubians (Kasfir, 1979)
- new dimensions of ethnic cleavage can emerge
- e.g. the introduction of provinces in independent Zambia created a new, territorial dimension of ethnic differentiation such that “Northerners” are often identified in popular perception as the fifth ethnic category alongside the older four linguistic groups (Posner, 2005)
give an example to show that entire ethnic groups have been invented.
Yoruba in Nigeria and Shona in Zimbabwe were arguably inventions of the colonial era and possessed little conscious group identity or formal institutions before the 19th century (Berman, 1998)
give an example that shows that boundaries of ethnic groups are not necessarily fixed.
members of the Nubian ethnic group in Uganda is open to a certain category of Sudanese who bear similar religious and military status as the existing Nubians (Kasfir, 1979)
give an example that shows that new dimensions of ethnic cleavage can emerge.
the introduction of provinces in independent Zambia created a new, territorial dimension of ethnic differentiation such that “Northerners” are often identified in popular perception as the fifth ethnic category alongside the older four linguistic groups (Posner, 2005)
what is instrumentalism?
instrumentalism emphasises the “contingent, situational and circumstantial” use of ethnicity “in the pursuit of material advantage” often by elites (Berman, 1998)
focuses on the manipulation of ethnic identities and loyalties for political and economic ends
which scholar writes that instrumentalism emphasises the “contingent, situational and circumstantial” use of ethnicity “in the pursuit of material advantage” often by elites?
Berman, 1998
give an example that supports instrumentalism.
Malawi Example (Posner, 2004)
- in Malawi, both the Chewa and Tumbuka communities are large enough to constitute viable political coalitions in the competition over national power.
- Malawian politicians find the ethnic groups useful building blocks, and their mobilisation of these communities renders the cleavage politically salient
why should we reject instrumentalism?
reject as too cynical and doesn’t account for enduring symbolic appeal
it ignores the crucial significance of historical, social and cultural factors that mean ethnicity goes beyond simply being a tool for elites and is often only possible under certain conditions
Posner highlights the importance of the group size in relation to the country as a whole in allowing or incentivising the elite to use ethnic cleavages
Zambia Example (Posner, 2004)
- in Zambia, neither the Chewa nor Tumbuka communities alone have the size to be an effective political vehicle thus they go unmobilised by Zambian politicians and the cultural differences remain politically inconsequential and yet the ethnic groups still stand
give an example that rejects instrumentalism.
Zambia Example (Posner, 2004)
- in Zambia, neither the Chewa nor Tumbuka communities alone have the size to be an effective political vehicle thus they go unmobilised by Zambian politicians and the cultural differences remain politically inconsequential and yet the ethnic groups still stand
what is constructivism?
constructivism understands ethnicity as “the ambiguous, constantly contested and changing results of cultural politics” (Berman, 1998)
contemporary ethnic communities and identities are the outcomes of a continuous and continuing process of social construction, emanating from encounters of indigenous societies with the political economy and culture of external players and the deliberate manipulation of diverse political actors
which scholar understands ethnicity as “the ambiguous, constantly contested and changing results of cultural politics”?
Berman, 1998
what is my view on ethnicity?
ethnicity is not a stagnant, fixed concept. It is the result of ever-changing dynamics between classes, cultures, and political institutions
what dimensions did the social construction of ethnicity have?
social construction of ethnicity had internal (‘moral ethnicity’) and external (‘political tribalism’) dimensions (Berman, 1998)
outline the impact of the colonial state on ethnicity.
by defining new social, political and economic institutions, these colonial institutions constituted the structural context shaping both the form and the content of ethnic communities, identities and interests, as well as the modes of ethnic political mobilisation and organisation (Berman, 1998)
clientelistic relations
- patron / client alliance
- patronage networks
- clientelistic relations in the post-colonial era
Ranger’s ‘Invented Tradition’ (2012)
intellectual rigidity
how did the clientelistic relations of the colonial state impact ethnicity?
key political relationship of the patron/client alliance between European administrators and the African chiefs of administrative subdivisions beneath them who supplied the day-to-day presence and muscle of colonial domination
- e.g. French indirect rule
to maintain order, colonial state made extensive use of local ‘tribes’, in the process giving them a new formality and rigidity
- divide and rule strategy: colonial state isolated local administrative sub-divisions to ensure that united resistance movement wouldn’t emerge
each administrative unit ideally contained and were rendered a single culturally and linguistically homogeneous ‘tribe’ in which people continued to live within the indigenous institutions and were subject to ‘tribal discipline’ through local structures of authority
chiefs were at the centre of the local network of clientelistic relations and, because colonial local administration took a ‘tribal’ view of things, this tended to be ethnically defined
how did patronage networks impact ethnicity?
importance of clientelistic relationship is also seen through patronage networks as it reinforced the role of the state as the principal source of benefits and made the patron / client relation the fundamental relationship between ordinary people and those with wealth and power
administrators rewarded chiefs and headmen; also elders and other African officials and rich/influential men to secure loyalty
how did clientelistic relations in the post-colonial era impact ethnicity?
this balance of power extended beyond the colonial landscape and continued into the post-colonial era
Ake argues that the nationalist movements mobilised ethnic groups into politics (Ake, 1993)
politicisation changed into political ethnicity when national movements, which were united mainly by common grievances, started to disintegrate on the verge of independence as its leaders manoeuvred to inherit power
Nigeria Example (Ake, 1993)
- in the spirit of indirect rule, the major administrative and political units of Nigeria were made to coincide with the spatial locations of the three major ethnic groups
- under pressure from nationalist forces, the British devolved power to these regions
- the three leading nationalist leaders, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello in the north, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in the east, and Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the west opted for power in the region instead of remaining in the central government which was still controlled by the British
- hence Nigeria became dominated by three regional, ethnic parties
give an example that shows clientelistic relations in the post-colonial era impacting ethnicity.
Nigeria Example (Ake, 1993)
- in the spirit of indirect rule, the major administrative and political units of Nigeria were made to coincide with the spatial locations of the three major ethnic groups
- under pressure from nationalist forces, the British devolved power to these regions
- the three leading nationalist leaders, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello in the north, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in the east, and Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the west opted for power in the region instead of remaining in the central government which was still controlled by the British
- hence Nigeria became dominated by three regional, ethnic parties
what does Ranger mean by ‘invented tradition’?
Ranger introduced the idea of the invention of tradition through both creating new cultures and defining existing ones to a greater ‘degree of clarity, consistency and rigidity’ than existed before (Ranger, 2012)
how are Ranger’s invented traditions exemplified?
exemplified in customary laws including membership, gender relations, access to land and control of labour and resources
these are rigidified over time, becoming deeply rigidified customs over time that perhaps weren’t originally that important
how did the colonial state impose intellectual rigidity?
formalised structures, oral histories and written texts
Zambia Example (Posner, 2001)
prior to colonialism, languages in Zambia corresponded to tribes - multiple languages
by the time of Zambian independence in 1964, Bemba, Nyanja, Tonga and Lozi had achieved the status of first among equals in so far as language use was concerned
by 1990, fully 78.8% of population used one of these four languages as either their first or second languages of communication
how did this happen?
- missionaries were in charge of education; areas with missionary stations had higher linguistic homogeneity
- formal education began with policy decision to only teach in one of the four languages
- economic incentives to have a lingua franca in urban environments