Evaluate the view that devolution has been good for Wales and Scotland but not for England and Northern Ireland.

Question 1

P1. Agree: Decision making is more region specific

Answer 1

• Good for Wales and Scotland in that devolution makes decision making more region sensitive. They can deliver different policy in many areas from that produced by Westminster.
• This decision-making power in areas of domestic policy such as welfare provision was further increased for Scotland in the Scotland Act of 2016 (gave them control over abortion laws, speed limits, air passenger duty).
• In 2017 the Wales Act of 2017 allowed it to be turned into a parliament- giving limited law-making functions. Gives the Welsh Ministers new powers in areas such as energy, planning, roads and harbours; Gives the Assembly new powers over its own internal, organisational and electoral arrangements
• The fact that England does not have its own Parliament and is the only nation of the UK not to have its own Parliament, has created resentment

Question 2

P1. Disagree: Not good to the same extent for Wales as it is for Scotland

Answer 2

• Wales does not have powers such as justice and policing, whereas Scotland does. They also do not get revenue from VAT, whereas Scotland does.
• This is the issue of asymmetric devolution. The extent of powers differs.
• Since 1998, turnout for the Welsh parliament elections has declined overall during five consecutive elections, reaching as low as 38.2 per cent, and never exceeding 46 per cent.
• Turnout at the most recent Scottish Parliament elections, in 2021, was 63.5 per cent, which was an increase of 7.7 per cent from the preceding election.
• Since the 2016 EU referendum the calls for independence have grown. This is due to 60% of Scottish people voting to remain in the EU.

Question 3

P2. Agree: England is left out from Devolution

Answer 3

• English devolution seeks to address the issue that Westminster Parliament, with representation from Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, has power to create laws regarding exclusively ‘English affairs’
• English votes for English laws, an answer to the conundrum formerly known as the West Lothian question, undoubtedly speaks to a genuine sense of grievance.
• From 22 October 2015 until 13 July 2021 when they were removed altogether following a decision of the House on 13th July 2021.
• This showed The failure of reform since the West Loathian Question remains unanswered.

Question 4

P3. Agree: the NI assembly is hardly functional

Answer 4

• The Northern Ireland government has experienced lengthy suspensions and suspension and direct rule.
• The power-sharing arrangements established under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement of 1998 are easy to disrupt. The largest party in either the Nationalist or Unionist bloc in the Stormont Assembly can upend devolution by refusing to participate in governing, something which has happened multiple times in the 25 years since the Agreement.
• The last standoff was triggered by Brexit’s upheavals. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) abandoned power sharing in February 2022, in protest over the Northern Ireland Protocol’s arrangements which differentiate Northern Ireland from Great Britain.
• This should increase pressure for direct rule under the 1998 Agreement’s terms, to increase the accountability for decision making in Northern Ireland.

Question 5

P3. Disagree: Good Friday agreement created peace

Answer 5

• The 1998 Good Friday Agreement was a major step forward for Northern Ireland. Devolution has secured a peaceful environment in Northern Ireland for over 20 years.
• A peace dividend is typically defined as the economic boost that a nation or region receives from the cessation of conflict. This boost comes about because governments can reduce security spending and reallocate the money saved to more productive economic activities. The economy can also benefit from a decrease in uncertainty and a more stable political environment, which encourages investment.
• In 1998, the nation’s GDP per capita was 20% lower than the overall UK level, albeit higher than either Wales or the North East (the poorest region in England).
• By 2019, prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, Northern Irish GDP per capita had grown 27% in real terms.