Problem 6 - Salary appearance Flashcards

(43 cards)

1
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Aim + type of study

A

Aim: to propose and test a theoretical model on the effects of height on workplace success and income:
* Propose a model of the height-career success relationship.
* Meta-analysis to test the general implications of the model.
* Conduct 4 new investigations of the relationship between individuals’ height and their personal incomes.

Type of study: meta-analysis

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2
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Theoretical background

A
  • Taller individuals are judged as being more pursuasive, more attractive mates, more likely to emerge as a leader.
  • Evolutionary-height = bigger and more dangerous -> more power.
  • Positive relationships of height with performance, leader effectiveness, and leader emergence.
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3
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Key concepts

A

Physical height is examined as a predictor of:
* Social esteem = how others perceive status.
* Self-esteem = how one perceives themselves.
* Job performance = objective and subjective.
* Career success = income, leadership positions.

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4
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Theoretical model of physical height and career success - overview

A

The model posits:
1. Height -> social esteem
2. Height -> self-esteem
3. Esteem (social/self) -> performance.
4. Performance -> career success.

The model integrates perceptual biases, evolutionary theory, and social psychology.

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5
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Height -> Social esteem

Model’s key constructs and pathways

A
  • Taller individuals are perceived as more powerful, competent, dominant and more persuasive and capable leaders.
  • Evluationary wise = height signals strength and power.
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6
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Height -> self-esteem

Model’s key constructs and pathways

A
  • Height affects self-perception via social feedback and cultural metaphors (“look up to someone”).
  • High esteem -> higher self-worth and confidence.
  • Low height -> may lead to inferiority complex (napoleon complex).
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7
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Esteem -> performance

Model’s key constructs and pathways

A
  • Social and self-esteem improve subjective evaluations (manager ratings) and objective performance (especially in social roles).
  • Esteem reinforces motivation, trust, likability, and confidence.
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8
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Performance -> career success

Model’s key constructs and pathways

A
  • Firms reward both objective results and subjective impressions.
  • Esteem-boosted performance leads to higher income and leadership roles.
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9
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Meta-analysis results

A
  • Social esteem = strongest link with height.
  • Leader emergence = moderate effect.
  • Performance = weakest but significant.
  • Subjective ratings = stronger than objective.
  • Objective outcomes = moderate effect (includes salary, promotions etc.)
  • Gender differences = no statistically significant differences.
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10
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Meta-analysis results - hypotheses supported

A
  • H1a = height -> leadership
  • H1b = height -> earnings
  • H2 = stronger link to proximal (esteem) than distal (performance) outcomes.
  • H3 = height -> subjective outcomes > objective outcomes.
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11
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

New empirical analyses results

A
  • Height was consistently and significantly related to income in all samples.
  • height advantage does not decline over time.
  • Works similarly for men and women.
  • Not due to intelligence.
  • Strongest in social/persuasive jobs: sales, management etc.
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12
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Interpretation

A

Mechanisms of influence:
* Perceptual biases: taller people are judged as more competent.
* Self-fulfilling prophecies: managers form expectations based on height.
* Social capital: tall individuasl may build trust and influence more easily.

Comparison to other predictors:
* Height’s predictive validity (r=.26) is comparable to conscientiousness in predicting job performance.

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13
Q

Cable 2004 - effect of physical height on success and income

Conclusion

A
  • Yes height significantly impacts workplace success.
  • BUT this is largely due to how others perceive taller individuals and how they view themselves.
  • Height boosts esteem, performance ratings, and earnings - a bias that operates across genders, occupations, and careers.
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14
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Aim + type of study

A

Aim: to evaluate selection preferences in regard to attractiveness and sexual selection in both students and professionals.

Type of study: experiemental study.

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15
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Evolutionary foundations

A

Sexual selection:
* A form of natural selection where individuals develop traits to improve mating success.
* Preferences for facial symmetry, youthfullness, and beauty signal: health, genetic quality, and fertillity.

Gendered preferences:
* Men prioritise youth and beauty = evolutionary markers of fertility.
* Women prioritise status and resources = indicators of investment capacity.
* Intrasexual competition: individuals compete with same-sex rivals for mating opportunities.

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16
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Theoretical application to personnel selection

A

Although job selection should not involve evolutionary biases, the authors argue that:
* Hiring contexts mirror mate selection scenarios.
* Therefore, evolved preferences still influence decisions.

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17
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Research goals

A
  1. Do men prefer attractive women more than women prefer attractive? (mate choice).
  2. Are women harsher on attractive women than men are on attractive men? (intrasexual competition).
  3. Does expected contact intensity with applicants moderate these preferences?
  4. Do HRM professionals (vs students) override evolved preferences?
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18
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Study 1 - undergraduate sample

A

Task: rate likelihood of hiring applicants based on photo (high/low attractiveness) and gender.

Findings:
* Men strongly preferred attractive women.
* Women rated attractive women lower than unattractive ones (intrasexual competition).
* Both hypotheses confirmed.

19
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Study 2 - expected contact intensity manipulation

A

Conditions:
* Low contact: applicant will work in different department.
* High contact: applicant will work closely with the assessor.

Findings:
* Low-contract condition: no evolved preferences observed.
* High-contact condition: same effect as study 1 - preferences triggered by proximity.
* Suggests domain specificity of evolved preferences.

20
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Study 3 - HRM professionals

A

Design: same manipulation and task but professionals.

Findings:
* High contract: HR professionals showed the same evolved biases as students (men preferred attractive women and women did not prefer attractive women but unlike students, they did not show significant preference for unattractive women either.
* Low contact: no significant attractiveness effects.

21
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Key results across all studies

A

High contact condition (students):
* Men’s preference = attractive women.
* Women’s preference = unattractive women (study 1 and 2).

Low contact condition (students):
* Men’s preference = no significant preference.
* Women’s preference = no significant preference.

High contact condition (HRM):
* Men’s preference = attractive women.
* Women’s preference = lower ratings for women generally.

Low contact (HRM):
* Men’s preference = no significant preference.
* Women’s preference = slight bias against women.

Overall:
* Experience did not override evolved preferences - even professionals were biased when contact was expected.

22
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Key takeaways and implications

A

Key takeaways:
* The attractiveness heuristics is deeply ingrained and evolutionarily driven.
* Sex of the assessor, sex of the applicant and expected interaction matter.
* Biases persist in structured and unstructured settings, including among trained professionals.

Practical implication:
* Awareness training may not be enough to remove bias.
* Organisations should use blind evaluations (remove photos), incorporate multiple assessors with low contact and rely more on objecctive performance predictors (ex: tests, structured interviews etc).

23
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Limitations

A
  • Only manipulated facial attractiveness; didnt test status cues (competence, education etc).
  • Generalisability limited due to homogenous sample.
  • Focus on initial selection, not long-term hiring outcomes.
24
Q

Luxen - facial attractiveness, sexual selection and personnel selection

Conclusion

A
  • Evolved preferences - especially around facial attractiveness - still affect modern personnel decisions, even among experienced professionals.
  • When interaction is likely, mating choice and intrasexual competition biases emerge in sublte but consistent ways.
  • Organisations must acknowledge these unconscious heuristics and design selection systems to reduce their impact.
25
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Aim + type of study
Aim: investigate the relationship between GMA, physical attractiveness, core self-evaluations and income. Type of study: longitudinal correlational study.
26
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Core constructs
1. GMA = cognitive intelligence 2. Physical attractiveness = rated via photos by peers and adults. 3. Core self-evaluations (CSE) = a latent trait comprising of self-esteem, generalised self-efficacy, locus of control and emotional stability. 4. Educational attainment 5. Income 6. Financial strain
27
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Theoretical background
* Argues that educational attainment and core self-evaluations - or general self-concept - are influenced by attractiveness and should mediate the effects of attractiveness on income. * Further, consider how self-concept affects financial strain, which influences productivity and is implicated in overall well-being.
28
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Theoretical model overview (figure)
It suggests: * GMA and attractiveness -> influence outcome both directly and indirectly via education and CSE. * CSE and income -> influence financial strain.
29
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Hypotheses - direct effects
* H1a-c = attractiveness -> positively linked to income, education and CSE. * H2a-c = GMA -> positively linked to income, education, and CSE. * H3 = education -> positively related to income. * H4 = CSE -> positively related to income. * H7a-c = income and CSE -> negatively related to financial strain.
30
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Hypotheses - mediation hypotheses
Mediation hypotheses: * H5a-b = education and CSE mediate the link between attractiveness and income. * H6a-b = education and CSE mediate the link between GMA and income. * H7c = income mediates CSE's effect on financial strain.
31
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Method
* Longitudinal design: 3 waves over time (education and CSE at time 1, income at time 2, financial strain at time 3). * Measures: GMA, attractiveness, CSE, income and financial strain.
32
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Key findings
1. GMA had the strongest direct effect on income. 2. Attractiveness also had a direct effect and indirect effects via CSE and Education. 3. CSE was a significant predictor of both income and financial strain (direct on income and strain and indirect on strain via income). 4. Education mediated the effects of both GMA and attractiveness. 5. All hypotheses were supported; mediation effects were partial.
33
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Interpretation
Integration with other articles: * Schmidt and Hunter - GMA and job performance: GMA is a robust predictor of both occupational attainment and job performance. * Van der linden - Personality and job performance: CSE overlaps with traits like conscientiousness and emotional stability. These predict work outcomes. This article goes further: * Identifies self-concept (CSE) as a mechanism explaining how attractiveness and GMA affect financial outcomes. * It integrates GMA and personality under a broader predictive model for income and well-being.
34
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Implications
Theoretical: * Introduces core self evaluations as a novel mediator in income and financial well-being. * Demonstrates the indirect impact of early-life traits (ex: attractiveness) thrugh psychosocial development. Practical: * While attractiveness is largely immutable, CSE and education are modifiable - can be targets for intervention. * Organisations should avoid overreliance on looks in hirin and recognise that confident/self-efficacious employees perform better and feel less financial strain.
35
# Judge 2009 - does it pay to be smart, attractive or confident (or all 3) Conclusion
Yes it pays to be smart, attractive and confident but their benefits are interconnected: * Brains (GMA) have the strongest income effect. * Looks (attractiveness) influence education and self-worth, which in turn impact income. * Confidence (CSE) not only boosts income but reduces perceived financial stress.
36
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Aim + type of study
Aim: to test the competing hypothesis on why attractiveness is associated with higher pay. Type of study: longitudinal correlational study.
37
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Competing explanations
Discrimination hypothesis: * Employers, coworkers, or clients prefer attractive individuals. * Predicts a monotonic relationship: very unattractive < unattractive < average < attractive < very attractive in earnings. * Prediction = a linear, positive slope between attractiveness and income. Occupational self-selection hypothesis: * Attractive people choose higher-paying jobs (ex: sales, media). * Prediction = controlling for occupation should be elimate the beauty premium. Individual differences hypothesis: * Attractive people are healthier, more intelligent, and have more productive personalities (ex: conscientiousness, extraverted). * Prediction: controlling for these traits eliminates the beauty premium.
38
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Key findings: discrimination hypothesis
No support: * Earnings are not monotonically related to attractiveness. * Very unattractive people often earned more than unattractive or average-looking people. * In some cases, they even out-earned attractive individuals. * Conclusion = the pattern contradicts what discrimination would predict.
39
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Key findings: occupational self-selection hypothesis
No support: * Controlling for job category did not change the earnings patterns. * The beauty premiums did not arise from attractive people choosing higher-paying fields.
40
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Key findings: individual differences
Strong support: * Once health, intelligence and personality were controlled, the beauty premium dissapeared entirely but the ugliness premium sometimes remained. * Attractive people earn more not because of their looks but because they tend to be healthier, smarter, more conscientious and extraverted and less neurotic.
41
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Interpretation: why do very unattractive people earn more?
* More likely to invest in education and cognitive skills. * May overcompensate for appearane with intellectual/professional competence. * Contradicts the usual assumption that attractiveness and intelligence are always positively correlated.
42
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Implications
* The supposed "beauty premium" may reflect real individual differences, not employer bias. * Policy takeaway: reducing attractiveness bias alone won't fix income inequality unless deeper traits are also addressed. * Organisational decision-making needs to focus on validated performance indicators, not superficial traits.
43
# Kanazawa - is there a beauty premium or an ugliness penalty in earnings? Conclusion
"Beauty doesnt pay. Brains and personality do." What looks like a beauty premiums is actually a productivity premium mediated by health, intelligence and traits like conscientiousness and extraversion.