Religion in a Global context Flashcards

(30 cards)

1
Q

key features of fundamentalism: An authoritative sacred text

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The Bible is literally true, the text is inerrant and not open to questioning.
historical facts
Fundamentalists are intolerant of all other views and refuse to engage in rational argument with them

Aldridge (2013) notes, it has to be interpreted, so what fundamentalists say is true is not the text itself, but their interpretation of its meaning. They interpret the Bible as a set of historical facts and prophecies about the future, ignoring other interpretations of it as poetry, symbolism or metaphor.

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2
Q

key features of fundamentalism:An ‘us and them’ mentality

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Fundamentalists separate themselves from the rest of the world and refuse to compromise with it.
Davie (2013) puts it, they seek to establish islands of certainty against what they see as social and cultural chaos.

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3
Q

key features of fundamentalism: Aggressive reaction

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Fundamentalist movements aim to draw attention to the threat to their beliefs and values, and their reactions are therefore aggressive and intended to shock, intimidate or cause harm.

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4
Q

key features of fundamentalism: Use of modern technology

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fundamentalists oppose modern culture, they are keen to use modern technology to achieve their aims eg televangelism.

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5
Q

key features of fundamentalism: Patriarchy

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Hawley (1994) notes that fundamentalists favour a world in which control over women’s sexuality, reproductive powers, and their social and economic roles, is fixed for all time by divine decree.

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6
Q

key features of fundamentalism: Prophecy

A

Christian fundamentalists proclaim the relevance of biblical prophecies to contemporary events.
They believe that the ‘last days’ will soon be upon us, when the faithful dead will be resurrected and transported to heaven with the faithful living, before the seven-year rule of the Antichrist and ultimately the final defeat of Satan in the War of Armageddon.

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7
Q

key features of fundamentalism: Conspiracy theories

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Fundamentalists are often attracted to conspiracy theories: the idea that powerful, hidden, evil forces and organisations are in control of human destiny.
Aldridge (2013), some extreme Christian and Islamic fundamentalists hold anti-Semitic conspiracy theories that believe Jews are conspiring to secure world domination.

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8
Q

Fundamentalism and modernity

Davie (2013)

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fundamentalism occurs where those who hold traditional beliefs are threatened by modernity and feel they need to defend themselves.

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9
Q

Fundamentalism and modernity

Giddens (1999)

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‘fundamentalism’ is a product of and reaction to globalisation, which undermines traditional social norms
In today’s ‘late modern’ society, choice, uncertainty and risk. The attraction of fundamentalism and its rigid, dogmatic beliefs is the certainty that it promises in an uncertain world.
faith-based answers and away from the risks and uncertainties of a globalising world.

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10
Q

Cosmopolitanism

A

Giddens contrasts fundamentalism with cosmopolitanism, embraces modernity in today’s globalising world.

Cosmopolitanism is tolerant of others views, open to new ideas, constantly reflecting on and modifying beliefs in the light of new information (reflexive thinking)

people justify their views by rational arguments and evidence rather than by appealing to sacred texts.

lifestyle is seen as a personal choice,

Cosmopolitan religion and spirituality; self-improvement rather than submission to authority. This is very similar to Hervieu-Léger’s ‘pilgrims’ who explore New Age spirituality.

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11
Q

Responses to postmodernity
Bauman (1992),

A

fundamentalism as a response to living in postmodernity.

Postmodern society choice, uncertainty and a heightened awareness of risk, undermining the old certainties.
some embrace the new freedom, others are attracted to fundamentalism by its claims of absolute truth and certainty.

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12
Q

Responses to postmodernity
Castells (2010)

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distinguishes between two responses to postmodernity:

  • Resistance identity - a defensive reaction of those who feel threatened and retreat into fundamentalist communities.
  • Project identity - the response of those who are forward-looking and engage with social movements such as feminism and environmentalism.
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13
Q

Criticisms
Beckford (2011) criticises Giddens, Bauman and Castells on several grounds:

A
  • They distinguish too sharply between cosmopolitanism and fundamentalism, ignoring ‘hybrid movements.
  • They are fixated on fundamentalism’, ignoring other important developments - including how globalisation is also affecting non-fundamentalist religions such as
    Catholicism.
  • Giddens lumps all types of fundamentalism together/ ignoring important differences between them.
  • Giddens description of fundamentalism as a defensive reaction to modernity ignores the fact that reinventing tradition is also a modern, ‘reflexive’ activity.
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14
Q

Haynes (1998)

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argues that we should not focus narrowly on the idea that Islamic fundamentalism is a reaction against globalisation. For example, in the Middle East, conflicts caused by the failure of local elites to deliver on their promises to improve the standard of living are often the fuel that drives fundamentalism,

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15
Q

Monotheism and fundamentalism
Bruce (2008)

A

fundamentalism is mainly found in monotheistic religions like Judaism, Islam, and Christianity, which believe in one all-powerful God and adhere to a single, authoritative sacred text (e.g., the Qur’an or the Bible).
These texts are considered to reveal God’s will and lay down strict rules. In contrast, polytheistic religions, like Hinduism, have multiple gods and lack a single authoritative text, allowing for more diverse interpretations and no singular claim to absolute truth, making them less prone to fundamentalism.

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16
Q

Two fundamentalisms

A

Bruce illustrates the distinction of origins of fundamentalism:

For example:
In the West, fundamentalism often reacts to trends like diversity, secularism, and social changes (e.g., family diversity, gender equality). The New Christian Right in America opposes these trends and seeks to restore “true” religion to a public role, influencing laws and morals.

In developing countries, fundamentalism typically arises as a response to external forces like Western values, capitalism, or local elites supported by the West. In cases like the Islamic revolution in Iran, it involves resistance to modernization and the marginalization of religion by the state.

17
Q

Davie (2013) argues that secular forms of fundamentalism have emerged in recent decades due to changes in modern society. She identifies two phases of modernity:

A

Religious Fundamentalism (Pre-1960s): The Enlightenment period (late 18th century to 1960s) promoted secular beliefs in science, reason, and progress, leading to the secularization of society and undermining religious certainties. Religious fundamentalism emerged as a reaction to this.

Secular Fundamentalism (Post-1970s): Since the 1970s, optimism in Enlightenment ideas has faded due to growing insecurity from globalization, environmental issues, and the collapse of communism. This has led to a loss of faith in secular ideologies like liberalism, rationalism, and Marxism. As these ideologies struggle, secular movements like nationalism have become fundamentalist, such as during the disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, which saw ethnic nationalism justify ethnic cleansing.

18
Q

secualr fundamentalims

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In Western Europe, challenges to liberal secular values, such as religious diversity, have sparked secular fundamentalist reactions. For example, France banned religious symbols in schools and made it illegal for women to wear veils in public, while some local councils stopped offering pork alternatives in school meals, discriminating against Muslim and Jewish students.

19
Q

Ansell (2000)

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secular trends represent cultural racism, which uses the language of universal equality and social integration while masking racist intentions.
In reality, these trends aim to preserve the cultural identity and way of life of the dominant group, often justifying the exclusion of religious and cultural minorities.

20
Q

Hervieu-Léger (2000)

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similarly views fundamentalism as a response to “cultural amnesia” in modern societies, where people have forgotten their historical religious traditions.

21
Q

A clash of civilisations
Huntington

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global conflicts, like the 9/11 attacks and the Yugoslav wars, are signs of a “clash of civilisations.”
He identifies seven major civilisations—Western, Islamic, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American, Confucian, Japanese, and Hindu—each with its own cultural and religious identity. Huntington claims that religious differences between these civilisations are a major source of conflict, intensified by globalization, which increases interaction and potential clashes.
He argues these differences are deeply rooted in culture and history, making them harder to resolve than political issues. Huntington controversially suggests the West faces a threat from Islam, a view that has been widely criticized.

22
Q

Critics of Huntington’s “clash of civilisations” theory include:

A

Jackson (2006): He views Huntington’s work as an example of orientalism, which stereotypes Eastern nations, particularly Muslims, as inferior or fanatical, justifying Western exploitation and human rights abuses.

Casanova (2005): He argues that Huntington’s perspective is overly simplistic and ignores key religious divisions within the civilisations he identifies, such as the Sunni-Shi’a split in Islam.

Horrie and Chippindale (2007): They see the “clash of civilisations” as a misleading neo-conservative ideology that unfairly portrays Islam as a monolithic enemy, while only a small minority of Muslims advocate for “holy war” against the West.

Karen Armstrong (2001; 2015): She argues that hostility towards the West arises not from Islamic fundamentalism but from Western foreign policies in the Middle East, particularly support for oppressive regimes and Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.

23
Q

In response to Huntington’s claim that the Muslim world is anti-democratic, Inglehart and Norris (2011)

A

the true divide between the West and the Muslim world is not democracy, but differences in views on gender and sexuality.
Using data from the World Values Survey, they find both regions support democracy, but there are major differences in attitudes toward divorce, abortion, gender equality, and gay rights.
While Western views have become more liberal, the Muslim world remains more traditional. They suggest that the real “clash of civilisations” is rooted in these differing values, especially around self-expression, tolerance, and freedom of speech.

24
Q

Poland

A

From 1945 to 1989, Poland was under communist rule imposed by the Soviet Union, during which the Catholic Church was suppressed. Despite this, the Church remained a symbol of Polish national identity and a key rallying point for opposition to communism. It actively supported the Solidarity free trade union movement in the 1980s, which played a crucial role in the fall of communism. Afterward, the Church regained a public role and has had significant influence on Polish politics since.

25
Iran
Western powers, particularly oil companies, influenced Iran, helping to overthrow a democratic government in the 1950s and install the pro-Western Shah. In the 1960s and 70s, the Shah's modernization policies, including banning the veil, deepened social inequalities and led to harsh suppression of protests. Islam became a focus for resistance, led by clerics like Ayatollah Khomeini, and the 1979 revolution established the Islamic Republic with clerics in power enforcing Sharia law. **Haynes** argues that the Iranian revolution was unique because it was led by religious leaders, unlike countries like Saudi Arabia, where religious leaders are tied to the elite and Western powers, and local fundamentalists often oppose them as enemies of Islam.
26
Hinduism and consumerism
Globalisation has created a prosperous, educated urban middle class in India, especially in sectors like IT and biotechnology. Contrary to secularisation theory, this group continues to be religious, with 30% becoming more religious, as shown in a 2007 survey. This is reflected in the growth of religious tourism and a rise in worshipping previously low-status village deities. **Nanda** argues that the urban middle class's religiosity is not due to poverty or a reaction to modernisation, but rather their ambivalence about their new wealth. This conflict between traditional Hindu values of renunciation and their prosperity is resolved through modern Hindu teachings from holy men and tele-gurus, who reframe material desires as divine and offer a business-friendly version of Hinduism. This allows the middle class to balance consumerism with spirituality in a globalised capitalist society.
27
Hindu ultra nationalism
**Nanda (2003)** explores how Hinduism is being used to promote a triumphalist form of Indian nationalism. The Pew Global Attitude Survey found that 93% of Indians believe their culture is superior, a view that is increasingly tied to "Hindu values" and promoted by the media and politicians. In this form of Hindu ultra-nationalism, Hinduism is seen as the essence of Indian identity, and worshipping Hindu gods is equated with worshipping the nation. This ideology is creating a divide between Hindus and non-Hindu minorities, and is influencing public life, making the supposedly secular state more religious. For example, "Hindu sciences" like astrology are being taught in universities, and the Ministry of Defence is researching weapons based on ancient Hindu texts. The Health Ministry is also promoting cow urine as a cure for various diseases.
28
Capitalism in east asia
In recent decades, East Asian economies like South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and China have industrialized and become major global economic players. Some sociologists argue that religion has played a role in this success, similar to the way Calvinism contributed to the development of capitalism in 16th and 17th century Europe. **Redding (1990)** highlights the "post-Confucian" values among Chinese entrepreneurs, such as hard work, self-discipline, frugality, and a commitment to education. These values, rooted in Confucianism, promote economic productivity and capital accumulation, resembling the effects of the Protestant ethic in Europe.
29
Pentecostalism in Latin America
**Berger (2003)** argues that Pentecostalism in Latin America acts as a "functional equivalent" to Weber's Protestant ethic, encouraging the development of capitalism in a way similar to Calvinism in 16th and 17th century Europe. Pentecostals adopt a work ethic emphasizing personal discipline, hard work, and abstinence from alcohol, fostering upward mobility and economic prosperity. Berger suggests that Pentecostalism supports modern capitalism and can lead to economic development, particularly in regions like Chile and southern Brazil, where a growing Pentecostal middle class is contributing to capitalist progress. However, he agrees with Weber that religious ideas alone aren't sufficient for economic development; natural resources also play a critical role. Northern Brazil, despite growing Pentecostalism, remains underdeveloped due to a lack of resources, while the more prosperous south benefits from both a strong work ethic and abundant resources.
30
Pentecostalism: global and local Over the last five centuries, Christianity expanded globally, first to South America and then to Africa. **David Lehmann** identifies two phases in this expansion:
First phase: Christianity spread through colonization, often suppressing local religions. Second phase: Over the past century, it gained a popular following, particularly through Pentecostalism, which had 195 million followers in South America by 2020. Pentecostalism's success is partly due to its ability to incorporate local beliefs, using local symbols and imagery, especially from spirit possession cults. While Pentecostals oppose such cults, they conduct exorcisms, validating local beliefs while introducing the power of the Christian Holy Spirit. This adaptability leads to new local religious forms, such as the 'Africanisation' of Christianity, instead of replacing indigenous religions. Pentecostalism is particularly successful in developing countries because it appeals to the poor and uses global media to spread its message.