Structure And Role Of Parliamnet Flashcards
(57 cards)
- What does Parliament contain, and how does this differ from the US?
- What is parliament characterised as ?
- How many MPs does the House of Commons comprise of and why is it the dominant branch ?
- How many members does the House of Lords consist of and how do these vary?
- Parliament contains the executive, i.e. all government ministers including the prime minister are either MPs (most) or peers. There is no separation of powers as in the USA.
- The UK Parliament is bicameral, therefore made up of 2 chambers: the House of Commons, elected chamber, and the House of Lords, unelected chamber.
- The House of Commons comprises 650 MPs directly elected at least every five years. The Commons is the dominant house as the 1911 and 1949 Parliament Acts severely limited the powers of the Lords.
- The House of Lords contains around 800 members. Most are life peers, although 92 hereditary peers remain. There are also 26 Lord Spirituals: senior Church of England bishops.
HOUSE OF COMMONS QUESTIONS:
- How many MPs are there in the House of Commons, and how are they elected? Why have there been plans to reduce the number?
- How many voters do MPs normally represent, and what problems still persist despite the Independent Boundary Commissioners efforts?
- What are nearly all MPs members of, and what are MPs that aren’t members called. Give examples of this.
- Who made strong showings during the 2019 election and what did they fail to do?
- What dominates the commons overall and what implication does this have ?
EXTENSION: Give examples
- The Commons comprises 650 members of parliament (MPs), who are directly elected by single-member constituencies using the first-past-the-post electoral system. Plans were drawn up in 2010 to reduce the number of MPs to 600 after the infamous MPs’ expenses scandal but these have yet to be implemented.
- Each MP represents an average of 68,000 voters. Despite the independent Boundary Commissions efforts, some significant differences remain in constituency size. The most populated seat in the 2019 election was the Isle of Wight with an electorate of 113,000, contrastingly Western Isles in Scotland had an electorate just over 21,000.
- Nearly all MPs are members of a political party, although a handful of independents have been elected over the years, including the health campaigner Dr Richard Taylor who represented the independent local party ,Kidderminster Hospital and Health Concern, for the constituency Wyre Forest from 2001 to 2010.
In Northern Ireland, Lady Sylvia Hermon sat as an Independent Unionist MP from 2010 until her retirement in 2019. - In the 2019 election, a handful of independents made strong showings, including Claire Wright in East Devon, though none managed to win a seat.
- Overall, the Commons is dominated by party politics, which has important implications for the scrutiny of government.
For instance, although enforcing discipline is the whips formal role, the intensity and consequences (e.g. removing the whip from MPs) stem from the political priority of party unity and control — a direct product of party politics dominating the Commons. Due to party politics the desire to present a united front meant whips pressured MPs to vote with the government, even when they may disagree. For instance In 2019, the Conservative whips removed the whip from 21 MPs who opposed the government’s Brexit policy, showing how dissent can be punished. Similarly, Over 130 Labour MPs opposed the Iraq War, but the whips pressured many to vote in favour of intervention.
- Another implication: a strong majority limits the ability for opposition or rebel MP’s to hold the government accountable, for instance after the 2019 election, Boris Johnson’s 80-seat majority allowed many bills to pass with minimal changes, limiting effective scrutiny.
HOUSE OF LORDS QUESTIONS
- What does the House of Lords consist of that correspondingly reflects its lack of powers ?
- What have the Lords consisted of since the 1999 Blair reforms?
- Why are crossbenchers influential in the House of Lords? Provide evidence, explanation and significance.
- The House of Lords consists mostly of unelected members and lacks any democratic mandate, this is correspondingly reflected in its lack of powers.
—
2. Since the 1999 Blair reforms, the Lords have consisted of:
a) Life peers: most Lords are life peers, they are appointed, often by the leaders of political parties, to a peerage for their lifetime only. This was made possible by the Life Peerages Act 1958. Before the life peerages act, the Lords comprised just hereditary peers, bishops and the Law Lords. Law lords ended in 2009 with the creation of a separate Supreme Court. Most peers in the Lords today are life peers, often nominated by the leaders of political parties.
b) 92 hereditary peers (prior to the 1999 reforms, there were around 700 sitting in the Lords): chosen from among the wider number of hereditary peers, so when a vacancy occurs among this group through death or resignation, the ensuing ‘election’ has a very small and select electorate. The only elected component is the hereditary part. Life and hereditary peers are known as the Lords temporal.
c) 26 Church of England bishops: selected mostly on the basis of seniority, although the bishops of five dioceses (Canterbury, Durham, London, Winchester and York) automatically get a seat. Collectively, they are known as the Lords spiritual.
—
3. The House of Lords faints a significant number of independents, crossbenchers, and no party majority.
Evidence: No one party since 1999 has enjoyed a majority.
Explain: This means that unlike the Commons — where the governing party typically holds a majority — no single party dominates the Lords. As a result, the government cannot rely solely on party loyalty to pass legislation and must seek support from other parties or independent crossbenchers.
Significance: This makes crossbenchers particularly influential in shaping or blocking legislation, especially on issues that provoke disagreement across party lines.
Parliament is where….and not the military or the monarch. how does this oppose the US?
What are the 7 trends and developments in parliament since the 19th century?
- Parliament, and not the monarchy or military, is where laws are made, policy is debated and the government is brought to account and scrutinised.
- All ministers by convention must also be in parliament either as MPs (most) or peers in the House of Lords.
- In the UK system, the government is also part of the legislature (unlike the US system, which has a separation of powers).
Although parliament itself has been around for centuries, it has remained neither static nor unchanging:
- Democracy: As the UK moved towards parliamentary democracy, parliament’s membership was increasingly chosen by all people. This process was achieved via a number of parliamentary reform Acts, culminating in 1928 when full female suffrage was achieved.
- Balance of power: the balance of power between the two chambers, shifted considerably in the twentieth century to the extent that real political power now lies only with the Commons. The Parliament Acts of 1911 and 1949 brought about this change.
- Diversity: the growth of democracy has made membership of the Commons increasingly diverse. The first female MP, Nancy Astor, took her seat in 1919, whereas the December 2019 election returned a record 220 women MPs. Racial diversity has also increased in modern times even if ethnic minorities remain proportionally underrepresented in Parliament.
In 1987, just three black MPs were elected, but there has since been a growing number of elected representatives from BAME communities, including the first Chinese MP in 2010 and the first South Asian woman MP, also in 2010. Following the 2019 election, 65 MPs were BAME. There has also been an increase in LGBTQ+ elected representatives and people with disabilities. - Checks and balances: there has been a growing trend towards centralised control and discipline via the political parties, with less scope for independent voting and policy-making. This has meant that the governing party has been able to dominate parliament due to a reduced scrutiny and checks on the executive. However, in more recent times backbench MPs have become increasingly rebellious — recent prime ministers have been confronted by and sometimes constrained by significant revolts from their own MPs. For example, Theresa May 2016 to 2019 was unable to get her Brexit deal through parliament.
- Committees: increased use of committees as a forum for discussion and debate instead of the main chambers. This development makes the often very heated atmosphere of the Commons, for instance during PMQ’s, more calmer and eftective.
- Broadcasting: parliament has been televised since 1989, which has arguably raised its profile and enabled the electorate to become more familiar with procedures, policies and debates.
- Devolution and EU membership: the advent of devolution (in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland) and EU membership (until 2020) has meant that many policies and laws have been decided outside Westminster, for example in Edinburgh or Brussels. This was particularly true for those areas in which the EU held sway, such as trade and agriculture.
Yet despite these developments, parliament retains many ancient, quaint (some might say outdated) traditions.
For example,
a)MPs do not vote electronically but file into the division lobby and then walk through two doors, the Ayes and Noes, and are manually counted.
b)The government and opposition sit facing each other, traditionally separated by a distance calculated as two sword lengths apart. They may not cross these lines during sittings.
c) Finally, the speaker starts each day of parliament with a short, formal procession preceded by a gold mace (staff) and accompanied by the chaplain.
What are the key positions in Parliament?
- Prime minister:
a) why can the prime minister almost always control outcomes of the commons? What periods did this not apply for?
b) what stops parliament from scrutinising and checking the government ? - Speaker.
a) What is the role of the speaker ?
b) What is another one of their roles and what’s an example of this?
c) how are speakers voted for and by tradition what must they do?
d) what happens during election time for speakers?
e) why has the speaker post become more controversial? Give 2 examples of this. - What is the leader of the House of Commons, role?
- The prime minister:
a) As leader of the largest single party, the prime minister can almost always command an overall majority in the Commons, this therefore means control most outcomes of the Commons too. (although the periods 2010–15 and 2017–19 were something of an exception)
b) Although in theory parliament is meant to scrutinise and check the government, in reality a prime minister with a large majority can normally rely on getting the House of Commons to vote the way he or she wants. This is because the executive (government) dominates the legislature.
— - The speaker
a) try to keep order and ensure as many MPs as possible from across the range of parties are allowed to speak in debates.
b) They also administer the rules of the House of Commons and can suspend MPs who break these rules for varying periods of time. Among the rules is a ban on calling a fellow MP a liar, or insinuating that they are lying or corrupt.
- For example, then-speaker John Bercow suspended veteran Labour MP Dennis Skinner for calling then prime minister David Cameron ‘Dodgy Dave’, and subsequently refusing to retract or apologise for his comments.
c) The speaker is voted for by their fellow MPs in a series of ballots. By tradition, the speaker renounces any party allegiance on taking up the post, to ensure impartiality. At election time, traditionally the major political parties do not oppose them and they stand as ‘The speaker seeking reelection’.
e) In recent years, however, the post has become more controversial.
e1). Michael Martin, speaker from 2000 to 2009, was effectively forced to resign due to the expenses scandal and growing dissatisfaction over his performance in the post.
e2). His successor, John Bercow, also faced growing criticism, especially from the government benches, over his alleged favouritism towards opposition MPs and his perceived lack of cooperation on progression of the Brexit bill following the 2016 referendum. He was also accused of bullying by some members of his own staff including his former private secretary Kate Emms, who worked for him between 2010 and 2011 — claims he strongly denied.
— - Leader of the House of Commons: is essentially that of the government’s business manager. Held by Jacob Rees-Mogg following the 2019 election, it’s their job to see that from the executive’s perspective the Commons runs smoothly, and that its bills are properly timetabled. For example, on Thursdays the leader of the house tells the Commons about the business scheduled for the following week and usually provisional business for the week after that. Their job also involves close liaison with the government’s chief whip.
- Essentially, whips are in charge of party discipline and ensuring that MPs stay loyal and vote the way their leaders dictate. Although TV political dramas often portray whips playground bully’s issuing threats to wavering MPs, the reality is a lot of their time is spent using rather more gentle persuasive techniques and explaining the reasoning behind the prime minister’s stance.
- There are also junior whips, as well as whips in the opposition parties. Each week, whips issue a set of instructions on how their party’s MPs should vote. A ‘three-line whip’ indicates the party leadership expects all its MPs to turn up and vote a certain way.
- The whip may be withdrawn from an MP, meaning that the MP is suspended from the party. This is usually a temporary sanction and is much more likely a response to the MP/s in question bringing the party into disrepute as opposed to defying the whip in a particular vote. This was the case in 2012 when Conservative MP Nadine Dorries appeared on the TV reality show I’m a Celebrity…Get Me Out of Here! without first informing the party leadership or the whips of her participation, and thereby being absent from the Commons for several weeks. The whip was later restored to Dorries and she later went on to join the government benches.
- On rarer occasions, the whip can be withdrawn for political disloyalty. This was the case in September 2019, when Boris Johnson removed the whip from 21 Tory rebels who defied the whips’ instructions not to support a motion to take control of parliamentary business from the government during the Brexit bill saga. Ten MPs subsequently had the whip restored and five of the remainder decided to stand as independents or Liberal Democrats in the subsequent general election, although all lost their seats.
A more unusual reason for the removal of the whip took place in July 2020. Conservative MP Julian Lewis had been elected as chair of the Intelligence and Security Committee by securing the support of opposition MPs. In doing so, he defeated fellow Tory MP Chris Grayling, the government’s preferred candidate. A government source accused Lewis of ‘working with Labour and other opposition MPs for his own advantage’. Clearly collaborating with the political enemy can be seen, on occasion, as a serious crime in politics. - Frontbenchers is applied to members of the governing party/parties who are also ministers in the government. It also applies to opposition MPs who are shadow ministers. The term derives from the fact that these members sit on the front rows in the Commons chamber.
- Backbenchers are the ordinary MPs who are neither ministers nor shadow ministers. Some are loyal followers of the party, especially those who are hoping for promotion to the frontbenches. But it also here that the more independently minded MPs can be found. Several MPs have spent many years criticising and on occasion voting against their own party leadership from the backbenches. During his time as a backbencher, former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn rebelled frequently against the Labour government and its Blair/Brown leadership, making him the most rebellious Labour backbencher between 1997 and 2010.
The main functions of parliament
- Legislative: parliament is where laws are introduced, debated and passed.
- Representative: parliament represents people, geographically through constituencies and in terms of political ideas through parties.
- Scrutiny: parliament has the vital role of checking and scrutinising the government by questioning its actions and poring over its legislative plans.
- Deliberative: parliament has an important role as a forum for debate and discussion. In times of national crisis, whether during wars or during political dramas such as Brexit, all eyes turn to Westminster and its debates, speeches and decisions.
The question to consider is how well parliament performs each of these functions.
- What is a key role of parliament in terms of laws ?
- What are the vast majority of laws passed? How do government backed bills differ from private member bills ?
- What are public member bills?
- What small number of bills don’t apply to public member bills ? What are they instead? Give an example.
- What is a green paper and what does it allow the government to do? Give an example.
- What can the government produce after Green papers, and what do these allow the government to do?
- What has increased in recent years, and why are draft bills sometimes published ? Give an example.
- Key role of parliament is to pass legislation.
— - Vast majority of laws passed are public bills and especially government-backed bills. For example, in the two sessions of the 2015–17 parliament, 55 government bills were debated of which 48 were passed. By contrast in the same period, 324 private members’ bills were introduced (bills that are presented by individual MPs or peers) of which just 14 were passed.
— - Public bill are bills that apply to everyone once it becomes law. This applies to most legislation.
— - A small number of bills passed are not public member bills and fall into the special category of private bills, which only apply to specific groups of people or public bodies, usually local authorities. One recent example is the Middle Level Act 2018, which regulated navigation in part of the East Anglia Fens.
— - Government may first produce a discussion document called a Green Paper, and this allows the govt to sets out issues and option for legislation.
One recent example was a Green Paper on adult social care published in September 2019.
— - The government may then go on to produce a White Paper, and this is a document allowing govt to set out plans and proposal for legislation.
- Pre-legislative scrutiny has increased in recent years and draft bills are sometimes published that are scrutinised by a select committee or a joint committee before they are formally introduced to parliament. For example, before Parliament debated the Tenant Fees Bill, a select committee investigated it in November 2017. During the 2017–19 session, ten draft bills went through this same process.
—
- Pre-legislative scrutiny has increased in recent years and draft bills are sometimes published to be scrutinised by a select committee or a joint committee before they are formally introduced to parliament. For example, before Parliament debated the Tenant Fees Bill, a select committee investigated it in November 2017. During the 2017–19 session, ten draft bills went through this same process.
How the legislative process works:
- First reading: formal introduction or reading of the bill’s title by the relevant government minister. There is no vote or debate at this stage.
- Second reading: main debate on the principles of the bill takes place in the Commons chamber. Government defeats at the second reading stage are very rare, the last time being in 1986 when a Sunday Trading Bill was defeated 296-282.
- Committee stage: bills are then sent on to public bill committees (known as standing committees before 2006).
- The members consider the bill line by line, often suggesting amendments and sometimes calling an expert witness to help inform debate.
- As the government always has a majority on the committee, major changes to bills are unlikely at this stage.
- Each committee lasts only for the lifetime of the bill it is considering.
- Although members are appointed by party whips, a 2015 report by Democratic Audit found that nearly two-thirds (63%) of all MPs appointed to bill committees between 2000 and 2010 brought some form of relevant experience or expertise. Furthermore, 87% of amendments accepted by the government came from these specialised MPs. To put things in perspective, though, in the period 2000–10 only 0.5% of non-government amendments in committee succeeded. - Report stage: during this stage any amendments agreed in the committee stage are considered by the Commons, and accepted, rejected or changed. There is also the opportunity for further amendments to be put to the vote.
- Third reading: this is a final debate on the amended version of the bill. No further changes are permitted at this stage.
- The House of Lords stages: assuming the bill has got through all its Commons stages, the process is then repeated in the Lords. Any amendments made by the upper house only become part of the bill if they are accepted by the Commons. A bill may go back and forth between the two houses, a process often dubbed ‘parliamentary ping-pong. For example, the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005 was considered five times by the Lords and four times by the Commons over a 30-hour period until a compromise was reached. Note that if agreement is not forthcoming, the Commons can invoke the Parliament Act, which means their version of the bill becomes law within a year. This was last used to pass the Hunting Act 2004, which banned the hunting of wild mammals with dogs.
What is one of the most protracted issue parliament has had to legislate and why?
One of the most protracted issues parliament has had to legislate on recently has been the Brexit process.
- While on the surface it might have appeared straightforward just to repeal the previous Acts that had bound the country ever closer to the EU, the reality was rather different. The whole saga that involved the Commons and the three separate bills to ‘Get Brexit done’ (or not) between 2018 and 2020 was one of the most confusing, complex yet important examples of the Commons as both a legislative and scrutinising chamber.
- Due both to Theresa May and then Boris Johnson (until the December 2019 election) having no overall Commons majority, and the deep divisions and high emotions over Brexit, especially within the Conservative Party, the path to legislative success was far from usual or straightforward by Westminster standards (see case study).
CASE STUDY
Brexit bills and the Commons (an abridged and somewhat simplified account)
The government’s Brexit troubles began in 2017 when hedge fund manager Gina Miller won a Supreme Court case that forced Theresa May’s government to seek parliamentary approval before triggering Article 50—the formal process of leaving the EU. This was a major setback for the government, which had hoped to handle Brexit negotiations on its own, avoiding long parliamentary debates and votes.
To prepare for Brexit, May’s government introduced the European Union (Withdrawal) Act, which she called the ‘Great Repeal Bill’. This legislation repealed the European Communities Act 1972, meaning EU laws would no longer automatically apply in the UK. However, during the bill’s passage through Parliament, MPs inserted a crucial amendment—the ‘meaningful vote’ clause. This guaranteed that Parliament would have the final say on the Brexit deal, limiting the government’s control over the process.
The focus then shifted to what kind of Brexit deal the UK would secure and what would happen if no deal was agreed with the EU. The official departure date was set for the end of March 2019, but by early 2019, the government faced severe difficulties. Between January and March, Theresa May’s Brexit deal was rejected three times by Parliament. The first defeat was by a record-breaking 432-202 votes, the largest government defeat in modern British history. Even after making changes, her deal was rejected again in March, this time by 391-242 votes. The third vote on 29 March also failed, with a 344-286 result.
With no deal agreed and the deadline approaching, the UK risked ‘crashing out’ of the EU without a deal on 12 April. Parliament, unwilling to let this happen, took control of the Brexit process. MPs passed the Cooper-Letwin Act by just one vote, forcing the government to request an extension from the EU. The EU granted this extension, moving the Brexit deadline to 31 October 2019.
By this point, May’s leadership was collapsing, and in June 2019, she resigned as Prime Minister. She was replaced in July by Boris Johnson, who promised to take a tougher approach to Brexit. He managed to renegotiate the withdrawal agreement with the EU, but before he could push it through Parliament, he ran into a new obstacle. In early September, MPs passed the Benn Act, which required the Prime Minister to seek yet another Brexit extension if Parliament did not approve a deal by 19 October. Johnson fiercely opposed this law, declaring he would rather be ‘dead in a ditch’ than ask for another delay. He even attempted to prorogue (suspend) Parliament for five weeks, but in September 2019, the Supreme Court ruled this illegal.
On 19 October, Parliament met for a special Saturday sitting to debate Johnson’s revised Brexit deal. He had hoped for a straightforward deal or no-deal vote, but instead, MPs passed the Letwin Amendment, which delayed approval of his deal until the full withdrawal bill had been passed. This activated the Benn Act, forcing Johnson to request yet another extension. The EU granted it, setting 31 January 2020 as the new Brexit deadline.
With Parliament blocking his every move, Johnson decided the only way forward was a general election. Normally, under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, he would have needed two-thirds of MPs to agree, but Parliament had repeatedly refused. To get around this, the government passed the Early Parliamentary General Election Act 2019, allowing an election to take place on 12 December 2019. Johnson’s Conservative Party won a decisive majority, giving him the power to pass his Brexit deal without opposition.
With his victory secured, Johnson pushed through the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020, which passed with a majority of 99 votes. No Conservative MPs opposed it, and no amendments were passed in the Commons. The bill received only 11 days of parliamentary scrutiny, a stark contrast to the years of debate that had previously stalled Brexit. By 23 January 2020, Brexit was officially completed, and Johnson’s government removed provisions for Parliament to oversee future Brexit negotiations.
In the end, Brexit was only resolved when Johnson outmaneuvered Parliament by calling an election, winning a strong majority, and pushing through his deal with minimal opposition.
EVEL legislative process:
Although the passage of most bills follows the legislative process, there is one slight difference in the legislative steps for bills that are purely to do with English affairs. English votes for English laws (EVEL, as it is commonly known) was introduced in 2015 mainly to deal with the consequences of devolution for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
- In EVEL, after the second reading, the bill goes through a special “consideration stage”, where only English (or English and Welsh) MPs decide if it should continue. If they approve, the bill then moves to the usual stages where all MPs, including those from Scotland and Northern Ireland, can vote.
CASE STUDY:
- The aim of English votes for English laws (EVEL) is to ensure that English MPs can veto bills or parts of bills that only apply to England.
- First, the speaker decides whether or not a bill or clauses of it are valid for the EVEL procedure. If so, it is given a speaker’s certificate.
-After the report stage, the speaker can decide to refer the bill to the Legislative Grand Committee if it has been amended.
- All MPs can take part in debates in the Legislative Grand Committee, but only those MPs representing constituencies in England, or Wales, can vote or move amendments.
- The bill must then be reconsidered by the whole house. If the Legislative Grand Committee again withholds consent, the whole bill falls, or any disputed clauses are removed.
- Essentially, it means that bills only affecting England must be passed by a majority of both all MPs and English MPs, often known as the ‘double veto’ system.
In the first year of operation, nine bills were certified as requiring the EVEL procedure either in whole or in part. In none of the 14 votes held under the terms of EVEL was the government defeated. The main critics have largely been SNP MPs. For example, in February 2020, they protested against being barred from voting on an EVELcertified NHS funding bill, claiming that the bill also affected Scotland.
Brexit case study political takeaways.
Parliament as an Effective Check on the Executive
1. Forcing Parliamentary Approval on Brexit – Gina Miller’s Supreme Court victory in 2017 ensured that the government could not trigger Article 50 without Parliament’s approval, preventing the executive from bypassing democratic scrutiny.
2. Insertion of the ‘Meaningful Vote’ Clause – MPs successfully amended the European Union (Withdrawal) Act to guarantee that Parliament would have the final say on the Brexit deal, limiting government control.
3. Repeated Rejection of May’s Deal – Between January and March 2019, the Commons rejected Theresa May’s withdrawal agreement three times, demonstrating its ability to block an executive policy it did not support.
4. Taking Control of Brexit Process – In April 2019, backbenchers passed the Cooper-Letwin Act, forcing the government to request an extension to prevent a no-deal Brexit, showing Parliament could impose its will on the executive.
5. The Benn Act (2019) – This law, passed against Boris Johnson’s wishes, legally required the Prime Minister to seek another Brexit extension if no deal was passed by 19 October, proving Parliament could limit the government’s power.
6. Blocking Prorogation – Johnson’s attempt to suspend Parliament for five weeks was ruled unlawful by the Supreme Court, reinforcing the idea that executive overreach would not go unchecked.
7. Preventing a Snap Election – Parliament initially refused Johnson’s calls for a general election, demonstrating that the executive could not dissolve Parliament simply to change its composition.
Parliament as an Ineffective Check on the Executive
1. Government Still Controlled the Process – Despite various parliamentary interventions, Brexit ultimately proceeded on the government’s terms, suggesting Parliament delayed rather than stopped executive action.
2. Failure to Agree on an Alternative – While MPs successfully blocked May’s deal and a no-deal Brexit, they failed to unite behind any alternative plan, making parliamentary opposition ineffective in providing a clear solution.
3. Johnson’s Workaround for an Election – Parliament initially blocked a snap election, but Johnson bypassed this by passing the Early Parliamentary General Election Act 2019, which sidestepped the Fixed-term Parliaments Act.
4. Weakening of Parliamentary Scrutiny in 2020 – Johnson’s strong majority after the election allowed him to pass the Withdrawal Agreement Act 2020 with minimal scrutiny, reversing previous parliamentary gains.
5. Limited Time for Oversight – Despite years of debate, Johnson’s Brexit bill was passed in just 11 days, with no amendments accepted in the Commons and Lords defeats swiftly overturned.
6. Failure to Enforce the Benn Act – While the Act required Johnson to request an extension, it did not prevent him from campaigning on a promise to deliver Brexit quickly, which ultimately strengthened his position.
7. Consolidation of Executive Power – After winning the 2019 election, Johnson removed provisions for parliamentary oversight of future Brexit negotiations, further diminishing Parliament’s influence.
In summary, while Parliament effectively constrained the government at key moments, its failure to present a unified alternative and Johnson’s ability to regain control suggest that its role as a check on the executive was ultimately limited.
The Gina Miller case is a good example of the courts’ involvement in constitutional matters and checking the power of the executive. The Supreme Court argued it was making a legal not political decision and upholding the principle of parliamentary sovereignty. As Gina Miller said herself after the verdict: ‘Only parliament can grant rights to the British people and only parliament can take them away…No prime minister, no government, can expect to be unanswerable or unchallenged…parliament alone is sovereign.’
Secondary legislation:
Many laws (besides primary legislation) are derived from what is termed secondary legislation, or statutory instruments (SIs).
This refers to provisions within primary legislation for the relevant minister to introduce new clauses or changes.
- This is mainly for the sake of efficiency and is minister-made law, not parliament-passed law.
For example, the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 allows the government to more easily add new drugs to the list of banned substances as information about their harm becomes apparent. Around 3,500 SIs are passed annually, far in excess of the number of parliamentary Acts.
- SIs are scrutinised by the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments, which is a joint committee of both MPs and peers. One of the few committees in which the government does not enjoy a majority.
- The committee, newly appointed at the start of 2020, comprises only six Conservatives out of a total membership of 14. The role of this committee is purely to scrutinise the SI to ensure it is legal and does not go beyond the powers specified in the parent Act.
- Parliament must be asked for approval of all SIs but cannot amend them.
Overall, scrutiny of secondary legislation is considerably less than for primary legislation.
Backbench MPs and Legislation:
Ordinary MPs can often feel like they’re only there to support (or oppose) bills drafted by the frontbench.
There are, however, some opportunities for backbenchers to influence legislation beyond voting in the division lobby.
- MPs (and also peers) can and do draft and present their own bills, some of which make it into law. They do this through the use of private members’ bills (PMBs).
- PMBs began in the late 1940s and enshrined the notion that some parliamentary time should be made available for legislation by individual MPs and peers, providing backbenchers with some freedom to respond to public concern or to reflect their own policy concerns.
- This is especially true for issues that are not primarily party political, or indeed where an MP’s own party is divided, making it difficult for the leadership to present a united front.
- While not a way usually of checking or scrutinising the government, PMBs nonetheless allow individual MPs to influence parliament and indeed the nation.
A number of key laws started as PMBs, including the Abortion Act 1967 and the abolition of capital punishment in 1965.
PMBs are distinguished largely in terms of when and how they are introduced and can take one of three forms:
• Ballot bills
• Ten minute rule bills
• Presentation bills
Ballot bills:
Any MP is permitted to introduce a bill of their choice, having given prior notice to the Public Bill Office.
- Presentation bills are formally ‘presented’ during a Friday sitting only, and only after all the ballot bills on the order paper have been presented.
- The MP presenting the bill does not give a speech and there is no debate on the proposals.
- Presentation bills can be used to address discrete, non-controversial policy issues and to resolve anomalies in the law. - However, with no speech or debate attached to them, they are less useful to MPs than ballot or Ten minute rule bills. -
However, the Brexit saga once again broke the rules in this regard. Both the Cooper–Letwin and Benn Acts referred to in the case study on page 37 were implemented by this device essentially because MPs took control of parliament’s agenda from the government in order to prevent a no-deal Brexit. In conclusion, there are clear opportunities for MPs to propose and, less frequently, to pass legislation but these depend on the following factors:
1. Being uncontroversial.
2. Getting lucky in being one of the 20 MPs successful in the ballot bills draw.
3. Having government backing.
4. Exceptional circumstances, such the 2018–19 Brexit debates, when the government temporarily lost control of the parliamentary agenda.
10 minute bills:
Ten minute rule bills are policy aspirations put into legislative language in order to secure a 10-minute speaking slot during ‘primetime’ in the House of Commons, after Question Time on Tuesdays and Wednesdays.
- Therefore mostly important as an opportunity for backbenchers to raise issues of concern often relating to their constituencies as opposed to passing actual legislation.
- Party whips decide the slots, which somewhat undermines the independence of individual MPs in the process.
- A rare exception to their usual failure was the Guardianship (Missing Persons) Act 2017, which created a new legal status of guardian of the affairs of a missing person, allowing someone to act in the missing person’s best interests after they have been gone for 90 days or more.
- It was originally introduced as a ten minute rule bill by Conservative MP Kevin Hollinrake and subsequently passed into law.
Explain and Presentation bills
Any MP is permitted to introduce a bill of their choice, having given prior notice to the Public Bill Office.
- Presentation bills are formally ‘presented’ during a Friday sitting only, and only after all the ballot bills on the order paper have been presented.
- The MP presenting the bill does not give a speech and there is no debate on the proposals.
- Presentation bills can be used to address discrete, non-controversial policy issues and to resolve anomalies in the law. - However, with no speech or debate attached to them, they are less useful to MPs than ballot or Ten minute rule bills. -
However, the Brexit saga once again broke the rules in this regard. Both the Cooper–Letwin and Benn Acts referred to in the case study on page 37 were implemented by this device essentially because MPs took control of parliament’s agenda from the government in order to prevent a no-deal Brexit. In conclusion, there are clear opportunities for MPs to propose and, less frequently, to pass legislation but these depend on the following factors:
- Being uncontroversial.
- Getting lucky in being one of the 20 MPs successful in the ballot bills draw.
- Having government backing.
- Exceptional circumstances, such the 2018–19 Brexit debates, when the government temporarily lost control of the parliamentary agenda.
Indirect backbench pressure on government legislation:
A less common way ,especially for backbenchers from the governing party, to influence government legislation is by applying pressure before a bill ever reaches the floor of the House of Commons.
- Governments are often keen to ‘buy off’ rebels in advance and may make changes to the bill before it is first debated.
- On occasion, as in 2011 with the plans to privatise some English forests, major crossbench opposition (as well as a wider public outcry) forced the government to abandon its plans entirely. Sometimes, the government introduces legislation specifically as a result of pressure from its own backbenchers.
For example, in 2006, Labour backbenchers successfully persuaded Tony Blair’s government to bring in the Corporate Manslaughter Bill.
MPs as Representatives.
Aside from passing laws, its legislative function, parliament also fulfils a vital role in representing the people.
- This is, above all, true for the directly elected House of Commons.
- The Lords being unelected is less significant in terms of its representative function — as Lord Birkenhead once succinctly put it,
‘The noble Lord represents no one but himself, and I don’t think much of his constituency.’
MPs with constituencies are representatives of:
1. their constituents/voters
2. their party
3. special interests/groups they may feel strongly about
How well they perform this role is debatable.
How well does parliament perform its representation role ?
Performs very well:
1. All parts of the UK are represented geographically through 650 constituencies that are roughly equally sized and whose boundaries are drawn up independent of party bias by the Boundary Commission.
2. A wide range of parties is represented in the Commons, so ensuring a range of political opinions are represented.
3. The Commons is becoming more diverse particularly in terms of gender, race and sexuality. A record 220 women were elected in 2019. A total of 6% of MPs elected in 2019 openly identified as LGBTQ+, substantially higher than the 2% of the general population who identify as LGBTQ+.
4. MPs have a range of wider interests and specialist policy areas that they represent informally and speak about in debates or committees. These can include such diverse areas as disability, animal welfare and football.
Performs not well at all:
1. Not all constituencies are in fact equal in population size.
There are nearly six times more voters in the most populous constituency compared with the least populous.
2. The first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system favours the two largest parties and regionally concentrated parties such as the SNP. By contrast, it severely under-represents parties such as the Liberal Democrats, the Green Party and UKIP.
3. Women remain significantly under-represented. While just over half of all voters are female, only 34% of 2019’s intake of MPs were women.
MPs increasingly come from backgrounds and have life experiences that are unrepresentative of the country as a whole. To take one example, a Sutton Trust report published after the 2019 election found that 29% of MPs were privately educated compared with 7% of the population as a whole.
Explain and analyse MPs as part-time representatives.
Many MPs take on jobs outside Parliament after being elected. In the 2017–19 Parliament, around 18% had second jobs, which must be declared in the Register of Members’ Interests to ensure transparency and avoid conflicts of interest. These roles range from serving as company directors to continuing limited work in their previous professions.
For example, Conservative MP Maria Caulfield, a former nurse, needed to complete 480 hours over three years to retain her professional registration. Labour MP Stephen Morgan remained a city councillor after entering Parliament in 2017.
This raises key questions about MPs as representatives:
• Can they fully serve their constituents while working other jobs?
• Do second jobs provide a broader perspective on life?
• If MPs are open about extra work, is it a problem? If voters are unhappy, they can vote them out.
• With an annual salary of nearly £80,000 in 2020, do MPs really need extra income that takes time away from their main role?
Explain and analyse MPs as representatives of particular interests:
MPs primarily represent their constituency and party but often advocate for specific interests or causes beyond these. These can range from sports to child protection and more.
Many MPs join all-party groups, which bring together members from different parties who share common concerns. Parliament has hundreds of such groups, covering diverse topics like pigeon racing, darts, independent education, and Scottish whisky.
Explain and analyse MPs as Constituency Problem Solvers
- MPs handle casework for all constituents, regardless of how they voted.
- Most hold regular surgeries by appointment to hear concerns on issues like housing, immigration, or miscarriages of justice.
- While they can’t provide instant solutions, they often raise matters with local councils, government departments, or in Commons debates—known as the redress of grievances.
- The workload is significant. One MP in 2010 reported receiving over 38,400 communications in 10 months, including 24,000 emails, 9,600 letters, and 4,800 calls, alongside dealing with 2,183 individual cases.
- MPs typically hire constituency caseworkers using their parliamentary allowance to help manage this.
- The volume and type of issues vary by constituency—inner-city MPs, for example, often receive more requests related to housing and social benefits.
What are the theories of representation?
- Burkean or trustee theory: argues elected officials are purely representatives of their voters. Once elected, they are entirely free to act in the interests of their electors as they see fit.
- Delegate theory: Elected official authorised to represent and act as a mouthpiece for their constituents.
- Mandate theory: Elected official who takes into account the needs of their constituents before exercising their own judgement when making political decisions.