Topic 10 - Latin America pre 1913 Flashcards

(40 cards)

1
Q

When did Latin America’s “Belle Époque” begin and end?

A

1870 to 1913 — the era of rapid export-led expansion before World War I.

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2
Q

Which two Latin American countries ranked among the world’s richest economies around 1900?

A

Argentina and Uruguay.

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3
Q

What is meant by export-led growth in the Belle Époque?

A

Economic growth driven by booming primary-product exports, financed by foreign capital, technology and mass European immigration.

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4
Q

Name three key primary exports that dominated Latin America’s trade circa 1913.

A

Beef and wheat from Argentina, coffee from Brazil, and nitrates from Chile (sugar from Cuba is another).

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5
Q

What are backward linkages?

A

Industries that supply inputs (e.g., fertilizer, machinery) to export producers, stimulated by the export boom.

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6
Q

What are forward linkages?

A

Industries that process the exported commodity into further goods, such as furniture from timber.

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7
Q

What are final-demand linkages?

A

Growth in complementary services (finance, transport, communications) spurred by rising export incomes.

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8
Q

What empirical finding suggests linkages were weak in most of Latin America before 1913?

A

Manufacturing grew slowly and hardly exported; agriculture for domestic consumption remained low-productivity.

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9
Q

How did Mexican grain yields in 1913 compare with US yields?

A

About half of US yields per hectare (and only a quarter of Australia/NZ/Canada).

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10
Q

Why did manufacturing exports remain negligible in Latin America before World War I?

A

Limited linkage spillovers, small domestic markets, high transport and tariff barriers, and competition from industrial powers.

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11
Q

How did rising tariffs in the late 19th century affect Latin American industry?

A

They raised input costs and dampened productivity, limiting competitive manufacturing development.

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12
Q

What effect did interstate taxes and internal barriers have on Latin American markets?

A

They increased transaction costs and reduced market integration, weakening economies of scale.

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13
Q

Why were rural labour markets less connected to booming urban centres?

A

Landowner dominance and coercive labour practices limited mobility; mechanization was sparse.

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14
Q

In colonial analysis, what are “factor endowments”?

A

The initial ratios of land, labour and capital that shape economic institutions and inequality.

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15
Q

According to Engerman & Sokoloff, how did factor endowments influence institutions?

A

Resource abundance and plentiful labour encouraged elites to create extractive institutions that restricted political rights and schooling.

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16
Q

Give an example of restricted political participation in 19th-century Latin America.

A

Limited suffrage to property-owning males, excluding most of the population.

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17
Q

How did large landowners respond to rural labour scarcity?

A

They often relied on coercion and political influence rather than raising wages or mechanizing.

18
Q

Define an “extractive institution”.

A

An institution designed to concentrate economic benefits and political power in the hands of a narrow elite.

19
Q

What is the “resource curse” hypothesis?

A

That abundant natural resources can hinder long-run development by fostering rent-seeking and weak institutions.

20
Q

What does “internal core-periphery” mean within a country?

A

Stark regional divides where export-oriented cores prosper while peripheral areas remain poor and subsistence-based.

21
Q

What is a “settler economy”?

A

An economy built by European immigrants who farm resource-rich frontiers, such as Canada’s Prairies or Argentina’s Pampas.

22
Q

What does the “Prairies and Pampas” analogy highlight?

A

Similarities in land-abundant settler frontiers in Canada and Argentina leading to export booms.

23
Q

What does GDP per capita measure?

A

The average economic output (value added) produced per person in an economy.

24
Q

What does wage convergence theory predict?

A

International migration should equalize real wages between labour-sending and labour-receiving regions over time.

25
According to Williamson, how large were immigrant inflows to Argentina in the 1880s-1910s?
More than 50 immigrants per 1,000 inhabitants each decade, among the highest rates globally.
26
How did Argentina’s youthful demographic structure affect savings, according to Taylor (1992)?
A high share of children lowered aggregate savings rates, slowing domestic capital accumulation.
27
Name two external shocks that ended the Belle Époque.
The collapse of foreign capital inflows and the global trade and financial crises of the 1930s.
28
Engerman & Sokoloff (2000) — core thesis?
Colonial factor endowments determined the evolution of institutions, which in turn shaped long-run inequality and growth.
29
Taylor (1992) — key finding on Argentina?
Capital accumulation slowed because a youthful immigrant population depressed savings once external finance dried up.
30
Williamson (1998) — main argument?
Mass European migration integrated New World labour markets, raising wages in destination countries and narrowing wage gaps.
31
Bulmer-Thomas (2003) — contribution?
Provided detailed data showing only a handful of Latin American economies experienced substantial export-led growth pre-1913.
32
Coatsworth (2005) — alternative institutional view?
Iberian legal and fiscal legacies limited state capacity and growth, regardless of factor endowments.
33
Hirschman (1958) — linkage concept?
Primary-export booms can induce development through backward, forward and demand linkages to other sectors.
34
Abad & Maurer (2013) — persistent inequality thesis?
Colonial fiscal institutions created tax systems that perpetuated regional inequality into the 20th century.
35
What critique does Coatsworth make of Engerman & Sokoloff’s hypothesis?
He argues institutions stem more from Iberian colonial governance than from initial factor endowments.
36
How does empirical evidence challenge Hirschman’s linkage theory in Latin America?
Despite export booms, Latin American manufacturing and input industries remained underdeveloped, suggesting weak linkages.
37
In what way does manufacturing performance critique the success of export-led growth?
Limited industrial diversification implies exports did not translate into broad-based productivity gains.
38
What conflict exists between resource-curse pessimists and export-optimists?
Whether primary-product booms sow the seeds of long-run stagnation (curse) or serve as a stepping-stone to diversification (optimists).
39
How does Taylor’s demographic argument challenge optimistic views of Argentina’s export model?
It shows growth was vulnerable to demographic-induced low savings, undermining self-sustaining capital formation.
40
According to Williamson, why didn’t wage convergence benefit rural workers equally?
Rural labour markets remained segmented and coercive, so urban wages rose relative to stagnant rural wages.