Week 4 Flashcards
(142 cards)
1
Q
How have European scholars typically seen the entrance of barbarians to the roman empire? (Halsall)
A
“Similarly, in some histories the end of the western Empire and the entry of the barbarians were believed to constitute a ‘Bad Thing’, bringing about the end of civilisation and the introduction of a Dark Age. In this way of seeing history, common amongst French and Italian historians, the movement of non-Romans into the Empire has generally been referred to as ‘the barbarian invasions’ “
2
Q
How have German historians typically interpretted the barbarian movements into the empire? (Halsall)
A
“On the other hand, especially amongst German historians, these events acquired a more heroic dimension. The movement of Germanic-speaking tribes was ‘a Good Thing’, bringing about the collapse of a decadent and effete Mediterranean society or, alternatively, a top-heavy, despotic and corrupt autocracy, and its replacement by a virile, martial society, sometimes seen as having political norms based on a proto-democracy of free peasants or the reciprocal bonds between warlord and retinue.”
3
Q
What do both typical interpretations of barbarian movements agree on? (Halsall)
A
“Both views, however, were in agreement about one essential fact: the barbarians brought down the Roman Empire.”
4
Q
How was memebership of an enthnic group determined according to Reinhard Wenskus? (Halsall)
A
“Membership of the group was defined by subscription to the ideas of the Traditionskern and thus new peoples were formed.”
5
Q
What is the term for the ‘core of tradition’ that bound barbarian groups according to Wenkus? (Halsall)
A
Traditionskern
6
Q
What is the formation of ethnic groups termed by Wenkus (even though he didnt invent the term)? (Halsall)
A
“This process of forming ethnic units–peoples–was later called ethnogenesis”
7
Q
What did Walter Goffart argue about the identity of barbarian groups? (Halsall)
A
“Goffart argued that no unifying ethos, no sense of shared identity, existed between Germanic-speaking barbarians.”
8
Q
Was the Roman and Barbarian world linked according to Halsall?
A
“The Roman and non-Roman (barbarian) worlds were inextricably linked in the late imperial period and barbarian society, economics and politics were dependent upon particular relationships with the Empire.”
9
Q
How did Romans try to make sense of the world beyond their borders? (Maas)
A
“The Roman governing elite made sense of this bewildering, unstable array of peoples beyond their borders by labelling them collectively as “barbarians.””
10
Q
How were barbarian lands seen by the Romans? (Maas)
A
“From the Roman perspective, barbarian lands were hostile, chaotic, and dangerous, while their own empire stood for order and civilization.”
11
Q
What did the Greeks give to the Romans with regards to barbarians? (Maas)
A
“Greek science bestowed on Rome a sophisticated body of literature that contrasted civilized people, the Greeks, with all others, whom they called barbarians”
12
Q
How did the Romans approach those beyond their borders? (Maas)
A
“First, they placed Rome at the conceptual center of the world. Their writing about barbarians always registered distance from Rome morally, politically, culturally—or simply geographically. Next, they believed that cultural contact could alter identity and change individuals and communities.”
13
Q
Were barbarians shut off from the Roman world? (Maas)
A
“The road always lay open between barbarian lands and the Roman empire, offering entry into a cosmopolitan world of stability and peace to all outsiders willing to accept Rome’s terms of inclusion.”
14
Q
Did barbarians understand themselves to be as such? (Maas)
A
“Romans might write of “the barbarians,” and the lands they inhabited as “barbaria” or “barbaricum,” but no non-Roman group used those terms. Barbarian was a Roman category that revealed Roman values and prejudices. “
15
Q
What term did the Romans use to describe Huns?
A
Scythians
16
Q
What did Greek and latin texts from authors such as Herodotus lead the Romans to do? (Maas)
A
“This classical corpus contained value judgments, names, and descriptions of barbarians that became standard and let current events be described in traditional terms.”
17
Q
how might barbarians become civilised? (Maas)
A
“Romans believed that the rule of law was essential for a community to flourish and that through law’s agency, barbarians might be civilized. Roman law was the bridge that barbarians could cross to become members of the imperial community.”
18
Q
What happened in 212 CE? (Maas)
A
“In 212 C.E., with the Constitutio Antoniniana, the emperor Caracalla granted citizenship to all free citizens.”
19
Q
What sorts of status could barbarians attain in the Roman empire? (Maas)
A
“Many of the settlers obtained the status of laeti. They enjoyed legal rights, were taxed, and were called upon for military service. Others, called gentiles, received land while still in the army, and still others entered the ranks of the coloni, farmers with certain obligations to their landlords.”
20
Q
Did the barbarians who settled in Roman territory give up their identity according to Maas?
A
“Men and women in all of these categories enjoyed the benefits of Roman civil law without having to give up their own cultural identity, however they construed it.”
21
Q
In what way did Christianity play a part in the identity of the Ostrogoths? (Maas)
A
“Christianity played a role in the settlement and transformation of barbarian communities. Groups such as the Ostrogoths, who came into the empire in the fifth century, assiduously maintained their identity as Arian Christians, partly out of commitment to their beliefs, and partly to maintain a distinctive profile in the midst of the Roman provincial populations that greatly outnumbered them.”
22
Q
What led to diplomatic efforts to be more successful? (Maas)
A
“With the spread of Christianity beyond Rome’s borders, the empire began to share a common, Christian ground with many of its neighbors, the beginning of a recasting of international relations.”
23
Q
Other than war, what else played a role in ensuring a secure border in the empire? (Maas)
A
“In Late Antiquity, diplomacy was as important as open warfare in the Romans’ unending efforts to protect their empire and maintain its place among the peoples of the world”
24
Q
In order to conduct diplomatic relations with barbarians, what did the Romans need to know? (Maas)
A
“Diplomacy’s categories are based on brutal political realities and pressing questions about barbarians: What do we know about those with whom we are negotiating? Are they in any way like us? Can we trust them? How will the agreement ensure their trust or compliance?”
25
Where did information about the barbarians come from? (Maas)
"Information came from soldiers, ambassadors, merchants, travelers, spies, and other sources. Occasionally, “scientific” missions were sent for the purpose of gaining information about geography."
26
Why was the Sasanian empire unique in diplomatic relations? (Maas)
"The Sasanian empire posed a special challenge to notions of superiority because of its size, stability, long history, and obvious degree of urbanization and rule by law—indicators of civilization to the Roman mind. Roman emperors tolerated being addressed as “brother” by Persian monarchs in treaties and other formal communication, but such concession was exceptional."
27
What did diplomacy assume? (Maas)
"On the contrary, it presumed that the world was not divided into static camps, that accommodations could be found, and that enemies might productively be brought into the Roman orbit."
28
What made the barbarians barbaric? (Maas)
"It was generally accepted that in addition to the cultural and geographical distance from Rome, the characteristics of individuals, peoples, and their customs were determined either by the physical character of inhabited terrain (geographical determinism) or by the alignment of the stars and planets (astral determinism or fatalism)."
29
What was seen as shaping human communities beyond the empire? (Maas)
"Strabo (c. 64 B.C.E.—after 21 C.E.), who offered the most thoroughgoing treatment of geographical determinism and civilization, emphasized the importance of climate, terrain, and especially remoteness from Rome as factors shaping human communities."
30
What could Roman civilisation do to the natures of barbarians? (Maas)
"He believed that Romans were to bring the unfortunate barbarians living in remote and harsh landscapes into the civilized space of the empire; Roman civilization could override the imperatives of nature."
31
What was it the job of the emperor to do with barbarians? (Maas)
"Procopius of Caesarea, the chief historian of Justinian’s reign, assumed that remoteness and harsh terrain condemn a people to a barbarous life, but in his scheme it was the emperor’s job to bring them into the fold of universal Christian civilization. Only in this way could barbarians attain complete humanity. "
32
In what way did the Bible change attitudes to barbarians? (Maas)
"The Bible and the New Testament provided a history of peoples of the world different from that of Greco Roman civilization. Barbarians, like all of humankind, were understood to be the descendants of Adam and, more specifically, of the three sons of Noah, to whom God apportioned the earth after the Flood."
33
With regards to conversion to Christianity, how were barbarians viewed? (Maas)
"Conversion to the gospel was understood to be not only desirable for the nations but also necessary to complete a divine plan in which the Roman peace enabled the diffusion of Christianity throughout the world. Thus, outsiders in a history of salvation were no longer “just” barbarians, they were people not yet saved."
34
What replaced the category of barbarian? (Maas)
"Christianity also provided two new broad analytical categories: heretic and pagan. These categories displaced barbarian as the most significant appellations of otherness in a Christian worldview."
35
What does Edward Gibbon attribute the fall of Rome to? (Maas)
"Gibbon famously attributed Rome’s decline and fall to “the triumph of barbarism and religion.” Religion’s contribution to the fall was not simply the emergence of Roman Catholicism. Gibbon drew attention to Rome’s inability to control the irrational religious drives that Christianity sparked. Similarly, barbarism referred not only to the violent behavior of non-Roman peoples, but also to their customs and achievements, which were markers of distance from civilized norms."
36
What was it about the barbarians that was the opposite to Roman stability? (Maas)
"Romans believed the communities of barbarians beyond their borders to be inherently unstable and frequently on the move. From this perspective, barbarian migration was the antithesis of the stability brought by Roman rule."
37
What is ethnogenesis? (Maas)
"Ethnogenesis theory, which finds mechanisms of ethnic formation within a population, perhaps over a very long period time"
38
What is ethnogenesis? (Wiki)
"the formation and development of an ethnic group.[1][2] This can originate by group self-identification or by outside identification."
39
What did Wenkus identify as the source of ethnigenesis? (Maas)
"Wenskus posited a Traditionskern or “nucleus of tradition” that carried the consciousness of these tribes through the centuries. It consisted of legends about ancestors and great deeds of the heroic past. Bearers of these traditions were the king, his family, his elite warrior retinue, and any newcomers to the tribe who accepted the gures from the past as their own ancestors"
40
Why was a strong border seen as good imperial management? (Halsall)
"We have seen how Roman writers viewed the Empire as surrounded by barbarians. The strengthening of a clear frontier line with forts, walls and garrisons was therefore seen as a sign of good imperial management. "
41
What evidence do we have of the ideological separation between the empire and the lands beyond? (Halsall)
"A medallion struck under the Tetrarchy (c.296–324) shows Germani crossing the Rhine bridge at Mainz, waving goodbye to their barbaric homes and stepping into the warmth and glow of the Roman Empire, where the emperor himself receives them. The river marks the edge of civilisation."
42
What was the clear impression given regarding the border between empire and barbaricum? (Halsall)
"as you set foot outside the fort’s main gate you were out of the Empire and in wild country; barbaricum lapped around the fort’s walls and up to the Rhine."
43
Did the borders represent a boundary that Romans themselves could not cross? (Halsall)
"They marked the edge of the territory administratively and politically organised by the Empire, into which none might enter unbidden, yet the Romans were not bound in any way by these lines and could pass through them at will. It was simply that the rest of the world, which could be and was described as part of the imperium Romanum, had not yet been integrated into the state. "
44
Were the borders of the empire fixed lines?
No, they were more like "frontier zones" (Halsall) through which people could pass both ways - like "membranes" (Halsall)
45
What does domitor gentium mean?
A pacifier of nations
46
What was the emperor meant to be on the borders of the emperor?
domitor gentium
47
Where did emperors spend most of their time and what did they do there? (Halsall)
"Roman emperors spent much of their time on the frontier, where they spent lavishly on defences aimed at keeping out the peoples beyond. The emperor was expected to win battles against the hostile peoples and be a domitor gentium– a pacifier of the nations. "
48
Who had the greater manpower, romans or barbarians? (Halsall)
"There can be little doubt that the Empire possessed considerably greater reserves of man power than the barbarians."
49
How did Romans and barbarians compare technologically? (Halsall)
"Technologically, too, the barbarians were no match for the Romans. Roman troops, according to Vegetius, only abandoned heavy armour after the reign of Valens. Archaeology and pictorial sources suggest that the Roman heavy infantry, who still formed the tactical core of the Empire’s armies, wore helmets and mail or lamellar body armour. The Empire had official state workshops producing helmets, armour, shields and iron weaponry."
50
Who were the limitanei?
the soldiers in frontier districts
51
What is surprising about the outcomes of conflicts between the Romans and Barbarians? (Halsall)
"Given the disparity in numbers, training and equipment, the fact that the Romans rarely lost is scarcely surprising. More remarkable is the fact that the barbarians sometimes won and, more frequently, caused the Romans serious problems. This might lead us to question common assumptions about the quality of the Roman regular army."
52
Why might barbarians have been recruited to the roman army? )Halsall)
"A barbarian volunteer, especially one with experience in the warbands, might very well have made a better soldier than an impressed provincial peasant, especially if the latter found himself in one of the poorer-quality frontier units. The fact that the ‘barbarian’ units appear in the field armies must suggest, even with due attention paid to the reservations made in chapter 3, that barbarian recruits were held to be of most use in the army’s e´lite units. The overall impression must be that barbarian warriors were at least the equals of Roman troops in terms of military skill, but that the numbers, equipment and (in the case of the better regiments) discipline and training of the latter usually offset this."
53
How does Halsall summarise the impact of barbarians both within and without the empire?
"Within the Empire, settled barbarians, laeti, gentiles or dediticii, fulfilled useful functions as farmers, taxpayers and soldiers and volunteers from beyond the borders helped solve recruiting problems"
54
How could barbarians be useful to the empire in managing its borders? (Halsall)
"The barbarians were extremely useful to the Romans. The Empire employed the barbarians to reduce the military threat on the frontier by engaging one group to attack another: a principal means by which the frontier was managed."
55
What is an example of an emperor using barbarians beyond the frontier to manage the border? (Halsall)
"Valentinian I, campaigning against the Alamans in the 360s, allied with the Burgundians, encouraging them to attack the Alamans in the rear whilst Roman troops invaded Alamannic territory from across the Rhine."
56
What is an example of an emperor using barbarians for political means within the empire? (Halsall)
"Roman leaders also employed barbarians to attack their own political rivals. The Emperor Constantius made a pact with the Alamanni, engaging them to attack his cousin Julian when the latter was declared augustus in 361 in an act of rebellion."
57
What did the legitimacy of the emperor depend upon? (Halsall)
"The legitimacy of his rule was demonstrated by lavish expenditure on frontier works. He needed a large army in order to maintain his grip on authority in the face of rivals but this army’s size was, again, justified by the need to defend the Empire against the barbarians. Paying for the army and frontier fortification justified taxation, which was the principal duty of the bureaucracy and it was participation in the bureaucracy that bound the diverse regions of the Empire into a single unit. Thus in a sense the whole late Roman imperial system was dependent upon the perception of a barbarian threat."
58
What was the late imperial roman system dependent on according to halsall and why?
The perception of a barbarian threat, because that justifieed taxes and a large army which could then be used to defeat challengers within the empire and demonstrate legitimacy by defeating external threats
59
What was important to the barbarians and how did the romans use it to their advantage? (Halsall)
"The Romans appreciated the importance of trade to the barbarians, to the extent that closing border markets was a tried and tested policy designed to hurt a barbarian ruler. Raiding might in certain circumstances be part of the relationship that brought diplomatic gifts. Roman material was so important to barbarian politics that, where trading and diplomatic payments were not possible, plundering them would have been almost compulsory. "
60
Who were the dediticii? (Halsall)
"barbarians who had surrendered themselves to the Empire and been received into the state for settlement. These were possibly the most numerous element of the non-Roman population"
61
Who were the laeti? (Halsall)
"barbarians captured by the Romans and settled on the land rather than being, as was usual, butchered out of hand or thrown to the beasts"
62
What does all evidence of barbarians within the empire point to? (Halsall)
"Where we have indubitable evidence of barbarians inside the Empire it all points in the same direction, towards their rapid subscription to Roman cultural norms."
63
Was there ever an attempt to conquer the empire by barbarians or was it an invention? (Halsall)
"The barbarians north of the Rhine–Danube line and Hadrian’s Wall and across the Irish Sea could hardly, even in concerted action have contemplated the conquest of the Empire. Perhaps for that reason, before 376 and for a long time afterwards, none ever tried it. The ‘barbarian threat’ was as much a Roman creation as a barbarian reality. "
64
What made a good barbarian according to the historian Ammianus Marcellinus?
"The only good barbarian is a dead barbarian"
65
What was often celebrated on coins? (Peter Heather)
"More generally, the building of fortresses, bridges over the Danube, and a host of Roman victories were customarily celebrated with coin issues showing defeated, recumbent barbarians at the bottom of the pictorial space"
66
What impression did coins showing defeated barbarians seek to convey? (Heather)
"A whole host of means were used to create, reinforce and fulfil the expectation, among the Roman population at large, that the imperial ship of state would cut a triumphant and bloody swathe through the waves of barbarians which broke against it"
67
What did the image of the barbarian seek to underlie? (Heather)
"It is no surprise, therefore, that the more precise connotations of the image of the barbarian, as it had evolved by late antiquity, served to underline what was good and important about being Roman."
68
What was the guarantee of an ordered society? (Heather)
"Second, the greater rationality of its individual members meant that Roman society as a whole was prepared to subordinate its immediate desires to the rule of written law: the guarantee of an ordered society. Thus for Romans the rule of written law— encapsulated, in the late imperial concept of civilitas—was the great distinguishing feature of their society"
69
What was the empire an agent of? (Heather)
"This basic idea was developed still further into the claim that the Roman empire was the particular agent of Divine power for perfecting humanity. "
70
What role did christian emperors give to themselves? (Heather)
"More generally, Christian emperors arrogated for themselves the role of Christ’s vicegerent on earth. Imperial ceremonial was held to echo the majesty of heaven, and an aura of Christian sacrality surrounded the imperial person and his officers"
71
What does vicegerent mean?
a person regarded as an earthly representative of God or a god
72
What did barbarians have a tendency to do? (Heather)
"a tendency to give way to unjustified joy or despair according to circumstance. They were also particularly given to gratifying the desires of the flesh."
73
What was the natural state of barbarians? (Heather)
"Overall, indeed, the natural state of barbarians, who were prisoners of their bodily lusts and unfortunately lacking in knowledge of Sallust and Virgil, could be considered—on a number of levels— as slavery"
74
What was the roman image of the barbabrian linked to? (heather)
"Thus the Roman image of the barbarian was intimately linked to—being exactly the mirror image of—the image they wished to assert of themselves "
75
How was peace maintained along the frontier in the fourth century? (Heather)
"For much of the fourth century, peace was actually maintained on the frontier not by slaughtering inferiors, but through diplomatic alliances with a series of essentially client kingdoms."
76
What was roman policy in the upper rhine and danube directed towards in the 370s? (Heather)
"In the early 370s, Roman policy in the Upper Rhine and Danube region was directed towards destroying Macrianus, an Alamannic leader of such pre-eminent prestige that his power threatened frontier security."
77
Who was the emperor trying to defeat Macrianus?
Valentinian I
78
How many times did Valentinian I try to defeat Macrianus, and what did he do after they all failed? (Heather)
"After three attempts at removing him failed, however, the emperor Valentinian I found himself pressed by events on the Middle Danube. In consequence, he decided that peace had to be made with Macrianus, largely on the Alaman’s own terms."
79
Where did Valentinian and Macrianus meet to negotiate a peace?
On a river
80
What happened on three occasions after 332? (Heather)
"On three occasions after 332, Gothic troops from beyond the Danube marched across Asia Minor to fight in Roman campaigns against Persia"
81
Who fought with Licinius against Constantine, undermining the apparent separation between Roman and barbarians?
Goths
82
What did Valentinian I do that agravated the Alammani and made them revolt? (Heather)
"The emperor Valentinian I, for instance, liked to present his regime as tough on barbarians. One symbol of this popular with taxpayers — to judge, at least, by the De Rebus Bellicis—was fortress-building, and Valentinian undertook plenty of defensive works on the Rhine and Upper Danube (AM 28.2.1; cf. De Rebus Bellicis 20.1, praef. 7). Over enthusiastic fortification, however, might cause trouble. In the Neckar region, Valentinian decided that he needed to build beyond the river, but this move broke existing agreements with the Alamanni of the area, and drove them to revolt"
83
What was the nature of relations between the empire and barbarians? (Heather)
"It was, however, a Roman imperial system, built on Roman military hegemony, and even acknowledged allies held only subordinate, satellite status, the origin of which—whenever we have any information—was Roman military victory. "
84
What was the established practice of settling barbarian immigrants? (Heather)
"Any immigration of outsiders into the empire, similarly, was controlled according to well-established practice: militarily subdued groups under a variety of regimes (sometimes involving military service on their part, sometimes not) being dispersed widely across the imperial landscape, to minimise the possibility of revolt and maximise the pressure towards full integration"
85
What was Romanitas?
Romanness
86
Who was Romanitas open to? (Heather)
"Through education it was, notionally at least, available to all, many provincials had themselves by the fourth century graduated from barbarism to Romanitas, and any particular barbarian individual might, through virtue, rise above the general state of the society which produced him"
87
Why was the traditional image of the barbarian so wide spread? (Heather)
"It was so widespread, of course, because it said as much about Romans as it did about barbarians"
88
What was the first stage of Roman hegemony being lost in Europe? (Heather)
"Starting with the Goths who crossed the Danube in 376 and with whom a peace treaty was eventually made in 382, this represented a major break with established diplomatic precedent. "
89
Who crossed the Danube in 376?
The Goths
90
When was a peace treaty made with the goths that crossed the Danube?
382
91
What did the loss of territory lead to in the West? (Heather)
"the loss of territory diminished Roman revenues and hence undermined the power of the state, these groups— both those officially tolerated and those not—proceeded more and less quickly to carve out independent kingdoms for themselves from within the former body politic of the western Roman state."
92
What ideological problem did romans face after 376? (Heather)
"Their ideological heritage taught them that they were superior to barbarians; indeed, barbarians who were inferior in every conceivable way were necessary to their own self-image. Before their very eyes, however, Roman power ebbed away, and ‘barbarian’ groups remade the map of western Europe."
93
How does Sidonius describe the court of Theoderic II? (Heather)
" To sum up: you can find there Greek elegance, Gallic plenty, Italian briskness; the dignity of state, the attentiveness of a private home, the ordered discipline of royalty."
94
Who was Theoderic II?
King of the Ostrogoths
95
What does Sidonius' account of Theoderic's court do to the traditional image? (Heather)
"Nonetheless, Theoderic’s court and his routine, as portrayed by Sidonius, bear a striking similarity to what we know of the Roman imperial ideal. That this is hardly accidental is confirmed by the dinner scene, which deliberately and pointedly refutes the traditional Roman stereotypes of barbarians. Contrary to expectation, you find at Theoderic’s court no drunkenness, no greed, and only serious conversation"
96
What was Sidonius trying to do with his description of Theoderic, the gothic king? (Heather)
"there seems no doubting Sidonius’ message. Far from being a barbarian, the Gothic king was a worthy political ally who had firmly entered the world of Roman civilisation"
97
How does Heather summarise the presentation of Theoderic and his Goths after Sidonius' account of their court?
"Theoderic and his Goths were no longer barbarians, but, in the proper sense of the word, Romans"
98
In what way did the reality of relations with barbarians necessitate the changing of their image? (Heather)
"In Sidonius’ circles at least, then, the response to a developing clash between image and reality was, in a sense, to change reality. The power of the inherited stereotypes remained strong enough that political cooperation with barbarians had to be justified on the grounds that the particular group involved—here Goths— were no longer barbarians."
99
How did Theoderic the Ostrogoth style his kingdom? (Heather)
"His regime seized upon every facet of traditional visions of Romanitas, not least the claim to be part of a divinely inspired order for the world."
100
What were Theoderic's Italian palaces like?
"Theoderic’s Italian palaces (that of Ravenna is best known, but two others were built at Pavia and Verona) imitated the architecture of the imperial palace in Constantinople, and, within them, Theoderic deployed the imperial cult of the sacred ruler."
101
What did the successor kingdoms adopt the style of romanitas? (Heather)
"Across former Roman Europe, successor-state rulers responded to the potency of inherited images of ‘barbarian’ and ‘Roman’ by ruling in a style which made the claim that they had crossed the boundary into civilisation"
102
What was the poractical reasons for successor kingdoms adopting romanitas and roman style? (Heather)
"Second, there were some extremely practical reasons for successor state kings to dress up their power in Roman forms. Where Roman landowning elites continued to exist, they remained structurally central to the exercise of power. These landowning families controlled important reservoirs of financial power in the new kingdoms (e.g. Barnish 1988; Schäfer 1991). They dominated local administration and landowning, and their willingness to pay and raise taxation sustained the whole edifice (Wickham 1984). A militarily dominant ruler could of course compel payment to some extent, but taxation is a political issue, and successful taxation requires an element of consent. The presentation of the new order in the clothes of the old empire helped to render it acceptable, and encouraged the participation in the new world of those who had dominated the old."
103
What survived the collapse of the western empire? (Heather)
"On close inspection, therefore, what seems striking about the stereotyped views of Roman and barbarian of late imperial ideology is the extent to which they emerged unscathed from the political revolution of the fifth century. Outside a limited number of Christian writers, the intrusion of outsiders and destruction of the western Roman empire did not see the collapse of traditional notions of ‘Roman’ and ‘barbarian’. Individuals and groups were recategorised, or recategorised themselves, for a variety of purposes."
104
What was the backdrop of the fourth century? (Cameron)
"The economic and social changes which took place in the fourth century happened against a background of constant military conflict of one kind or another. Even though the reign of Diocletian and the tetrarchy brought a degree of respite from the troubled third century, it is hard to find a time during our period when the empire enjoyed a peace of any duration"
105
What occurred during 350-353 AD that weakened defences in the West?
A war in the east between Constanius II and Magnentius
106
When was Julian made Caesar in the West?
355 AD
107
Why did Constantius II make Julian caesar in the west?
The weakened military stability and challenges from Magnentius made him feel like someone was needed to ensure stability.
108
Who had penetrated far into Gaul and who Julianwas sent to deal with as caesar? (Cameron)
"the Alamanni had also penetrated across the Rhine and far into Gaul itself "
109
How did Julian fare in military conflict againt the Alamanni in 357 AD? (Cameron)
"Cologne itself was now besieged and taken by barbarians, and the job of remedying the situation in Gaul was given to the inexperienced Julian, whose campaigns are described in detail by Ammianus. Julian proved to be a talented general, recovering Cologne and defeating a large Alamannic army in a pitched battle near Strasbourg in AD 357, after which he crossed the Rhine, and subsequently attacked the Franks, who were occupying Roman territory"
110
Which soldier/historian went with Julian to defeat the Alammani after 355 AD?
Ammianus Marcellinus
111
What impression does Ammianus give of the barbarians that Julian faced? (Cameron)
"Ammianus's narrative enshrines the view that barbarians were unable to conduct successful sieges"
112
How does the impression of the barbarians given by Ammianus contradict the reality? (Cameron)
"nevertheless, many towns, including Cologne, had evidently been taken and destroyed or damaged. While the Romans might have successes, as at Strasbourg, which broke up a threatening alliance of tribes, the problem was long-term, and already involved an awkward mixture of military action, diplomatic initiatives and concessions."
113
What encourage new iucursions across the rhine? (Cameron)
"The shift of Roman attention to the east with the invasions of Mesopotamia by Shapur II in AD 353 and 360, followed by Julian's disastrous Persian expedition of AD 363, on which he took an army of sixty-five thousand, encouraged new incursions across the Rhine. "
114
What did commitments in the east make necessary to deal with barbarians in the west?
"Diplomacy was again required in view of commitments elsewhere, and Ammianus describes Valentinian I's meeting with the Alamannic chieftain Macrianus on the Rhine near Mainz in AD 374"
115
Who was the Alammanic chieftain?
Macrianus
116
How does Ammianus describe Macrianus at his meeting with Valentinian I?
"he [sc. Macrianus] stood majestically erect on the very bank of the Rhine, while his countrymen clashed their shields around him. From the other side the emperor, also attended by a host of officers of various ranks amid a display of gleaming standards, embarked in some river-boats and came to a safe distance from the shore"
117
What was concluded between Valentinian I and Macrianus (Allamanic leader) in 374 AD at their meeting on the rhine? (Cameron)
"a pact of friendship was concluded and confirmed by solemn oaths."
118
What is the Arian bishop Ulfila credited with doing? (Cameron)
"The Arian bishop Ulfila had spent seven years converting the Goths with the approval of Constantius II, until he was forced to leave their territory in the late 340s, and he is credited with the invention of a Gothic alphabet and the translation of the Bible into Gothic"
119
What did Constantius II send the Arian bishop Ulfila to do?
To go and convert Goths to Christianity
120
How did Ammianus describe barbarian Huns? (Cameron)
"Ammianus's famous description, where they appear as barely human, living on roots and raw meat that they have softened up by riding with it between their thighs and the backs of their horses"
121
Why did the Goths arrive on the Rhine in 376 AD? (Cameron)
"In simple terms, these Goths were now displaced by the westward and southward movement of a different and nomadic people, the Huns, who came from the steppes of central Asia, and who were so unfamiliar as to be viewed with intense fear and horror by the Romans."
122
Who allowed the Goths to cross into Roman territory and when?
Emperor Valens in 376 AD
123
Why did Valens decide to let the Goths into Roman territory in 376 AD according to Ammianus?
"Valens was persuaded by the promise that once admitted, the Goths would serve in the Roman army as auxiliaries, which as Ammianus says, 'seemed matter for rejoicing rather than dread', especially as Roman provinces would apparently pay highly in gold for the privilege of being relieved of their duty to provide recruits."
124
What happened after the Goths were let in to the empire? (Cameron)
"The new recruits were handled badly on the Roman side, and the Goths in Thrace rebelled. Despite Roman efforts to end it, the revolt continued and when Valens eventually led out an army of 15-20,000 men against them, it was severely defeated by Visigoths and Ostrogoths at Adrianople in August, AD 378"
125
Where did the Goths rebel after being mistreated?
Thrace
126
What did Valens do in response to the rebelling Goths?
Lead an army of roughly 20,000 men
127
What was the result of Valens leading an army against the rebelling Goths?
The Battle of Adrianople in 378 AD, at which Valens died
128
Despite allowing barbarians into the empire, what did the romans retain according to Cameron?
"But it was not only inability to foresee the future but also contemporary ideology that kept the Romans from being so prudent. They were not guilty of racism; nevertheless, following Greek precedent, they saw the divide between barbarians and Romans as a gulf between boorishness and civilization."
129
What happened to recruits after Adrianople?
"There were also times when recruits were desperately needed, as in the years immediately after Adrianople, when both the law-codes and the literary sources indicate that both conscription and the recruiting of barbarians took place on a massive scale and in great haste"
130
How does Halsall describe the appearance of the Goths in 376?
"Large groups of Goths began to appear on the north bank, and before long a mass of terrified humanity assembled there.
The Goths had been defeated by a new and terrible people: theHuns. Now these refugees from what modern historians call the ‘Hunnic storm’ begged to be allowed into the Empire and safety."
131
What is Ammianus' account of the Huns?
" Ammianus’ account of the Huns is famous. The Huns, says he, are barely human, incredibly ugly and, having no use of fire, eat roots and half-raw animal flesh. They have no buildings and their clothes are of linen or the skins of mice; they live entirely on horse back or in their wagons; they have no religion, no kings, nor any government
beyond the ‘tumultuous’ rule of a general council of their leading men; they know no laws and are faithless and unreliable."
132
Why was a peace agreement reached between Valens and the Alammani in 374 AD? (Halsall)
"Valens had waged a major war against the Goths during the campaign seasons of 367–9 and, although he was unable towin a decisive victory in the field, his forces nevertheless caused huge damage. In 369 Athanaric was put to flight and a defeat was also inflicted upon the Greuthungi. Roman plundering and the cutting off of commerce created severe hardships for the Goths, whosued for peace. Valens, now having to deal with trouble on the Persian front,acceded."
133
What did the agreement between Valens and the Alammani mean for the Goths?
The terms were not favourable to them, limiting trade with the empire which was important to providing the prestige goods that barbarians prised
134
What is a plausible guess for the number of goths trying to cross the danube? (Halsall)
"Guesses in the region of 15,000–20,000 warriors and their dependants are precisely that guesses– but plausible ones nonetheless"
135
Other than soldiers for the army, what else did Valens hope to achieve by letting the Goths in to the empire? (Halsall)
"Settled throughout the Empire, they could also bring land back into cultivation, and thus increase tax revenue."
136
What broke down shortly after the goths entered due to the large numbers of soldiers and the emperors efforts directed elsewhere?
There was a food shortage
137
What did local officials do in response to the food shortages? (Halsall)
"Local officialsmade themost of the ensuing hardship and sold food to the Tervingi at absurd prices. The lattersupposedly sold their children into slavery to buy dog-meat, at a rate of one dog for one child."
138
What is significant about those who died at Adrianople? (Halsall)
"The regiments that suffered worst at Adrianople were the best eastern Palatine and comitatensian units. These troops could be replacedinquantity but not quality. Crucially, many of the army’s leading officers were also slain."
139
Why did Valens go to battle against the goths at adrianople according to halsall?
"Valens gave battle at Adrianople to
gain prestige within the Empire, just as, for similar reasons, he had attacked and destabilised the Gothic realms nine years previously. His fate, like the whole Gothic crisis, resulted from the demands of internal Roman, rather than Romano-barbarian, politics."
140
What is supposed to have happened in 382 AD?
A treaty between the Romans and the Goths to end conflict, but there is no evidence of a treaty
141
Despite no evidence of a treaty allowing it, what happened after 382? (Halsall)
"The Goths were accepted into the Empire and settled. There may have been new and unusual elements of this settlement. Rather than being sold off into slavery, or made tenants, they appear to have been granted land, probably in deserted areas, and to have paid taxes, perhaps, as Cesa says, as a sort of privileged laeti."
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