Author Arguments I Flashcards

1
Q

What does Douek argue?

A

Douek argues that counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies developed under apartheid left enduring legacies in post-apartheid South Africa. These include authoritarian policing methods, privatization of security, and persistent urban violence.

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2
Q

What does Douek argue about the legacies of counterinsurgency strategies in post-apartheid South Africa?

A

They include authoritarian policing methods, privatization of security, and persistent urban violence.

Douek claims that COIN logics survived the transition and underpin democratic repression.

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3
Q

What is meant by ‘low-intensity democracy’ according to Douek?

A

‘Low-intensity democracy’ mirrors ‘low-intensity conflict’—superficially democratic, structurally militarised.

This concept critiques the superficial nature of democracy in the context of ongoing militarization.

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4
Q

What role did elite pacts during the transition play in South Africa’s security sector reform?

A

They disabled deeper reform of the security sector.

This indicates a compromise that prioritized stability over comprehensive change.

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5
Q

How did the ANC contribute to the legacies of apartheid according to Douek?

A

The ANC became complicit in these legacies, opting for stability over justice.

This suggests a betrayal of the transformative goals intended in the post-apartheid era.

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6
Q

What is Hultman’s main argument regarding RENAMO’s violence?

A

She shows it was a deliberate strategy of coercion, targeting civilians in government-aligned areas.

This counters the notion that their violence was irrational or indiscriminate.

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7
Q

What strategic purpose did RENAMO’s violence serve?

A

It aimed to generate ‘war fatigue’ among the Mozambican government by targeting specific zones.

This illustrates a calculated approach to insurgency.

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8
Q

What term does Madlingozi introduce to describe post-apartheid legal order?

A

‘Neo-apartheid constitutionalism’.

This term critiques how racial inequality persists under the guise of liberal justice.

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9
Q

What does Madlingozi say about the zone of non-being?

A

Poor Black people are excluded from true citizenship.

This highlights ongoing social exclusion in the post-apartheid context.

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10
Q

How has the human rights discourse been affected according to Madlingozi?

A

It has been co-opted by elites and white NGOs.

This reflects a disconnect between human rights advocacy and the realities of marginalized communities.

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11
Q

What concept does Gqola use to describe the state’s role in gendered violence?

A

‘Ruling violence’—violence that structures and maintains power.

This term connects state violence to broader power dynamics in society.

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12
Q

What does Gqola identify as a consequence of violent masculinities?

A

The social acceptance of male dominance and aggression.

This reinforces systemic gender violence.

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13
Q

What is Forster’s main argument regarding jihadism in Mozambique?

A

It stems from state neglect, corrupt resource extraction, and marginalisation of local communities.

This highlights the socio-economic factors contributing to extremism.

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14
Q

What key claim does Forster make about Cabo Delgado residents?

A

They see little benefit from the gas boom.

This indicates a disconnect between resource wealth and local welfare.

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15
Q

What does Metsola & Melber argue about ex-combatants in Namibia?

A

They were symbolically honoured but materially excluded.

This reflects the state’s fear of their potential to disrupt the new order.

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16
Q

What consequence did the lack of a truth commission have in Namibia?

A

It resulted in no narrative repair.

This emphasizes the importance of truth-telling in post-conflict societies.

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17
Q

What does the term ‘security-development nexus’ refer to in the context of Namibia?

A

Reintegration became surveillance.

This indicates a problematic approach to post-conflict reintegration efforts.

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18
Q

What does Alexander argue about the Marikana massacre?

A

It represents a betrayal of the liberation promise and illustrates that the ANC government governs in the interest of capital, not the working class.

The massacre involved the killing of 34 miners in 2012.

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19
Q

How is the Marikana massacre characterized in relation to state repression?

A

It is part of a continuum of state repression, not an aberration.

This reflects ongoing issues of violence against marginalized groups.

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20
Q

What view did the police and ANC elites hold about striking workers during the Marikana incident?

A

They saw them as illegitimate and threatening.

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21
Q

What does post-apartheid South Africa rely on to enforce neoliberal labour discipline?

A

Ruling violence.

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22
Q

What is the main argument of Alexander’s 2000 work on Zimbabwe?

A

Post-independence violence was a project to consolidate Shona-dominated ZANU-PF rule by eliminating ethnic and political pluralism.

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23
Q

What were the Gukurahundi massacres in Matabeleland primarily targeting?

A

Ndebele civilians.

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24
Q

How did ZANU frame the violence during the Gukurahundi massacres?

A

As nation-building, not repression.

25
What label was used to delegitimize victims of violence in Zimbabwe?
Dissident.
26
What does Bracking critique in relation to ZANU-PF?
The use of development rhetoric and land reform to reproduce authoritarian rule after 2000.
27
What was the focus of land reform under ZANU-PF?
Political loyalty, not justice.
28
What does 'militarised development' refer to?
Coercion in rural zones.
29
How was donor withdrawal used by ZANU-PF?
Manipulated into nationalist propaganda.
30
What does Saul critique about liberal democracy in post-colonial Africa?
He contrasts it with the need for popular democracy, which should be grassroots, anti-imperialist, and redistributive.
31
What stunted real transformation in post-colonial Africa, according to Saul?
Elite pacts and neoliberalism.
32
What does Saul mean by 'low-intensity democracy'?
It mirrors low-intensity warfare: it manages dissent.
33
What pacifies civil society according to Saul?
Donor dependence and technocracy.
34
What is the main argument of Malaquias regarding UNITA's defeat in Angola?
UNITA lost because it overextended and alienated local populations.
35
What is key to insurgent survival, according to Malaquias?
Guerrilla adaptability.
36
What were the consequences of UNITA's external alliances?
They were double-edged.
37
What backfired for UNITA in its tactics?
Brutal tactics and ethnonationalism.
38
What does Weinstein explore regarding RENAMO?
Its internal organization and reasons for resorting to violence against civilians.
39
How did RENAMO's ideology and discipline affect its behavior?
The lack of ideology and discipline fostered brutal local commanders.
40
What shapes rebel behavior according to Weinstein?
Incentives, not just grievance.
41
What context is important for understanding RENAMO's actions?
Resource scarcity and low organizational control.
42
What is Gqola's main argument regarding rape in South Africa?
Rape is a systemic language of power, pervasive and normalized through cultural, political, and historical narratives.
43
How does Gqola define the concept of 'Female Fear Factory'?
It refers to the widespread, internalized threat of rape that conditions women’s behavior.
44
What does 'rape talk' refer to?
How people speak about rape, which often reinforces stigma and silence.
45
What does Chapter 2 of Gqola's work explore?
How colonial and apartheid systems racialized rape, constructing Black men as rapists and Black women as unrapeable.
46
What is 'Swaartgevaar'?
A racist panic about Black male sexuality. Used to sexualise the racial dynamic.
47
How are Black women and men portrayed in relation to rape in Gqola's analysis?
They are seen as always sexually available and therefore not 'real' victims. Men were seen as natural rapists, and thus de-humanised.
48
What does Gqola argue about the legal systems in post-apartheid South Africa?
They retain the racialized structures surrounding rape.
49
What is the main argument of Chapter 3, 'Ruling Violence'?
The state rules through violence, particularly gendered and xenophobic violence, which is systemic and state-enabled.
50
What are examples of expressions of ruling violence mentioned by Gqola?
* Marikana * Xenophobic riots
51
According to Gqola, how is the government’s failure to intervene in violence characterized?
It is not passive; it is part of governance.
52
What does Gqola state about the nature of violence in the system?
Violence is foundational, not a flaw in the system.
53
What does Chapter 8, 'Violent Masculinities and War Talk', analyze?
How masculinity in South African political life is shaped by militarism and struggle culture.
54
How do ANC and EFF leaders use rhetoric according to Gqola?
They use violent masculinist rhetoric to command loyalty.
55
What are the consequences of 'war talk' in politics as described by Gqola?
It reinforces patriarchal rule and silences gender dissent.
56
What is the main argument of Harrison regarding elections in Mozambique?
Elections are deeply flawed, with Frelimo maintaining control through fraud, patronage, and intimidation.
57
What does Harrison mean by 'electoral ritualism'?
Elections are performative, not democratic.
58
What is the nature of Renamo's participation in Mozambique's elections?
It is co-opted, not empowering.
59
How do local elites interact with the state during elections in Mozambique?
They collude with the state to suppress dissent.