Beliefs in society Flashcards

1
Q

What is a belief system?

A

A belief system can broadly be defined as a framework of ideas through which an individual makes sense of the world.

Belief systems make knowledge-claims: they claim that they are giving us facts about how things are.

A belief system can more generally be seen as an umbrella term for any organised set of ideas and principles

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2
Q

Are all religions in the world belief systems?

A

Although religions are major belief systems that make claims about what the world is like and how we ought to act in it, they are not the only belief systems to do this

Political ideologies e.g. socialism, communism, conservativism make claims about how society ought to be organised. Similarly, although science doesn’t tell us how we should behave, it does claim to tell us about how the world is e.g. a narrative.

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3
Q

Explain what is meant by an ideology

A

A simple definition of ideology is that it is a set of beliefs and/or principles. Ideologies then, are just one type of belief system. However, more generally, belief systems are popularly associated with collections of ideas that have a religious basis, whereas ideology is regarded as a secular term.

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4
Q

How did Karl Popper (1945) describe ideologies ?

A

Karl Popper (1945) described ideologies as ‘secular religions’, for they too contain both descriptive and normative elements. For example, Marxism can be interpreted as an ideology that sees capitalist society as characterised by conflict and inequalities. Marxists believe that this is morally wrong and that resources should be shared out equally. Therefore, an ideology is usually taken to mean a particular set of political and economic beliefs.

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5
Q

Why is there a negative description/perception of the word ideology within sociology?

A

Ideology is often used as a negative description of someone else’s world view. For example, Feminists would not use the term ‘ideology’ to describe their own ideas. Similarly, Marx saw his explanation of society as scientific fact, not an ideology. He reserved the term ‘ideology’ for what he saw as the false, distorted views that were used by the ruling class to mystify the masses.

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6
Q

How did Marx and Marxists use the term idealogy?

A

Marxists use the term ideology to refer to a set of ruling class ideas that serve the interests of the dominant group by justifying their privileged position. The elite maintain their powerful position in society by keeping the working classes blind to the reality of their situation. Ideology in this sense, involves one social group dominating another.

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7
Q

What is ideology not viewed as?

A

Ideologies are not viewed as neutral beliefs or ideas that usually claim a monopoly on truth. In sociology the concept has taken on a number of related meanings.

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8
Q

State the negative aspects of idealogy

A

ideology has negative aspects such as the following:

· Distorted, false, one-sided or a biased view of reality

· Ideas that conceal the interests of a particular group or that legitimate their privileges

· Ideas that prevent change by misleading people about the reality of the situation they are in or about their own true interests or position

· A self-sustaining belief system that is irrational and closed to criticism.

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9
Q

Explain ideology from a Marxist perspective (ruling class ideology)

A

From a Marxist perspective, ruling class ideology includes ideas and beliefs such as the following:

· That equality will never work because it goes against ‘human nature’

· Victim blaming ideas about poverty, such as what Bowles and Gintis (1976) call ‘the poor are dumb’ theory of meritocracy: everyone has an equal chance in life, so the poor must be poor because they are stupid or lazy – not because of capitalism

· Racist ideas about the inferiority of ethnic minorities which divide black and white workers and make them easier to rule

· Nationalist ideas that workers and capitalists of one nation have more in common than do the workers of the world

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10
Q

What is the significance of ruling class ideology to Marxists?

A

Marxists argue that the ideas of the ruling class become the dominant ideas in society and they function to prevent change by creating a false consciousness. Despite these ideological barriers, Marx believes that ultimately the working class will develop a true class consciousness and unite to overthrow capitalism.

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11
Q

How did Gramsci develop Marx’s ideas of ruling class ideology further?

A

Marx’s ideas are developed further by the neo-Marxist Gramsci (1971). He refers to the ruling class ideological domination of society as hegemony. Gramsci argues that the working class can develop ideas that challenge ruling class hegemony. This is because in capitalist society workers have a dual consciousness – a mixture of ruling class ideology and ideas they develop from their own direct experience of exploitation and their struggles against it. It is therefore possible for the working class to develop class consciousness and overthrow capitalism.

However, Gramsci argues that this requires a political party of ‘organic intellectuals’ – workers who through their anti-capitalist struggles have developed a class consciousness and can spread it throughout the working class.

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12
Q

Why have Marx and Gramsci been criticised for their perspective on ideology

A

Some critics argue that it is not the existence of a dominant ideology that keeps the workers in line or prevents attempts to overthrow capitalism. Abercrombie et al (1980) argue that it is economic factors such as the fear of unemployment that keeps workers from rebelling.

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13
Q

Explain the neo-Marxist perspective on ideology

A

Much of MANNHEIM’S work on ideology was done between the two World Wars (1918-1939) – a time of intense political and social conflict. This undoubtedly influenced his views. Mannheim (1929) sees all belief systems as a partial or one-sided worldview. Their one-sidedness results from being the viewpoint of one particular group or class and its interests. He distinguishes between 2 broad types of belief system or world view.

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14
Q

What 2 broad types of belief systems or world views did Manheim distinguish between?

A

Ideological thought: justifies keeping things as they are. It reflects the position and interests of privileged groups who benefit from the maintenance of the status quo. Their belief system therefore tends to be conservative and favours hierarchy.

Utopian thought: justifies social change. It reflects the position and interests of the underprivileged and offers a vision of how society could be organized differently. Mannheim sees Marxism as an example of utopian thought.

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15
Q

According Manheim, what did these worldviews create?

A

Mannheim sees these worldviews as creations of groups of intellectuals who attach themselves to particular classes or social groups. However, because these intellectuals represent the interests of particular groups and not society as a whole, they only produce partial views of reality. The belief system of each class or group only gives us a partial truth about the world. For Mannheim, this is a source of conflict in society. Different intellectuals, linked to different groups and classes produce opposed and antagonistic ideas that justify the interests and claims of their group as against others.

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16
Q

What was Manheim’s solutions to the belief systems of each class causing social conflict within society

A

For Mannheim, the solution is to ‘detach’ the intellectuals from the social groups they represent and create a non-aligned or ‘free-floating intelligentsia’ standing above the conflict. Freed from representing the interests of groups they would be able to synthesize elements of the different partial ideologies and utopias so as to arrive at a ‘total’ world view that represented the interests of society as a whole.

However, the problem being, that many of the elements of different ideologies are diametrically opposed to one another and it is therefore very hard to imagine how these could be synthesized.

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17
Q

Contrast the Marxist and Feminist perspective on ideology

A

Marxists see class division as the basis of ideologies justifying inequality. By contrast, feminists see gender inequality as the fundamental division and patriarchal ideology as playing a key role in legitimating it. Because gender difference is a feature of all societies, there exist many different ideologies to justify it.

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18
Q

Supporting the feminist perspective on ideology, how does sociologist Mark and Oakley explain how patriarchal ideology plays a role in gender divisions?

A

Feminists see gender inequality as the fundamental division and patriarchal ideology as playing a key role in legitimating it. Because gender difference is a feature of all societies, there exist many different ideologies to justify it.

For example, MARKS (1979) describes how ideas from science have been used to justify excluding women from education. He quotes (19th (male) doctors, scientists and educationalists expressing the view that educating females would lead to the creation of ‘unfeminine’ females and ‘disqualify women from their true vocation’, namely the nurturing of the next generation. OAKLEY (1972) argues that John Bowlby’s theory of maternal deprivation (1951) is a good example of science acting as an ideology. This justified gender inequality in the workplace by claiming that the development of young children was ‘damaged’ by working mothers. It strengthened the patriarchal idea that only men should be breadwinners and that women should stay at home with their children.

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19
Q

Why do feminists argue that patriarchal ideologies found in science, are also found in religious beliefs and practices ?

A

In additional to patriarchal ideologies in science, those embodied in religious beliefs and practices have also been used to define women as inferior. There are numerous examples from a wide range of religions of the idea that women are ritually impure or unclean, particularly because of childbirth or menstruation. This has given rise to purification rituals such as ‘churching’ after a woman has given birth. In some Christian churches, a new mother may not receive communion until after she has been churched. However, not all elements of religious belief systems subordinate women. For example, there is evidence that in the early history of the Middle East, Europe and Asia, before the emergence of the monotheistic patriarchal religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam), matriarchal religions with female deities were widespread, with female priests and the celebration of fertility cults. Similarly, in Hinduism, goddesses have often been portrayed as mothers or creators of the universe

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20
Q

Explain the postmodernist perspective on religion and ideology

A

Postmodernists such as LYOTARD (1984) claim that religion and science are metanarratives. These ideologies, which seek to explain ‘truth’, are no longer relevant due to the fragmentation of society. Because knowledge is relative to the individual, scientific facts and religious teachings are no longer automatically accepted as ‘truth’ in the postmodern world.

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21
Q

Explain the impact of science throughout history

A

Many sociologists see modern science as a product of the process of rationalisation that began with the Protestant reformation of the 16th

Many believe it has undermined religion by changing the way we think and how we see the world

Science has undoubtedly had an enormous impact on society over the last few centuries

Its success has led to a widespread ‘faith in science’ - a belief that it can ‘deliver the goods’

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22
Q

What is a key feature of science that distinguishes it from belief systems/knowledge-claims

A

The key feature distinguishing it from other belief systems and knowledge-claims is its cognitive power

In other words, it enables us to explain, predict and control the world in a way that non-scientific or pre-scientific belief systems cannot

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23
Q

Explain what is meant by an open belief system?

A

An open belief system refers to a science that is said to be apart of an open belief system. This means that scientific knowledge is provisional, it is open to challenge and potentially disprovable (falsification). Therefore, scientific knowledge can change - it is relative, not fixed

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24
Q

Explain what is CUDOS norms according to Merton

A

Merton (1973) argued that the changes brought about by the Protestant Reformation provided the climate for science to thrive. He argued that science as an organised social activity has a set of norms.

(CUDOS) that promote growth of knowledge by encouraging openness:
Communism, Universalism, Disinterestedness and Organised Scepticism

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25
Q

Explain communism in relation to Merton’s CUDOS norms

A

Communism - Knowledge is not private property, it must be shared with the scientific community - this is essential so that knowledge can grow

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26
Q

Explain universalisms in relation to Merton’s CUDOS norms

A

Universalism - Scientific knowledge is judged by universal objective criteria (testing), not just by the specific culture or community that produce it

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27
Q

Explain Disinterestedness in relation to Merton’s CUDOS norms

A

Disinterestedness - Seeking knowledge for its own sake being objective. Scientific findings are published and open to scrutiny

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28
Q

Explain Organised Scepticism in relation to Merton’s CUDOS norms

A

Organised Scepticism - Every theory is open to criticism and testing. Knowledge is not regarded as sacred

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29
Q

What do postmodernists mean by a ‘metanarrative’?

A

Before the development of science, people used different ways of gaining knowledge of the world. Every culture throughout history has had its own knowledge system, usually taking the form of a religious belief system. The result was that the knowledge possessed by each society was accepted only within those cultural boundaries. Postmodernists call these bodies of knowledge, narratives. There are many narratives in the world, but in the past, one narrative traditionally dominated each culture. Postmodernists call this a metanarrative, a single comprehensive explanation of the world. Each culture was sure that their knowledge was the truth, founded on tradition and faith

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30
Q

What is meant by ‘scientific rationalism’ ?

A

Since the Enlightenment and the development of scientific rationalism, it has been argued that there is an objective truth that transcends all culture-specific knowledge. It is claimed that the scientific method can provide factual evidence of reality, which religion cannot. What makes the scientific method of gaining knowledge superior is that it is objective, whereas all culture-specific methods, meaning religions and traditional wisdom are subjective.

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31
Q

Explain the scientific method of gaining information?

A

What makes the scientific method of gaining knowledge superior is that it is objective, whereas all culture-specific methods, meaning religions and traditional wisdom are subjective.

The scientific method involves observation of the natural world, the formulation of a hypothesis based on this observation and the systematic testing of this hypothesis to try to gain evidence to support it. If evidence is gained to support the hypothesis, it may consequently be viewed as fact. Science is a superior metanarrative that shows all other explanations to be false

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32
Q

What do rationalists argue that before science, there was no real knowledge that was ‘discovered’?

A

Rationalists argue that before science there were too many conflicting beliefs for them all to be true. Now, however, we have science to allow us to discover real knowledge about the world. This view asserts that religion has no claim on truth at all. Rationalism, therefore puts science and religion into conflict.

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33
Q

Why has science been successful in explaining and controlling the world? (KARL POPPER)

A

Why has science been successful in explaining and controlling the world?

According to Sir Karl Popper (1959) science is an ‘open’ belief system where every scientist’s theories are open to scrutiny, criticism and testing by others. Science is governed by the principle of falsificationism. That is, scientists set out to try and falsify existing theories, deliberately seeking evidence that would disprove them. If the evidence from an experiment or observation contradicts a theory and shows it to be false, the theory can be discarded and the search for a better explanation can begin. In science, knowledge-claims live or die by evidence.

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34
Q

Why is the discarding of falsified knowledge-claims viewed as scientific ?

A

In Popper’s view, discarding falsified knowledge-claims is what enables scientific understanding of the world to grow. Scientific knowledge is cumulative – it builds on the achievements of previous scientists to develop a greater understanding of the world around us. As Sir Isaac Newton said on his discovery of the law of gravity ‘If I have been able to see so far, it is because I have stood on the shoulders of giants’ – that is, on the discoveries of his predecessors. However, despite the achievements of great scientists, no theory is ever to be taken as definitely true. For Popper, the thing about scientific knowledge is that it is not sacred or absolute truth – it can always be questioned, criticized, tested and perhaps shown to be false.

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35
Q

Why do some scientists disagree with science being given a special status and all other forms of knowledge being disregarded

A

Some scientists disagree that science should be given special status and all other forms of knowledge disregarded. The biologist Gould (1999) proposes that science and religion are two separate realms: science provides certain knowledge about the world, whereas moral guidance is the responsibility of religion. This is the relativist view, which sees science as just one of many beliefs, all of which are equally valid. Gellner (1974) disagrees, insisting that the objective nature of science sets it above all other forms of knowledge.

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36
Q

Explain how science appears to differs from other systems

A

Science appears to differs fundamentally from traditional religious belief systems.

While scientific knowledge is provisional, open to challenge and potentially disprovable, religion claims to have special, perfect knowledge of the absolute truth (sacred knowledge)

Its knowledge is literally sacred and religious organisations claim to hold it on God’s divine authority. This means that it cannot be challenged - and those who do so may be punished for heresy (blasphemy). It also means that religious knowledge does not change - how could it, if it already has the absolute truth?

Unlike scientific knowledge, therefore it is fixed and does not grow

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37
Q

Explain how Horton (1970) supports the argument that scientific knowledge is provisional, open to challenge and potentially disprovable compared to religion

A

Horton (1970) puts forwards a similar argument. He distinguishes between open and closed belief systems. Like Popper, he sees science as an open belief system, one where knowledge-claims are open to criticism and can be disproved by testing.

By contrast religion, magic and many other belief systems are closed. That is, they make knowledge-claims that cannot be successfully overturned. Whenever, its fundamental beliefs are threatened, a closed belief system has a number of ‘get-out clauses’ that reinforce the system and prevent it from being disproved - at least in the eyes of believers.

These devices vary from one belief system to another

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38
Q

How does POLANYI (1958) argues that belief systems have 3 devices

A

POLANYI (1958) argues that belief systems have 3 devices to sustain themselves in the face of apparently contradictory evidence:

  1. Circularity - each idea in the system is explained in terms of another idea within the system and so on, round and round.
  2. Subsidiary explanations - problems and inconsistencies can be explained away and a new alternative explanation may be drawn on or referred to as an other aspect
  3. Denial of legitimacy to rivals - belief systems reject alternative worldviews by refusing to grant any legitimacy to their basic assumptions, e.g. creationism rejects outright the evolutionists knowledge-claim that the earth is billions of years old and therefore have species that have gradually evolved over a long period rather than all having been created.
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39
Q

Why does Kuhn criticise Polanyi and Popper for their view on science being a closed system

A

Despite Popper’s view of science as open and critical, other writers argue that science itself can be seen as self-sustaining or a closed system of belief. For example, POLANYI (1958) argues that all belief systems reject fundamental challenges to their knowledge claims – science is no different.

One explanation for scientists’ refusal even to consider such challenges comes from a historian of science, KUHN (1970). He argues that a mature science such as geology, biology or physics is based on a set of shared assumptions that he calls a paradigm. The paradigm tells scientists what reality is like, what problems to study and what methods and equipment to use, what will count as evidence and even what answers they should find when they conduct research. Scientific education and training are a process of being socialised into accepting the truth of the paradigm and a successful career depends on working within it. For these reasons, any scientist who challenges the fundamental assumptions of the paradigm is likely to ridiculed and criticized and those who support it are more likely to be rewarded with bigger research grants, professorships, Nobel Prizes etc.

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40
Q

How have interpretivists have developed Kuhn’s ideas further?

A

Interpretivists have developed Kuhn’s ideas further. They argue that all knowledge – including scientific knowledge is socially constructed. That is, rather than being objective truth, it is created by social groups. In relation to science, scientific ‘facts’, those things that scientists take to be true and real – are the product of shared theories or paradigms that tell them what they should expect to see and of the particular instruments they use.

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41
Q

How have critical conflict sociological perspectives e.g. Marxism and Feminism viewed scientific knowledge

A

Other critical perspectives such as Marxism and feminism see scientific knowledge as far from pure truth. Instead, they regard it as serving the interests of dominant groups. Thus, many advances in supposedly ‘pure’ science have been driven by the need for certain types of knowledge to act as a form of ideology.

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42
Q

Why do postmodernists also reject the knowledge-claims of science having the ‘truth’

A

In a different sense, postmodernists also reject the knowledge-claims of science to have the ‘truth’. In the view of LYOTARD (1984) science is one of a number of meta-narratives or ‘big stories’ that falsely claim to possess the truth. He claims that science falsely claims to offer the truth about how the world works and believes that science is just one more ‘discourse’ or way of thinking that is used to dominate people. Like Marxists some postmodernists argue that science has become a ‘technoscience’, simply serving capitalist interests by producing commodities for profit.

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43
Q

What 3 main ways do sociologists define religion?

A
  • substantive definitions
  • functional definitions
  • social constructionist definitions
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44
Q

Explain the substantive definition of religion

A

SUBSTANTIVE DEFINITIONS:

These focus on the content or substance of religious belief, such as a belief in God or the supernatural. For example, WEBER (1905) defines religion as a belief in a superior or supernatural power that is above nature and cannot be explained scientifically.

This reflects TYLOR (1871) who approached the definition of religion via the philosophical theory of animism: the belief that all things have a soul and a spirit. Religion is humanity’s attempt to understand the soul. He suggests the religion should be seen as a belief in ‘spiritual beings’ – the most powerful spirits are worshipped as gods and they are believed to affect people’s lives on earth and in the hereafter.

STARK and BAINBRIDGE (1985) support Tylor’s definition and agree that religion involves some conception of a supernatural being or force and the notion that the supernatural is active and that events and conditions on earth are influence by the supernatural.

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45
Q

Evaluation of substantive definitions of religion

A

Substantive definitions are exclusive – they draw a clear line between religious and non-religious beliefs. To be a religion, a set of beliefs must include belief in God or the supernatural. Substantive definitions conform to a widespread view of religion as a belief in God. However, this leaves no room for beliefs and practices that perform similar functions to religion but do not involve belief in God. Therefore, they are accused of Western bias as they exclude religion such as Buddhism, which do not have the idea of a god.

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46
Q

Explain the functional definition of religion

A

FUNCTIONAL DEFINITIONS:

Rather than defining religion in terms of specific kinds of belief, functional definitions define it in terms of the social or psychological functions it performs for individuals or society. DURKHEIM (1915) defines religion in terms of the contribution it makes to social integration, rather than any specific belief in God or the supernatural. He argues that religion is ‘a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden, beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a church, all those who adhere to them’. TURNER (1991) argues that Durkheim’s definition marked the end of a concern with gods or beings and the development of an emphasis on the importance of religious practice.

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47
Q

Evaluate functional definitions of religion

A

An advantage of functional definitions is that they are inclusive – allowing us to include a wide range of beliefs and practices that perform functions such as integration. Furthermore, since they do not specify a belief in God or the supernatural, there is no bias against non-Western religions such as Buddhism. However, just because an institution or belief system integrates individuals into groups, does not make it a religion. For example, chanting at football matches might give individuals a sense of integration and solidarity, but this doesn’t mean it is a religion.

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48
Q

Explain the social constructionist definition of religion

A

SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONIST DEFINITIONS:

Social constructionists take an interpretivist approach that focus on how members of society define religion. They argue that it is not possible to produce a single universal definition of religion, since in reality different individuals and groups mean very different things by ‘religion’. Social constructionists are interested in how definitions of religion are constructed, challenged and fought over. For example, ALDRIDGE (2007) shows how for its followers Scientology is a religion, whereas several governments have denied it legal status as a religion and sought to ban it. This shows that definitions of religion can be contested and are influenced by who has the power to define the situation.

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49
Q

Evaluate social constructionist definition of religion

A

Social constructionists do not assume that religion always involves a belief in God or the supernatural, or that it performs similar functions for everyone in societies. Their approach allows them to get close to the meanings people themselves give to religion. However, this makes it impossible to generalise about the nature of religion, since many people hold such different views about what counts as a religion.

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50
Q

How does Durkheim attempt to interpret religion from a functionalist perspective

A

THE SACRED AND THE PROFANE:

In ‘The Elementary Forms of Religious Life’ (1912) Durkheim provides the most influential attempt to interpret religion from a functionalist perspective. He begins by claiming that all societies differentiate between the scared and the profane and her argues that religion is based on this division.

Sacred: things which are considered special, significant and symbolic

Profane: things which are considered ordinary or secular

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51
Q

What is religion according to Durkheim?

A

According to Durkheim, ‘Religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices related to sacred things, that is to say, things that are set apart and forbidden’. He argues that what is regarded as sacred, provokes powerful emotions and inspires love, awe and respect and is surrounded by powerful taboos and prohibitions. Anything can be regarded as sacred by people; sacredness is not an inherent quality built into something, it is bestowed, and its significance is that it is symbolic and represents something.

However, a religion for Durkheim, is never simply a set of beliefs – it also involves rituals and/or practices in relation to the sacred and these rituals are collective. He argues that although scared symbols very from religion to religion, they all perform the essential function of uniting believers into a single moral community.

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52
Q

state examples of sacred things

A

bread is ordinary when toasted or made into a sandwich, however it is sacred when it representative of the body of Christ within Christianity and takes the form of a communion wafer.

Bible, Torah, Quran etc

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53
Q

provide examples of objects, animals, people that can be regarded as sacred within religious communities

A

Christianity - cross, dove, rosary beads, church, pilgrimages

Hinduism - Cows

Judaism - Torah, Kippah

Islam - Quran, Hajj - pilgrimage, Mosque

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54
Q

Explain Durkheim’s theory of Totemism

A

In order to understand the role of religion in society, Durkheim set out to explain the relationship between sacred things and what they represent. He hoped to understand the essence of religion by studying it in its simplest form, in a simple society.

For this reason, he used studies of the Arunta, an indigenous Australian (Aboriginal) tribe and their religion of totemism. The society was divided into clans and each clan had its own totem; a sacred symbol which was the outward visible symbol of their clan and their God. He believed that the rituals surrounding it represented the power of the group and thus served to reinforce the group’s solidarity and sense of belonging.

Therefore, the visualizing force of their society was represented as a religious symbol. From this, he argued that God and society are one – when people are worshipping God, the real object of their veneration is society – in this way, people see society as more powerful and significant than individuals. They are worshipping the moral unity of their society and therefore religious worship can be explained in terms of its social functions.

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55
Q

Explain the function of Collective Conscience in relation to functionalism

A

THE COLLECTIVE CONSCIENCE:

In Durkheim’s view, the sacred symbols represent society’s collective conscience, which is the shared norms, values, beliefs and knowledge that make social life possible – without which it would disintegrate. He argued that regular shared rituals reinforce the collective conscience and maintain social integration; they celebrate and maintain the social unity of the group which is essential to the maintenance of society.

Participating in shared rituals binds individuals together, reminding them that they are part of a single community to which they owe their loyalty. Such rituals also remind the individual of the power of society – without which they are nothing and to which they owe everything. In this sense, religion also performs an important function for the individual; by making us feel part of something greater than ourselves, religion reinvigorates and strengthens us to face life’s trials and motivates us to overcome obstacles that would otherwise defeat us.

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56
Q

Explain the function of cognitive functions in relation to functionalism

A

COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS:

Durkheim sees religion, not only as a source of social solidarity, but also of our intellectual or cognitive capacities; our ability to reason and think conceptually. Religion is the origin of human thought and reason – it provides us with basic concepts such as time, space and causation. For example, with ideas about a creator bringing the world into being at the beginning of time. Furthermore, in order to share our thoughts, we need to use the same categories as others and religion provides this shared knowledge. This acceptance of shared thoughts and a moral value system underpins cohesion and stability.

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57
Q

Evaluate Durkheim’s views of religion

A
  • Worsley (1956) challenges the view that there is a sharp division between the sacred and the profane and that different clans share the same totems. Even if Durkheim is correct about totemism, this does not prove that he has discovered the essence of all other religions.
  • His theory may apply to small-scale societies with a single religion. It is harder to apply it to large-scale multi-faith societies, where two or more religions may be in conflict. History and contemporary society are littered with examples of conflict, terrorism, war and persecution which has a religious dimension to it. Therefore, his theory may explain social integration within religious communities, but not conflicts between them.
  • Many individuals may feel excluded or alienated from their religion if they do not conform to all of its teachings, e.g., because of their sexuality. Others may feel unable to maintain the high expectations of their religion. In these cases, religion may not contribute towards individuals feeling a sense of solidarity or belonging.
  • Postmodernists, such as Mestrovic (2011) argue that Durkheim’s ideas cannot be applied to contemporary society, because increasing diversity has fragmented the collective conscience, so there is no longer a shared value system to reinforce.
  • Critics point out that today, religion’s cognitive functions have been undermined by other forms of knowledge and ways of intellectualising, e.g., science.
  • religion can also cause conflict rather than solidarity between beliefs, territory, culture. e.g. Palestine and Israel, Shia and Sunni Muslim countries, Crusade, india and Pakistan Northern Ireland - Loyalists and Republicans, African Countries between Muslim and countries
  • Religion may be a force for change e.g. Martin Luther King or Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa
  • religion can alienate certain people who do not conform to their standards e.g members may feel marginalised/excluded on sexuality etc
  • neglects the negative aspects of religion in terms of religions role in polarising in certain groups within society or as a source of oppression
  • Functionalist perspective may be less than relevant due to secularisation and outdated
  • Marxist - religion is an oppressive force that creates a false class consciousness stopping the working class from seeing inequality
  • recognises how religion can be a source of community/belief for some people
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58
Q

Explain Bellah’s argument on how religion unifies society in relation to America (CIVIL RELIGION)

A

Like Durkheim and Parsons, BELLAH (1970) is interested in how religion unifies society, especially a multi-faith society like America. He argues that what unifies American society is an overarching civil religion – a belief system that attaches sacred qualities to society itself. In the American case, civil religion is a faith in Americanism or the ‘American way of life’.

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59
Q

What is America’s national faith according to Bellah?

A

BELLAH argues that civil religion integrates society in a way that individual religions cannot. While none of the many individual churches and denominations can claim loyalty of all Americans, civil religion (to a degree) can. America’s institutionalised civil religion involves loyalty to the nation-state and a belief in God, both of which are equated with being a true American. It is expressed in various rituals, symbols, beliefs, prophets and martyrs; such as the pledge of allegiance to the flag, singing the national anthem, the Lincoln Memorial and phrases such as ‘One nation under God’. However, this is not a specifically Catholic, Protestant or Jewish God, but rather an ‘American’ God.

This religion – there seems to be no other word for it – while not opposed to, and indeed sharing much in common with Christianity, is not in any specific sense Christian. Yet behind this civil religion at every point lie Biblical models: The Exodus, Chosen People, Promised Land and New Jerusalem, Death and Rebirth. But it is genuinely American and new. It sacralises the American way of life and binds together Americans from many ethnic and religious backgrounds.

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60
Q

Explain the symbols of Americanism in relation to Bellah

A

Every American knows the story of Abraham Lincoln who was born in a log cabin and dying from an assassin’s bullet in 1865. Pictured on coins and sculptured in marble in the Lincoln Memorial, he has become an almost mythical figure.

In the 19th century there was a vast migration to new lands in the West. Many migrants travelled in wagon trains, pushing back the American frontier and opening up new land to white settlement. These ‘heroic treks’ are pictured in books, paintings, postage stamps, featured in films and commemorated in statues. Sometimes the ‘virgin territory’ of the West is pictured as the ‘promised land’ and the settlers as the ‘chosen people’.

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61
Q

How does Malinowski reinforce Durkheim’s arguments about religion

A

Like Durkheim, Malinowski (1954) also believes that religion reinforces social norms and promotes social solidarity. However, unlike Durkheim he does not see religion as reflecting society as a whole or interpret religious ritual as the worship of society itself. Drawing upon his anthropological data he emphasized the psychological functions that religion plays for the individual in specific situations of emotional stress.

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62
Q

Identify two types of emotionally disruptive events where religion becomes functional

A

two types of emotionally disruptive events where religion becomes functional:

  • time of life crises
  • uncontrollable and uncertain events
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63
Q

Explain the function of religion during a time of life crises

A

Times of life crises: Events such as birth, puberty, marriage and especially death mark major changes and can be disruptive. Religion and religious ritual can defuse the notion of crisis at these times.

For example, the functions that can be performed by a funeral ritual can include helping people through grief/comforting someone thinking they have gone to a better place.

Funeral rituals can also be used as a proper send off ritual e.g. for closure, send off, celebration

Funerals can also help to bring the community together in their grief/mourning e.g. solidarity in grief.

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64
Q

Explain the function of religion in times of uncontrollable and uncertain events

A

Uncontrollable and uncertain events:

Unpredictable occasions are preceded by rituals to reduce anxiety. The Trobriand islanders of the Western Pacific do not engage in religious rituals before fishing in the lagoon – as it is safe, however ocean fishing is more uncertain and dangerous and is always accompanied by a ritual of ‘canoe magic’.

These rituals provided a sense of safety, closure, protection, social solidarity and is uplifting

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65
Q

How does Parsons combine both Durkheim’s and Malinowski’s views on religion to argue that religion is functional

A

Parsons (1965) combines insights from both Durkheim and Malinowski. He identifies two essential functions performed by religion in modern societies:

  • It is primary source of meaning
  • It creates and legitimates society’s central value system
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66
Q

Explain the function of religion providing a primary source of meaning in modern societies

A

It is the primary source of meaning:

By providing members of society with explanations of events that might otherwise appear uncontrollable, haphazard and contradictory, religion answers the ‘ultimate’ questions about the human condition and helps individuals adjust to crises and disappointments – it fosters a consensus on questions of ultimate value. For example, why good people suffer and why some die young. Such events defy our sense of justice and make life appear meaningless – this could undermine our commitment to society’s values. Religion provides answers to such questions, for example by explaining suffering as a test of faith that will be rewarded in heaven.

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67
Q

Explain the function of religion creating and legitimating society’s central value system

A

It creates and legitimates society’s central values:

Religion provides guidelines for human action and standards against which people’s conduct can be evaluated. He claims that many norms in society are an expression and reflection of religious beliefs. Furthermore, in America, Protestantism has sacralised the core American values of individualism, meritocracy and self-discipline. This serves to promote value consensus and social stability.

Generalised norms that reflect religious beliefs -
e.g. treats others as you like to be treated - respecting people, do not kill, eye for an eye - death penalty/bearing arms, being obedient to your parents, charitable/sense of community, family - spending time holidays

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68
Q

Explain how Karl Marx viewed religion?

A

For Marx, religion is an illusion. It originated amongst primitive people in response to their fear of the unknown. He believed that it would have disappeared as people gained a more rational understanding of the world, however rather than this happening, the rise of industrial capitalism led to religion being taken over by the bourgeoisie and incorporated into ruling class ideology. Religion was used like all dominant ideology in the superstructure - to distort people’s perception of reality and in doing so, justify the status quo and prop up capitalism. Therefore, religion is understood as being a conservative force.

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69
Q

What does Marx say about religion (Quote)

A

According to Marx, ‘Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people’.

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70
Q

How does religion acts as an social opiate according to Marx?

A

Marx believes that religion acts as a social opiate to dull the pain produced by capitalist oppression and alienation, a source of solace and compensation for the misery of their alienation. However, it does not do anything to solve the problem. Similarly, Lenin (1870-1924) describes religion as a ‘spiritual gin’ - an intoxicant doled out to the masses by the ruling class to confuse them and keep them in their place. Therefore, religion is a misguided attempt to make life more bearable, a form of self-delusion. It obscures reality and offers temporary comforts for the oppression caused by capitalism.

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71
Q

How does the religion dull the pain of oppression in a number of ways

A

For Marx, religion can dull the pain of oppression in a number of ways:

  • It promises a paradise of eternal bliss in life after death
  • It can make virtue out of the suffering produced by oppression
  • Religion can offer hope of supernatural intervention to solve problems on earth:
  • It is often used to justify the social order and a person’s position within it:
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72
Q

Explain how religion can dull the pain of oppression through promising a paradise of eternal bliss in life after death

A

It promises a paradise of eternal bliss in life after death: Engels argues that Christianity, Judaism and Islam all provide a vision of heaven that makes life on earth more bearable - this is because it encourages people to anticipate something better – a fantasy escape of heavenly rewards. If people are hoping for something better in the afterlife, they are more likely to conform in society.

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73
Q

Explain how religion can dull the pain of oppression through making a virtue out of suffering produced by oppression

A

It can make a virtue out of the suffering produced by oppression:

Religion promises redress for injustice, a reward for suffering. This is illustrated in the biblical quotation: ‘It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven.’ Those who are oppressed, poor and disadvantaged are offered hope and are therefore likely to put up with their conditions on earth.

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74
Q

Explain how religion can dull the pain of oppression through religion offering hope of supernatural intervention to solve problems on earth

A

Religion can offer hope of supernatural intervention to solve problems on earth:

Followers are offered hope that through prayer their God will intervene and answer their prayers - this anticipation of something better makes life on earth more acceptable. It discourages individuals from rebelling against the system and attempting through individual authorship to change their position in society. Thus, religion prevents social change and maintains the status quo.

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75
Q

Explain how religion can dull the pain of oppression through religion justifying the social order and persons position in it

A

It is often used to justify the social order and a person’s position within it:

Followers are told that God created and ordained the social structure - this lends sacred support for the status quo. This belief obscures and disguises human authorship and responsibility for inequality. Attempts to change the social order are therefore viewed as blasphemous – a rejection of God’s plan, and therefore punishable by eternal damnation.

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76
Q

To Marxists, what other function does religion perform besides cushioning the effects of capitalism?

A

For Marx, religion does not simply cushion the effects of capitalism – it is an instrument of that oppression and maintains ruling class power. It acts as a mechanism of social control and reinforces a system of unequal relations – in this way it inhibits social change and is therefore a conservative force. In offering the illusion of hope in a hopeless situation, religion produces a false consciousness and a philosophical acceptance of the status quo. He saw religion as a way of mystifying subordinate classes, using a smokescreen of ritual, language, ideas and religious paraphernalia etc. to give religion a special place in people’s minds.

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77
Q

State examples of religions that reinforce the Marxist perspective on religion

A

a) The Church of England retains some political, social and economic influence. It may not be the Tory Party at prayer as it once was, but it still takes a conservative stance on some issues.

(b) The Catholic Church continues to exercise great influence over its members, particularly in Third World countries, often acting as a barrier to social change, justifying social inequalities and upholding right-wing regimes.

(c) In the US, fundamentalist Christianity has been closely identified with conservative political groups – being closed allied to the Republican party – exerting influence over political decision making and the selection of candidates for political office.

(d) In Eastern Europe, the Christian churches provided some of the impetus for the overthrow of communist political systems in the 1980s and 90s, which some Marxists would see as clear evidence of religion acting against the interests of the proletariat.

(e) Where religion has been involved in reform movements as in South Africa and in the Civil Rights movement in the US, this can be seen as limiting the degree of achievable change by channelling it into reform rather than revolution. Religion might appear to be involved in these social movements, but in reality they hold the oppressed back from their full potential

(f) In other cases, religion can be seen to be, not just preventing or limiting social progress, but actively ‘turning the social clock back’. The fundamentalist beliefs of movements like the Taliban in Afghanistan have reduced the social status of women, removed all external influences and instituted a religious state.

All of these examples and more seem to suggest that in contemporary society, religion continues to function in the way Marx suggested: preventing, limiting or retarding social progress

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78
Q

Evaluate the Marxist perspective on religion

A
  • Marx argues that religion may be a tool of oppression that masks exploitation and creates false consciousness. However, critics argue that he ignores the positive functions of religion, such as psychological comfort and adjustment to misfortune. However, Marxists would argue that this is exactly what Marx recognised. . Neo-Marxists see some religions as assisting not hindering and inhibiting class consciousness and social change.
  • Religion does not necessarily function effectively as an ideology to control the population. Abercrombie, Hill and Turner (2015) argue that in pre-capitalist society, while Christianity was a major element of ruling class ideology, it had only limited impact on the peasantry. . Religion continues to have a role in some communist societies and therefore, it must have functions that are independent of propping up capitalism.
  • Today, the trend of secularisation undermines the validity and relevance of Marx’s views of religion. It is debatable whether religion has the power and influence to function as Marxists claim it does.
  • Functionalists would argue that Marxists ignore the negative functions of religion
  • ignores how religion can be a force of social change within society as Neo-Marxists would heavily emphasise liberation theology
  • not everyone accepts the position they are in
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79
Q

State limitations of the Marxist theory of religion

A

Marx stated that ‘religion is only the illusory sun which revolves around man as long as he does not revolve around himself.’ In a truly socialist or communist society, individuals, according to Marx, revolve around themselves and are not alienated or suffering from a false consciousness. Religion, along with other illusions and distortions of reality disappear. However, there are a number of examples that undermine the Marxist argument and by implication illustrate that there is more to religion than a set of beliefs and practices that develop in capitalist societies to prop them up.

After the communist revolution in 1917 Soviet law restricted religious worship to designated churches and the religious instruction of children was banned. HOSKING (1988) points out that before the revolution there were more than 50,000 Russian orthodox churches but by 1939 only approximately 4,000 remained. However, LANE (1970) argues that these figures do not necessarily support the idea that religion declined. Much research suggests that religion remained important to large proportions of the population during the communist era. Reflecting this, when Gorbachov was in power, he implemented a policy of glasnost (openness) and restrictions on religion were relaxed.

Furthermore, communism still flourishes in Cuba, yet even the staunch communist Fidel Castro was forced to acknowledge the continuing appeal of religion when he invited Pope John Paul to Cuba in January 1988. The Pope addressed large enthusiastic crowds, suggesting that Roman Catholicism remained strong despite some 40 years in which the communist state had discouraged religious belief and practice

There is also evidence which suggests that religion does not always:

  • Legitimize power
  • Justify privilege
  • Inhibit social change
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80
Q

What type of character does religion have?

A

Neo-Marxists see religion as having a dual character; traditionally it has promoted stability, maintained the status quo and inhibited social change, however they also recognize that it has the potential to be a force for change and inspire protest and rebellion.

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81
Q

Explain Gramsci’s views on Neo-Marxist theory

A

GRAMSCI (1971):

Gramsci was well aware of the control over consciousness (hegemony) which the Catholic Church had traditionally exercised over its members. He was also critical of what he regarded as the church’s characteristic subservience to the state and ruling class interests. However, he did not assume that religion must inevitably play such a role. He claimed that during different historical periods, religions had emerged which expressed and supported the interests of oppressed classes. He argued that religious beliefs could be popularized by proletarian intellectuals.

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82
Q

define proletarian intellectuals

A

Proletarian intellectuals refer to intellectuals that are part of the oppressed group and can encourage members to use religion to promote change rather than to support oppression e.g, Martin Luther King - civil rights movement, Archbishop desmond tutu - South Africa Apartheid

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83
Q

Explain Maduro’s argument that religion is not a conservative force but a revolutionary force

A

MADURO (1982):

Whilst accepting many aspects of Marx’s analysis, Maduro rejects the notion that religion is always a conservative force, arguing that it has the potential to be revolutionary. He accepts that in societies where religion remains a dominant and conservative institution, social liberation can only be achieved if significant changes occur within the churches. Looking at Latin America, he accepts that the Catholic Church had been an extremely conservative institution for centuries: encouraging a fatalistic acceptance of poverty and tended to support the bourgeoisie and right-wing military dictatorships which represented its interests (largely by denying the existence of social conflicts between oppressive and oppressed classes).

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84
Q

According to Maduro, what happened in the 1960s in relation to the Catholic Church in Latin America

A

In the 1960s a movement emerged within the Catholic Church in Latin America with a strong commitment to the poor and opposition to military dictatorships – Liberation theology. It represented a major change in direction for the Catholic Church. Catholic priests increasingly demonstrated their autonomy from the bourgeoisie by criticizing them and voicing the anguish and aspirations of the oppressed helping them to establish support groups called ‘base communities’ and helping workers and peasants to fight oppression under the protection of the church. Priests took the lead in developing literacy programmes, educating the poor about their situation, raising awareness and mobilizing support. They were often the only authority figures who took the side of the oppressed when dictatorships used murder squads and torture to hold power.

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85
Q

define liberation theology

A

Liberation theology refers to a religious/political movement that is heavily committed to supporting the poor and voicing the anguish of the oppressed in order to liberate. These movements usually have organic intellectuals of the community leading.

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86
Q

Why does Maduro argue that theological differences within any church can lead to liberation theology?

A

Maduro states that theological disagreements within any church can provide new interpretations of a religion which are critical of the rich and powerful. Importantly, by expressing the discontentment of the oppressed, by raising and shaping their consciousness and by working with them to devise strategies of action, he claims that the clergy can fulfil the functions of Gramsci’s proletarian intellectuals.

However, since then the movement has lost influence and during the 1980s the Church’s official attitude changed and once more it became more conservative. Pope John Paul II condemned liberation theology on the grounds that it resembled Marxism and instructed priests to concentrate on pastoral activities, not political struggle. Nevertheless, its success (resisting state terror and helping to bring about democratically elected governments in most Latin American countries) led Neo-Marxists to question the view that religion is always a conservative force.

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87
Q

Explain how turner argues about religion in relation to the material base

A

TURNER (1983):

Turner agrees with Marx that religion rises from the material base. However, unlike Marx he does not believe that religion is always an important part of ruling class ideology. Drawing on historical evidence, he claims that in feudal times the peasantry was largely indifferent to religion. By comparison, religion played an important part in the lives of the ruling class, the feudal lords.

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88
Q

Summarise liberation theology

A

Liberation theology is a religious justification for the liberation of oppressed peoples. It is developed in Latin America in the 1950s and 60s as an alternative to the standard view of the First World’s duties towards the Third World. It is criticised that the first world could end the poverty of the Third by transferring economic resources from one to the other. The theology of liberation said that, far from being the passive objects of aid, it was essential that the poor themselves should be the principal agents of their own disimpoverishment.

This meant understanding their own condition and the reason for it and responding accordingly. In liberation theology’s purest form, sort the Vatican are most woried about those conditions and the reasons for them are analysed in Marxist terms and so is the remedy. What the theology of liberation has to say is that the only escape from poverty which does justice to human dignity is that engineered and struggled for by the poor themselves

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89
Q

What did Father Camilo Torres state about revolution?

A

“Revolution is necessary to feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, clothe the naked and procure a life of wellbeing for the needy majority of our people. I believe that the revolutionary struggle is appropriate for the needy majority of our people. I believe that revolutionary struggle is appropriate for the Christian and the priests. Only by Revolution by changing the concrete conditions of our country, can we enable men to practice love for each other.”

The catholic church did not support Torres. Believing that the government would crush peaceful protest, he joined a guerrilla movement. Torres was killed fighting government forces in 1966. The peasants saw him as martyr and in 1968 many priests followed his example and pledged their support for revolutionary struggle against the state.

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90
Q

What does the feminist perspective view religion as a instrument for?

A

Feminists, like Marxists also argue that religion can be an instrument of domination and oppression. However, they see religion as a product of patriarchy rather than capitalism – serving the interests of men not capitalists. Importantly, this view of religion as patriarchal, is not just confined to feminists. For example, according to GIDDENS (1997) ‘The Christian religion is a resolutely male affair in its symbolism as well as its hierarchy. While Mary, the mother of Jesus may sometimes be treated as if she had divine qualities, God is the father, a male figure and Jesus took the human shape of a man. Woman is portrayed as created from a rib taken from man.’

The gendered implications of male symbolism and religious hierarchy in religion largely reinforces patriarchal ideas on gender as men are viewed as superior whereas women are viewed inferior who are meant to be subservient.

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91
Q

Is the secondary and subordinate role of women in Christian doctrine found in other religions, according to feminists?

A

Feminists argue that the secondary and subordinate role of women in Christian doctrine is also typical of most other religions. ARMSTRONG (1993) argues that no major religions have been particularly good to women, they have usually become male affairs and women have been relegated to a marginal position. She claims that although women have made significant gains in many areas, patriarchal attitudes have meant that women have continued to be excluded from key roles in most of the world’s major religions.

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92
Q

How does holm draw similar to conclusions to Armstrong’s arguments?

A

HOLM (1994) draws similar conclusions to ARMSTRONG arguing that major religions typically subordinate women to marginal positions or totally exclude them. She recognizes that women do play a role in many major religions, but claims they play a subservient one and one that is rarely played out in the public domain. She provides a number of examples to support her claims:

Orthodox Judaism: only males are allowed to take a full part in ceremonies, synagogues are segregated by gender.

Buddhism: men are able to practice as monks and women as nuns, however monks are seen as superior to nuns.

Hinduism: only men can become Brahmanic priests

Islam: men make all the religious and legal rulings. Women in some regions are not allowed to enter mosques for worship.

Sikhism: perhaps the most egalitarian of all the major religions since all offices are equally open to males and females. However, in reality only a small minority of women hold significant positions.

Chinese popular religion: women are associated with Yin and men with Yang. Yang spirits are more important and powerful.

Japanese folk religions: women are responsible for organizing public rituals but only men can participate in public performances.

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93
Q

How are women’s second-status in religion linked to their sexuality?

A

According to HOLM women’s second-class status in religion is often related to their sexuality. She claims that women’s bodies and their sexuality are felt to be dangerous by many religions. Because they menstruate and give birth, they are considered to have a greater capacity to ‘pollute’ religious rituals. She observes that in many religious traditions women are forbidden to enter sacred places or touch sacred objects during their menstrual period. For example, Hindu women are prohibited from approaching family shrines when pregnant or menstruating and Muslim women are not allowed to touch the Koran, go into a mosque or pray when menstruating.

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94
Q

How are the teachings of religions patriarchal?

A

Furthermore, the teachings of many religions are considered to be inherently patriarchal. In relation to the bible men are understood as made ‘in the image and glory of God’ and women made ‘for the glory of man.’ This is illustrated in a passage from the New Testament: ‘Wives be subject to your husbands, as to the Lord. For the husband is the head of the wife as Christ is the head of the Church.’

Furthermore, there are many female characters in biblical texts, but the prime parts are reserved for males – there is no female equivalent of Moses or the disciples. The most prominent females, Mary and Eve both serve and reinforce patriarchal ideas regarding the virtues of motherhood and the dangers of female sexuality (virgin/whore dichotomy). As in life, females in religion are defined by their sexuality rather than their actions.

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95
Q

Explain Simone Be Beauvoir’s view on religion (feminist perspective)

A

De Beauvoir saw religion functioning in a very similar way to Marx but saw it as particularly oppressive to women. In ‘The Second Sex’, she argued that religion can be used by the oppressors to control the oppressed. She points out that men have generally exercised control over religious beliefs and argues that ‘man enjoys the great advantage of having a God endorse the code he writes’.

She claims that the code uses divine authority to support male dominance, ‘for the Jews, Mohammedans and Christians, among others, man is master by divine right; the fear of God will therefore repress any impulse towards revolt in the downtrodden female’. However, she concedes that in modern societies, ‘religion seems much less an instrument of constraint than an instrument of deception’.

Like Marx, De Beauvoir argues that religion gives women the false belief that they will be compensated for their sufferings on earth by egalitarianism in heaven. In these ways, the subjugation of women through religion helps to maintain the status quo – in which women are unequal. She also notes the irony that women are vital to religion, because it is they who do much of the work for religious organisations and introduce children to religious beliefs.

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96
Q

Explain Nawal El Saadawi views on religion (feminist perspective)

A

NAWAL El SAADAWI (1980):

El Saadawi is a Muslim feminist writer and a leading advocate of women’s rights in the Arab world. She was sacked from her post as Egypt’s Director of Public Health by the then ruler Sadat and has been imprisoned for her political activities. In ‘The Hidden Face of Eve’, she discusses female oppression in the Arab world and elsewhere and considers the importance of religion in creating and perpetuating oppression. Drawing on her own experiences, she recounts when her parents, without warning or explanation, forced her as a child to undergo female genital mutilation. She also explains sexual aggression, prostitution, slavery and abortion in terms of patriarchal dominance of Arab men over women.

According to El Saadawi, oppressive practices are often attributed to the influence of Islam. However, she rejects this line of argument, stating that they are not directly caused by religion in general or Islam in particular, but to the dominant patriarchal ideology which allows men to distort religion to serve their own interests by justifying and legitimizing the oppression of women. She argues that religion started to become patriarchal through the misinterpretation of religious beliefs by men and this has enabled men to use religion as an abuse of power. She claims that this applies to Greek mythology, Judaism, Christianity and Islam, amongst others.

According to El Saadawi, ‘the great religions of the world uphold similar principles in so far as the submission of women to men is concerned. They also agree in the attribution of masculine characteristics to their God. Islam and Christianity have both contributed to the evolution of humanity, nevertheless where the cause of women is concerned, they added a new load to their already heavy chains. She adds that women can only improve their lot by struggling for their own liberation and claims that Arab women have been doing this for longer than their Western counterparts.

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97
Q

Explain Helen Watson’s views on religion (feminist perspective)

A

HELEN WATSON (1994):

Taking a different perspective, Watson points out that apparently oppressive practices associated with certain religions can often be open to varied interpretations. The example that she draws upon is that of the veiling of Islamic women. She argues that for non-Muslim writers, the veil is variously depicted as a tangible symbol of women’s oppression, a constraining and restricting form of dress and a form of social control religiously sanctioning women’s invisibility and subordinate socio-political status. However, she states that this is rarely the viewpoint taken by Muslim women. To many, the hijab has advantages for women that can reduce or allow them to cope with male oppression. She claims that rather than being a submission to patriarchy, it is in fact a means of gender and religious assertiveness.

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98
Q

Evaluate the feminist perspective on religion from a historical perspective

A

A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE:
Many feminists argue that there will never be gender equality in the major religions, so, long as notions of gender are attached to an understanding of God. However, DALY (1978) states that historically women have not always been subordinate or invisible in religion – until 4000 years ago the opposite appeared to be so. In the days when people worshipped gods of nature, the female sex, because of being seen as closer to nature were regarded with respect.

ARMSTRONG (1993) argues that women were considered as central to the spiritual quest and there were very few effigies of God as man. However male dominated cultures of the Northern hemisphere and the Middle East needed a patriarchal rationale in order to justify their behaviour – it is in this context that male gods became increasingly important. Reflecting this, many feminists argue that the dominance of Monotheism over Polytheism represented the death knell for females – this originated with Yahweh, the god of Abraham. This God of Israel would later become the God of Christians and Muslims alike - the same male god.

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99
Q

Evaluate the feminist perspective in relation to resistance to oppression

A

Most feminists have tended to portray women as the passive victims of religious oppression and the religions themselves as the instruments of such oppression. Increasingly however, some feminists have come to acknowledge that women can no longer be seen as so passive and that it should not be assumed that all religions are equally oppressive to women. For example, in Catholicism becoming a nun can be interpreted as either highly oppressive or incredibly liberating. HOLM and BOWKER (1994) go so far as to suggest that religious organisations developed exclusively for women are the forerunners of the modern women’s movement, in that they separate women from men and by implication, enhance women’s sense of identity.

Although women ministers have long been accepted in some sects and denominations, the Catholic and Anglican churches persisted in formally supporting gender inequalities. However, in 1992 the Church of England voted to make the priesthood open to women and in 2015 voted to allow women to become bishops. Now over a fifth of its priests are female. Nevertheless, many groups opposed this decision, including the organization, Women Against the Ordination of Women arguing that ordaining women is a blasphemous deviation from the biblical truth.

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100
Q

How has the patriarchal structure of organised religion been challenged?

A

However, there have been challenges to the patriarchal structure of organized religion. Judaism has allowed women to become rabbis since 1972 and liberal Protestant organisations such as Quakerism has never been oppressive to women. KAUR-SINGH (1994) observed that Sikh gurus pleaded the cause for the emancipation of Indian womanhood, fully supporting them in improving their status. GROSS (1994) identified signs of a post-patriarchal Buddhism developing in the West which does not differentiate roles for male and female members.

In addition, BADAWI (1994) has noted aspects of Islam that are positive for women, such as being able to keep their own family name when they marry. Furthermore, while western feminists tend to see the hijab or veil worn by many Muslim women as a symbol of oppression, to the wearer it may be a means of liberation. According to GILLIAT-RAY (2010), some young British Muslim women choose to wear the hijab in order to gain parental approval to enter further education and employment, where Muslim women’s presence has traditionally been problematic. For them, the hijab is a symbol of liberation that allows them to enter the public sphere without being condemned as immodest. Women also use religion to gain status and respect for their roles within the family.

BRUSCO (2012) found in Colombia, belonging to a Pentecostal group can be empowering for some women. Despite the strong belief in traditional gender roles that such groups hold, women are able to use religion to increase their power and influence by encouraging men to respect them

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101
Q

Explain the Weberian perspective on the role of religion

A

One of the most famous examples showing that religion can be a force for change comes from WEBER in his work ‘The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism’ (1904). He conducted a detailed analysis of the world’s major religions and in doing so, examined the relationship between Protestantism and the development of Western industrial capitalism.

His main argument was that a particular form of Protestantism called Calvinism (which emerged in the (17th) preceded the development of capitalism which initially emerged in areas where this religion was influential. Many of the early entrepreneurs who helped initiate economic development through the industrial revolution and capitalism were Calvinists.

Modern capitalism is based on the systematic, efficient, rational pursuit of profit for its own sake, rather than for consumption. WEBER called this, the spirit of capitalism. According to WEBER, this spirit had what he calls an elective affinity or unconscious similarity to the Calvinists’ beliefs and attitudes. Therefore, after establishing a correlation between Calvinism and capitalism. Weber analysed what features and characteristics it embodied which could have implications for economic change and development.

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102
Q

Explain Calvinist beliefs

A

CALVINIST BELIEFS:
Predestination: WEBER found that Calvinists (just like believers of other salvation religions) longed for a better life in the hereafter. The most significant teaching of John Calvin (1509-64) was that of the theodicy of predestination: the notion that their fate on earth and the hereafter was already known by God. They believed that God predetermined everything, including whether one goes to heaven or hell and figured that the best way to discover if they were among the elect was to obtain the assurance that came from righteous living.

Divine transcendence: God was far above and beyond this world and no human being could possibly claim to know God’s will. This led Calvinists to feel an ‘unprecedented inner loneliness’, which when combined with the doctrine of predestination, created a salvation anxiety in the Calvinists.

Asceticism: This refers to abstinence, self-discipline and self-denial – abstaining from life’s pleasures, avoiding self-indulgence and living an austere lifestyle.

The idea of a vocation/calling: Before Calvinism, the idea of a religious vocation (a calling to God) meant renouncing everyday life to join a convent or monastery. WEBER calls this, other-worldly asceticism. By contrast, Calvinism introduced for the first time the idea of this-worldly asceticism. The only thing they knew of God’s plan for humanity came from the Bible, which revealed to them that we were put on this earth to glorify God’s name by our work. Therefore, the idea of a calling or vocation meant constant, methodical work, but in an occupation, not a monastery. Work was viewed as a religious duty – the Protestant ethic.

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103
Q

Explain the Calvinist belief of predestination

A

Predestination: WEBER found that Calvinists (just like believers of other salvation religions) longed for a better life in the hereafter. The most significant teaching of John Calvin (1509-64) was that of the theodicy of predestination: the notion that their fate on earth and the hereafter was already known by God. They believed that God predetermined everything, including whether one goes to heaven or hell and figured that the best way to discover if they were among the elect was to obtain the assurance that came from righteous living.

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104
Q

Explain the Calvinist belief of divine transcendence

A

Divine transcendence: God was far above and beyond this world and no human being could possibly claim to know God’s will. This led Calvinists to feel an ‘unprecedented inner loneliness’, which when combined with the doctrine of predestination, created a salvation anxiety in the Calvinists.

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105
Q

Explain the Calvinist belief of asceticism

A

Asceticism: This refers to abstinence, self-discipline and self-denial – abstaining from life’s pleasures, avoiding self-indulgence and living an austere lifestyle

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106
Q

Explain the Calvinist belief of idea of a vocation/calling

A

The idea of a vocation/calling: Before Calvinism, the idea of a religious vocation (a calling to God) meant renouncing everyday life to join a convent or monastery. WEBER calls this, other-worldly asceticism. By contrast, Calvinism introduced for the first time the idea of this-worldly asceticism. The only thing they knew of God’s plan for humanity came from the Bible, which revealed to them that we were put on this earth to glorify God’s name by our work. Therefore, the idea of a calling or vocation meant constant, methodical work, but in an occupation, not a monastery. Work was viewed as a religious duty – the Protestant ethic.

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107
Q

How does the wealth and success gained by Calvinists perform a psychological function?

A

The wealth and success gained by Calvinists performed a psychological function, in that it allowed them to cope with their salvation anxiety – they interpreted their wealth as a sign of God’s favour and their salvation (even though this was contrary to their belief that God’s will was unknowable). Furthermore, even though they prospered in material terms, Calvinists adopted a very negative attitude towards worldly pleasures and were driven by the pursuit of profit and renewed profit

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108
Q

How do Calvinists beliefs align with the spirit of capitalism

A

Furthermore, even though they prospered in material terms, Calvinists adopted a very negative attitude towards worldly pleasures and were driven by the pursuit of profit and renewed profit. This importance placed on wealth creation and the restrictions on spending were central to early businesses that expanded to create capitalist societies – the spirit of capitalism. Because of this, WEBER claimed that there was an elective affinity between the Protestant outlook and capitalist behaviour, such that the first gave rise to the latter – Calvinism produced exactly the kind of mind frame which encouraged capitalist habits.

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109
Q

Why does weber argue that religious meaning and purpose directs action

A

WEBER believed that religious meaning and purpose can direct action and maintained that his work demonstrated that religious beliefs could impact on economic phenomena. Because of this he concluded that religion could essentially be a dynamic force. Unlike functionalists and Marxists who regarded religion as a conservative force, promoting social integration and impeding change, he regarded it as a potential catalyst creating the energy that lies behind pivotal economic and social change.

It is important to recognise that WEBER was not arguing that Calvinist beliefs alone were the cause of modern capitalism – these beliefs were not sufficient to bring capitalism into being – (other material and economic factors were necessary such as natural resources, trade, a money economy, towns and cities, a system of law etc.) - but they were central to its development. However, he notes that ancient China and India were materially more advanced than Europe, but capitalism did not take off there and he attributes this to the lack of a religious belief, such as Calvinism, that would have spurred economic development.

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110
Q

How does Calvinist beliefs differ to other religions?

A

In ancient India, Hinduism was an ascetic religion like Calvinism, favouring renunciation of the material world. However, its orientation was other-worldly: it directed its followers’ concerns away from the material world towards the spiritual world. In ancient China, Confucianism also discouraged the growth of rational capitalism, but for different reasons. Like Calvinism, Confucianism was a this-worldly religion that directed its followers towards the material world, but unlike Calvinism, it was not ascetic. Therefore, both Hinduism and Confucianism lacked the drive to systematically accumulate wealth that is necessary for modern capitalism. WEBER argued that Calvinism was unique in combining asceticism with a this-worldly orientation to enable the spirit of capitalism to emerge.

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111
Q

How did weber view of religion differ from functionalist, Marxist and feminist views?

A

Unlike functionalists and Marxists who regarded religion as a conservative force, promoting social integration and impeding change, he regarded it as a potential catalyst creating the energy that lies behind pivotal economic and social change.

112
Q

Explain how religion can be a conservative force in society

A

Religion as a conservative force:

Functionalists: believe religion contributes to social order and harmony – it acts as a social glue;

Marxists: believe religion is a form of social control – it acts as a system of discipline;

Feminists: believe religion serves and reinforces the interests of men – it perpetuates patriarchy.

They all make similar observations about the functions and role of religion in society – that it contributes to the status quo and inhibits social change;

However, functionalists celebrate and champion this conservativism whereas Marxists and feminists critique it.

113
Q

Explain how religion can be used as a force of change within society

A

Despite the arguments and evidence used to support their observations and views that religion promotes stability and prevents social change;

Many sociologists now accept that religion can promote social change and is not inevitably a conservative force

Neo-Marxists: believe religion has the potential to be revolutionary – it can act as a form of liberation theology;

Weberians: believe religion is capable of facilitating economic and social change – it can act as a catalyst for change

114
Q

What is a fundamentalist movement?

A

Fundamentalist religious movements are useful to illustrate the role that religion can have in society, in relation to social change. A fundamentalist movement is one that:

  • challenges progress and refers its followers back to the original scriptures.
  • reasserts traditional moral and religious teachings and values.
  • opposes and challenges changes that have taken place.
  • attempts to retrieve and defend the traditional faith and reverse any innovations.
  • often uses political means to further its cause.
  • often leads to an ‘us’ and ‘them’ mentality.
115
Q

Explain the fundamentalist movement of the new Christian right (NCR) in America

A

THE NEW CHRISTIAN RIGHT (NCR) IN AMERICA:

The NCR is a politically and morally conservative Protestant fundamentalist movement. It has gained prominence in the US since the 1960s and has proven to be extremely influential in its opposition to the liberalising of American society. Its aims are to take America ‘back to God’ and make abortion, homosexuality, gay marriage and divorce illegal – to turn the clock back to a time before the liberalisation of American culture and society.

It campaigns for the teaching of creationism and banning sex education in schools. It has made effective use of the media via televangelism and has strong political links with the Republican Party. Ronald Reagan and both George Bush junior and senior gained many votes from conservative Christians.

116
Q

Evaluate the New Christian Right fundamentalist movement

A

Whilst the NCR has had enormous political influence, they have however, been largely unsuccessful in achieving their aims of taking America ‘back to God’. BRUCE (2009) argues this is because

(a) there is little support in the US for a theocracy;

(b) it lacks widespread support and has met with strong opposition from groups who stand for freedom of choice – it clashes with the liberal and democratic values held by many in America – values which include a belief in the separation of the church and the state;

(c) its campaigners find it very difficult to cooperate with people from other religious groups.

117
Q

Explain the fundamentalist movement of Islamic fundamentalism in Iran

A

ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM IN IRAN:
In 1979 the Iranian revolution took place and this was partly inspired by Islamic fundamentalism in reaction to a process of social and cultural change which included a number of liberal reforms that had been introduced in Iran before 1979. These included the introduction of secular education and the liberalisation of traditional Islamic attitudes towards women. Young people wore western clothes and attended western style universities.

The Shah that had encouraged these reforms blamed Islamic culture for poverty and his programme of modernisation had been supported by the West and western companies. During the revolution, he was deposed of and exiled and an already exiled priest living in Paris was called back to lead the new Iranian Islamic state. Under Ayatollah Khomeini, all the reforms and changes introduced by the last Shah, which were understood as pointing towards Western liberalisation were reversed.

The revolution led to the establishment of an Islamic republic dominated by the clergy. Islamic principles now governed all aspects of life – everyone had to observe Islamic laws and customs and religious observance became obligatory. In this context, segregated education was reintroduced, veiling was enforced and conservative sexual attitudes became the norm.

Islamic fundamentalism was the catalyst behind the conservative and cultural changes introduced and so in this sense, these developments could be interpreted as an example of a religion facilitating change. However, in terms of supporting and reasserting traditional values, religion acted as a conservative reactionary force - the changes saw the reversal of innovations and the defending of traditional conservative values.

118
Q

How is the example of Islamic fundamentalism in Iran show how religion can facilitate change but also act as a conservative reactionary force?

A

Islamic fundamentalism was the catalyst behind the conservative and cultural changes introduced and so in this sense, these developments could be interpreted as an example of a religion facilitating change. However, in terms of supporting and reasserting traditional values, religion acted as a conservative reactionary force - the changes saw the reversal of innovations and the defending of traditional conservative values.

119
Q

State the examples that Nelson has listed of religion undermining stability or prompted change

A

NELSON (1986) points to a number of cases where religion has undermined stability or prompted change:

In the US in the 1960s, Reverend Martin Luther King and the Southern Christian Leadership Council played a pivotal role in establishing civil rights and securing legal reform to reduce racial segregation and discrimination.

BRUCE (2003) describes the struggle of the black civil rights movement as an example of religiously motivated change. The black clergy played a decisive role, giving support and moral legitimacy to the civil rights activists. Their churches provided meeting places and sanctuary from the threat of white violence, and rituals such as prayer meetings and hymn signing were a source of unity in the face of oppression. He argues that the black clergy were able to shame whites into changing the law by appealing to their shared Christian values of equality. Therefore, religion in this context was an ideological resource – it provided beliefs and practices that protesters could draw on for motivation and support.

In Northern Ireland, Roman Catholicism has long been associated with Irish Republicanism.

In the 1960s, a number of radical revolutionary groups emerged within the RC Church in Latin America to challenge the structural inequalities inherent within their countries. Liberation theology is based on the notion that Jesus himself was a revolutionary figure who liberated his people from slavery and oppression. LT preaches that it is the duty of church members to fight against oppression and unjust right-wing military dictatorships. It offers an ‘option for the poor’ of community consciousness and campaigning for social change.

Pentecostalism offers an ‘option of the poor’ for individuals to pull themselves out of poverty through their own efforts, supported by the congregation and led by church pastors. Less revolutionary than LT, Pentecostalism offers more of a conservative solution; self-improvement through the private sphere of family and church.

In Poland, the RC Church opposed the communist state and supported the attempts of the trade union Solidarity to achieve changes in Polish society. In 1989 the communist monopoly on power was broken when Solidarity was allowed to contest and win seats in the Polish parliament.

In South Africa, Archbishop Tutu was a prominent opponent of apartheid.

In 1989 and 1990, a number of Soviet republics suggested the continued strength of religious belief. The RC Church in Lithuania was one source of demand for independence. In 1990, conflict between Soviet Muslims in Azerbaijan and Soviet Christians in Armenia, led to troops being deployed to restore order.

120
Q

How do religious organisations and movements vary?

A

Religion and religious beliefs can vary in the way they are practiced according to each individual. Many individuals may have religious beliefs without belonging to any religious organisation or movements, however many members of society express their religious beliefs through the religious organisations and movements that they are a member of

121
Q

What are religious movements and what social factors can influence religious organisations or movements to be created

A

A range of social factors influence the types of religious organisations and movements which are created, who joins them, as well as how they develop.

Religious organisations are shaped by society, but they themselves may in turn influence society and they shape their members beliefs

122
Q

How have sociologists attempted to understand religious organisations and movements?

A

A number of attempts have been made to understand the range of religious organisations that exist (primarily within the field of Christianity)

To aid their understanding, sociologists have attempted to categorise and classify religious organisations into typologies

Weber is credited as the first sociologist to classify and distinguish different types of religious organisation.

His student Troeltsch (1931) developed his analysis further and developed an influential typology to aid our understanding of different types of Christian organisations

Typologies are a conceptual tool, designed to highlight key features of religious organisations and to distinguish between different types

They are not without their problems and the boundaries between different types are fluid.

123
Q

What four ways can religious organisations be grouped into?

A
  • Church
  • Denomination
  • Sects
  • Cults
124
Q

Explain the religious organisation of the church?

A

Church -

A church is a large, stable formal organisation. Membership is ascribed; individuals do not have to demonstrate their faith to gain membership. It is generally integrated with the state and has an organised, professional clerical hierarchy and a fixed body of doctrine that ties in with the accepted beliefs of society, e.g. Anglicanism, Catholicism, Islam, Judaism. Some churches (particularly in the past) try to embrace all members of society and claim a monopoly of the truth and authority over the population, whereas others coexist with other faiths. Churches accept and affirm society and encourage members to be conformists. In industrial societies, churches tend to be larger and more conservative than other religious groups. Because of their size, members are drawn from all classes, however the upper classes are particularly likely to be key members.

Bruce (1996) recognises that religious pluralism undermines and fragments the monopoly churches hold.

125
Q

Explain the religious organisation of denomination?

A

Denomination -

A denomination shares several of a church’s features and characteristics. There is some blurring of the boundaries, however, unlike a church, a denomination does not have universal appeal and usually coexists with several other religious organisations within a particular society, e.g. Methodists, Baptists, Pentecostalists. Generally, members accept society, but the emphasis is placed on individual choice and consent. Unlike churches, there is no formal connection to the state, the hierarchy and organisation of the clergy is less complex than a church. Although conservative in nature, membership is a more personal phenomenon. Members are usually more representative of society.

Stark and Bainbridge (1985) liken a denomination to a watered-down version of a church.

126
Q

Explain the religious organisation of sects?

A

Sects -

Sects are smaller than churches and denominations, they are more personally focused and more strongly integrated than other religious organisations. They result from schisms, are often insular in outlook and are sometimes at odds with the beliefs of society and other religious organisations, e.g. Mormons, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Moonies, Scientology, People’s Temple etc. Members usually reject or are opposed to wider society and are often drawn from lower class groups and individuals who are less well integrated in society. Membership is chosen by adults; they often withdraw from life outside of the sect. By their very nature they tend to believe that they possess a monopoly on religious truth and although they are non-bureaucratic, authority generally rests with a single charismatic leader.

127
Q

Explain the religious organisation of cults?

A

Cults -

Cults are very small, individualistic organisations and demand less commitment from members than sects. Members are often thought of as clients and are led by practitioners or therapists who claim special knowledge. Cults focus on individual experience, bringing like-minded individuals together. People do not formally join cults, rather they subscribe to particular theories or forms of behaviour. Cults are concerned with finding new ways to salvation. There is no consensus among sociologists over how to classify a cult, but most agree that it is the least coherent form of religious organisation. (The terms sect and cult are often used interchangeably by people.)

From the 1960s there was a huge increase in the number of religious organisations that emerged. This led sociologists to attempt to classify these new religious movements – many of which could be viewed as sects and/or cults.

128
Q

Explain how Wilson developed a typology of 7 different types?

A

TYPOLOGY OF SECTS -

Given the proliferation of sects in the 1960s, WILSON (1966) developed a typology of 7 different types, based on their particular response to the world:

  • Conversionist sects
  • revolutionary sects
  • Introversionist sects
  • Manipulationist sects
  • Thaumaturgical sects
  • Reformist sects
  • Utopian sects
129
Q

In relation to Wilson’s typology of 7 different types, what is a conversionist sect?

A

Conversionist sects: are typical of evangelical/fundamentalist Christianity. They do not accept the social order and try to win people over and convert them through public preaching and mass meetings. They believe that if people change, the world will change. Examples: The Salvation Army, Pentecostalism.

130
Q

In relation to Wilson’s typology of 7 different types, what is a revolutionary sect?

A

Revolutionary sects: hope to change the status quo and replace it with a new order under God’s direction where they will become God’s powerful representatives. Prophetic religious texts are valued and members compare sect predictions with unfolding events. Examples: Jehovah’s Witnesses, Mormons.

131
Q

what is a Introversionist sect?

A

Introversionist sects: do not aim to convert or overthrow the world, but to retire from worldly things and cherish personal holiness. Communities are created wherein members can live a life of spirituality. Examples: Amish, Mennonites.

132
Q

what is a manipulationist sect?

A

Manipulationist sects: members try to obtain goals that are generally accepted by wider society, but claim special knowledge and techniques for attaining these goals. They are sometimes called cults of success as they seek improvements in this world and are less concerned with what happens in the next. Assembly is more about proclaiming the success of sect techniques than worship. Examples: Scientology, Christian Scientists.

133
Q

what is a thaumaturgical sect?

A

Thaumaturgical sects: believe that the outside world can be changed through miracles and magical healing. Spirits and other powers are called on in their assemblies and hope individuals will benefit from personal messages. Example: Spiritualism.

134
Q

what is a reformist sect?

A

Reformist sects: seek to change the world from within, not through radical or revolutionary means. They associate with the world but only engage in it through good deeds and seek to remain untainted by worldly things. Example: Quakers.

135
Q

what is a utopian sect?

A

Utopian sects: partly withdraw from the world and hope to recreate it to a better specification along communitarian lines. Some set up colonies and communities with a global mission. Example: Christian Socialists.

136
Q

What does Wilson’s identification and classification of the 7 typologies show?

A

WILSON emphasised that this typology is a hypothetical categorisation and that in reality many overlap and defy easy classification. Also, he recognised that sects undergo changes in their history and are open to reinterpretation and reinvention. He claimed that they mutate in response to changes over time in society.

137
Q

What does Wallis’s typology of new religious movements show?

A

WALLIS (1984) was influential in his attempt to develop a typology of religious movements and organisations. He observed that many NRMs drew on Christian traditions and non-western religious such as Hinduism and Buddhism and ideas and techniques from psychology and psychotherapy. He differentiated between NRMs in terms of their relationship to the outside world: whether they affirm, accommodate or reject it.

138
Q

Explain world-affirming new religious movements

A

World affirming NRMs: These NRMs have been extremely successful and include Scientology, Transcendental Meditation (TM), and Soka Gakkai. These movements are very different from other religious groups as they lack many of the features regarded as central to conventional religions.

They often lack any developed theology or ethics and usually have no collective ritual of worship – therefore, in many ways they do not appear to be conventionally ‘religious’. In both nature and language, these movements are somewhat business-like; they market themselves as a service that individuals can consume at their convenience, typically organise themselves as multi-national business corporations, employ techniques of modern marketing and members are clients. These movements claim to provide access to spiritual or supernatural powers and offer techniques which enable them to live more satisfactory, by successfully unlocking spiritual powers present within them. Salvation is understood to be a personal experience wherein individuals are able to overcome personal problems.

They have been described as psychologising religions offering this-worldly gratification to reduce the problems of this life, rather than achieving salvation in the next - enabling individuals to achieve the conventional goals of this life e.g. personal happiness, career or personal relationship success etc. They accept the goals and values of the wider society – but provide new means to achieve them.

139
Q

Explain world accommodating new religious movements

A

World Accommodating NRMs: These are often breakaways from existing mainstream churches and denominations, such as neo-Pentecostalists who split from Catholicism or Subud, an offshoot of Islam.

They neither fully accept or reject the norms and values of the surrounding society. Rather, they feel that the secular world and even many religions, have slipped away from God’s design for human life and seek to restore the spiritual purity of religion.

They attempt to return to traditional certainties in a world where religious institutions have become colder, more bureaucratic and less certain of their role and beliefs. Such movements believe that individuals can overcome this problem in their own lives without separating entirely from the secular world.

140
Q

Explain world rejecting new religious movements

A

World rejecting NRMs: Examples include the Moonies, Krishna Consciousness, Children of God, the Manson family, the Branch Davidian and the People’s Temple. They vary greatly in size, from a handful of members to hundreds of thousands.

They are very religious and hold a clear conception of God as infinitely superior to people. They pray and worship in a conventional way, however they are far from conventional in their ideology. They are invariably highly critical of and reject the world around them, seeing it as corrupt and therefore, it has to be abandoned or totally transformed. Such movements separate themselves from the wider society in communities of the faithful.

The movement controls all aspects of their lives and consequently have a reputation for ‘brainwashing’ members. They look forward to a spiritual revolution and are therefore referred to as millenarian movements – they expect God’s intervention to change the world

141
Q

Evaluate Wallis’s typology of new religious movements

A

Wallis offers a way of classifying the NRMs that have developed in recent decades. However, he ignores the diversity of beliefs that may exist within a NRM. Wallis himself recognises that real NRMs will rarely fit neatly into his typology, that many defy classification or occupy an intermediate space. Nevertheless, many sociologists find such typologies useful as a way of analysing and comparing the significant features of NRMs.

However, Stark and Bainbridge (1985) reject the idea of constructing such typologies altogether and are critical of all such attempts. They claim that because typologies are based on possible criteria that NRMs may possess they are little more than hypothetical and do not provide sociology with the methodological and empirical accuracy needed for any meaningful analysis of society. They argue that we should distinguish between religious organisations using just one criterion: the degree of conflict or tension between the religious groups and wider society.

142
Q

Explain Stark and Bainbridge’s typologies of sects and cults

A

STARK and BAINBRIDGE (1985) identify two kinds of organisation that are in conflict with wider society – sects and cults: Sects: result from schisms – splits in existing organization. They break away from churches usually because of disagreements about doctrine.

They promise ‘other-worldly’ benefits (e.g. a place in heaven) to those suffering economic deprivation or ethical deprivation. Cults: are new religions such as Scientology and Christian Science, or ones new to that particular society. They offer ‘this-worldly’ benefits (e.g. good health or greater prosperity).

143
Q

Explain Stark and Bainbridge subdivide cults in relation to their organisation

A

STARK and BAINBRIDGE then subdivide cults according to how organised they are:

. Audience cults: are the least organised and do not involve formal membership or much commitment. There is also little interaction between members and participation could be through the media. For example: astrology and UFO cults.

. Client cults: are based on the relationship between a consultant and client and provide services to their followers. This mainly involved therapies promising personal fulfillment and self-discovery. For example: Spiritualism

. Cultic movements: are the most organised and demand a higher level of commitment than any other cults. The movement aims to meet all of its members’ religious needs and unlike followers of audience and client cults, they are rarely allowed to belong to other religious groups at the same time. For example: Moonies and Scientology.

144
Q

Evaluate Stark and Bainbridge’s typologies of sect and cults

A

STARK and BAINBRIDGE make some useful distinctions between organisations. For example, their idea of using the degree of conflict with wider society to distinguish between them is similar to Troeltsch’s distinction between church (which accepts society) and sect (which rejects society). However, some of the examples that they use do not fit neatly into any of their categories.

145
Q

State two examples of generic religious and spiritual movements

A
  • Millenarian movements
  • New age movements
146
Q

Explain millenarian movements

A

A millenarian movement is the belief by a religious movement in a coming major transformation of society, after which all things will be changed. Millenarianism is a concept or theme that exists in many cultures and religions. Because religion raises the hope of a better world in the afterlife, it may also create a desire to change things here and now, for example to bring about the kingdom of God on earth. Millenarian movements are an important example of this desire. They take their name from the word ‘millennium’, meaning a thousand years. In Christian theology this refers to the idea that Christ would come into the world for a second time and rule for a thousand years before the Day of Judgment and the end of the world.

147
Q

What does Worsley (1968) argue in relation to millenarian movements?

A

According to WORSLEY (1968) such movements expect the total and imminent transformation of this world by supernatural means. This will create a heaven on earth, a life free from pain, death, sin, corruption and imperfection. The transformation will be collective – the group will be saved, not just individuals. Millenarian movements therefore believe in the coming of a new world. These are religious born of frustration, despair or bewilderment which seek to cut through a hopeless situation with a promise of the millennium - a promise of good government, great happiness and prosperity. The appeal of millenarian movements is largely to the poor because they promise immediate improvement and they often arise in colonial situations.

European colonialism led to economic exploitation and cultural and religious domination, for example through Christian missionaries and their schools. It also shattered the traditional tribal social structures and cultures of the colonized peoples. Local leaders and local gods lose power when their people are forced to work for colonists who live in luxury.

148
Q

What did Worsley argue about millenarian movements?

A

WORSLEY observed that such movements combined elements of traditional beliefs with elements of Christianity – such as ideas about a heaven where suffering of the righteous will be rewarded, Christ’s imminent second coming to earth, the Day of Judgment and punishment of the wicked. He describes the movements as pre-political – they used religious ideas and images, but they united native populations in mass movements that spanned tribal divisions. Many of the secular nationalist leaders and parties that were to overthrow colonial rule in the 1950s and 60s developed out of the millenarian movements.

149
Q

State examples about millenarian movements?

A
  • cargo cults - western pacific felt deprived when cargo arrived
  • peoples temple - Jim jones
  • maori movement
  • jehovah witnesses
  • Nation of Islam
150
Q

Explain new age movements

A

The term ‘New Age’ has been applied to a range of ideas which started to become prominent in the 1980s. Some NA beliefs were organised as NRMs (mainly as world affirming loosely organised audience or client cults), ideas were usually spread through aspects of culture (public lectures, meetings, seminars, shops etc). NA beliefs are extremely diverse and eclectic, they include: an interest in meditation, yoga, psychotherapy, self-healing and alternative medicine, crystals, clairvoyance, a belief in ‘spirit guides’ etc. Manifestations of the NA can be found in books that focus on any of these themes, activities and spiritual communes.

151
Q

What does Heelas (1996) argue about new age movements?

A

HEELAS (1996) sees the NA as an eclectic ‘hotch-potch’ of beliefs, practices and ways of life, he argues that two common themes characterise the NA beliefs and movements and most offer both:

· Self-spirituality: New Agers seeking the spiritual have turned away from traditional ‘external’ religions such as churches, and instead look inside themselves to find their own spirituality.

· Detraditionalisation: NA rejects the spiritual authority of external traditional sources such as priests or sacred texts. Instead it values personal experience and believes that we can discover the truth for ourselves and within ourselves.

152
Q

Explain postmodernity and the new age in relation to new age movements?

A

Postmodernity and the New Age:

Several explanations of the popularity of the NA have been offered. DRANE (1999) argues that its appeal is part of a shift towards postmodern society. One of the features of postmodern society is a loss of faith in metanarratives or claims to the truth, e.g. science promised a better world but instead has brought war, genocide, environmental destruction and global warming. As a result, people have lost faith in experts and professionals and they are disillusioned with the churches’ failure to meet their spiritual needs – turning instead to the NA idea that each of us can find truth in ourselves by looking within. Salvation, therefore, comes not from an external God but from discovering and perfecting yourself.

153
Q

Explain modernity and the new age

A

Modernity and the New Age:

Contrastingly, HEELAS (1996) and BRUCE (2011) argue that the NA was only possible because of the nature of modernity rather than postmodernity. Modern society values individualism, which is a key feature of NA beliefs. They claim that the appeal of the NA reflects the culturally stimulated interest in the self, its values, capacities and problems. Whereas traditionalised religiosity, with its hierarchical organisation is well suited for the community, detraditionalised spirituality is well suited for the individual. The NA is ‘of’ the self in that it facilitates celebration of what is to be and to become; and ‘for’ the self in that by differing from much of the mainstream, it is positioned to handle identity problems generated by conventional forms of life.

According to BRUCE, the NA appeals most to the university educated middle classes who work in the ‘expressive professions’ and are concerned with human potential and development, such as community workers, social workers, counsellors, artists, writers etc.

154
Q

What does BRUCE argue about new age beliefs in particular?

A

BRUCE notes that NA beliefs are often softer versions of much more demanding and self-disciplined religions such as Buddhism, which have been diluted to make them more palatable to self-centred Westerners. He sees NA eclecticism or ‘pick and mix spiritual shopping’ as typical of religion in late modern society. Similarly, HEELAS sees the New Age and modernity linked in 4 ways:

  1. A source of identity: In modern society, the individual has many roles and few overlap which results in a fragmented identity. NA beliefs offer a source of ‘authentic’ identity.
  2. Consumer culture: creates dissatisfaction because it does not deliver the perfection that it promises in all of its advertising/media messages. The NA offers and alternative way to achieve perfection.
  3. Rapid social change: in modern society disrupts established norms and values, resulting in anomie. The NA provides a new sense of certainty.
  4. Decline of organised religion: Modernity leads to secularisation and therefore removes the traditional alternatives to NA beliefs – in the US, NA movements are strongest where traditional churchgoing is at its lowest
155
Q

What does Niebuhr (1929) argue about the dynamics of new religious movements

A

While many churches have a long history stretching over many centuries, NRMs by contrast are often short-lived organisations, frequently lasting only a single generation or less. Sociologists have therefore been interested to understand the dynamics of NRM development and appreciate how they evolve. NIEBUHR (1929) made a number of observations about the development of NRMs and suggested that they evolve from and around sects. Other commentators have made similar observations.

156
Q

Explain how new religious movements evolve from a cult to a sect

A

From cult to sect:

Cults are often interpreted as precarious movements, largely due to the fact that they require little or no commitment by their followers.

WALLIS (1984) states that in an effort to counteract their precariousness, some cults become more sect-like. As a result, a body of distinctive teachings and doctrine are likely to develop, a hierarchy emerges and authority is more likely to become centralized in a leader. At the same time, followers become subject to controls and greater commitment is required. The movement’s boundaries become more sharply drawn and greater distance develops between itself and the world.

STARK and BAINBRIDGE (1985) argue that cult founders often encourage a sect-type ‘turning inwards’ because they lose hope. This is because in the first generation the number of actual recruits remains small.

157
Q

Explain how new religious movements evolve from church to sect

A

From church to sect -

Some sects begin as a movement of dissatisfied individuals within a church who feel betrayed by its corruption, worldliness or spiritual disintegration. These sects emerge from a division or schism, as members are expelled or break away, e.g. Methodism initially emerged as a schismatic breakaway sect of the Church of England.

158
Q

Explain how new religious movements evolve from sect to denomination

A

From sect to denomination:

According to NIEBUHR, all sects must evolve into a denomination or face extinction. He claimed that sects are short-lived and that it was impossible for a sect to survive as a sect, beyond a single generation. He notes that they could either change their characteristics, abandon their extreme ideas, compromise and become a denomination or disappear altogether. For example, the Methodist membership rose in size and status during the (19th, the strict disciplines of the sect were dropped, and it gradually became recognized as a denomination.

159
Q

State reasons for the evolution from a sect to a denomination

A

Reasons for this evolution from a sect to a denomination include:

· The second generation: those born into a sect, lack the commitment and are unable to sustain the fervor of the first generation (their parents) who had consciously rejected the world and joined voluntarily.

· Death of the leader: the nature of the leadership could change and lack the charisma to hold the sect together or a more formal bureaucratic leadership takes over, transforming it into a denomination.

· The Protestant Ethic effect: sects that practice asceticism (hard work and saving) tend to become more prosperous and upwardly mobile, as was the case with Methodists. Members may be tempted to compromise with the world, so they will either leave or it will abandon its world-rejecting sects

160
Q

Explain Stark and Bainbridge’s views on the evolution from a sect to denomination

A

STARK and BAINBRIDGE explain the evolution of religious organisations, arguing that they move through a cycle – the sectarian cycle: Stage 1: schism: there is tension between the needs of deprived and privileged members of the church. Deprived members break away and become a world-rejecting sect. Stage 2: intitial fervor: where members are committed to the charismatic leader. Stage 3: denominationalism: the Protestant Ethic effect and the coolness of the second generation mean the fervor disappears. Stage 4: Establishment: sees the sect become more world-accepting and tension with wider society reduces. Final Stage: Further schism: results when more zealous or less privileged members break away to establish a new sect true to the original message.

161
Q

Why does Wilson reject Niebuhr’s view that sects are short-lived?

A

WILSON (1966 and 2008) rejects NIEBUHR’s view that sects are inevitably short-lived. He argues that many sects do not evolve into denominations. Examples include the Amish, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Mormons, Quakers and Exclusive Brethren. Instead of becoming denominations, WILSON argues that they become established sects. Therefore, contrary to NIEBUHR’s predictions, many of them succeeded in socialising their children into a high level of commitment - largely by keeping them apart from the wider world.

Nevertheless, WILSON recognises that globalisation will make it harder in the future for sects to keep themselves separate from the outside world. Nevertheless, it will make it easier to recruit in developing countries, where there are large numbers of deprived people for whom the message of sects is attractive (as the success of Pentecostalism has shown).

162
Q

What view does Wallis take on the complex paths followed by sects?

A

WALLIS takes a more complex view of the paths followed by sects, arguing that the chances of sects surviving, changing or disappearing are affected both by the internal ideology of the sect and by the external social circumstances. He argues that the development of sects may involve them changing from one type of sect to another, rather than becoming denominations. Therefore, WALLIS does not believe that there is any single or inevitable path that any type of sect will follow.

163
Q

According to Wallis, how do world-rejecting sects soften their opposition of society and become world-accommodating

A

world-rejecting sects may soften their opposition of society and become world-accommodating. This was quite common in the 1970s when economic recession discouraged some members from dropping out and rejecting society altogether. Social changes may lead to the members becoming less marginal in society, so threatening the base on which the sect was established. However, as new groups become marginal, new sects emerge. WALLIS claims that world-affirming movements need not have a short duration; they are often flexible and change to survive and prosper. He argues that they are likely to change to attract a new client group and broaden their appeal, particularly if their techniques have failed to deliver promises.

He provides little commentary on the development of world-accommodating movements, but recognises that they seem the most stable of the NRMs. World-accommodating movements have the most in common with denominations and therefore, by implication, although WALLIS does not agree with NIEBUHR that sects inevitably disappear or become denominations, his work suggests that there may be tendencies in these directions.

164
Q

state examples of religious organisations and movements

A
  • Mennonites
  • Amish
  • Jehovah Witnesses
  • Pentecostalism
  • Mormonism
  • Quakers
  • Scientology
165
Q

Explain Mennonites

A

MENNONITES: The Mennonites are a branch of the Christian church and are known for their emphasis on issues such as peace, justice, simplicity, community, service and mutual aid. They are known as a ‘peace’ church. They believe in the close textual readings of the Scriptures and a personal responsibility as the basis of their faith. Mennonite teachings are founded in a belief in both the mission and ministry of Jesus Christ and they emphasize service to others as an important way of expressing one’s faith. A large number of Mennonites spend part of their life working as missionaries throughout the world spreading peace and fighting social injustice

166
Q

Explain Amish

A

AMISH: The Amish split from the Mennonite Swiss Brethren in 1962. They are an American Protestant group with around 200,000 members descended from European Anabaptists who came to the US more than two centuries ago to escape persecution. They believe that their religious faith and the way they live are inseparable and interdependent. They emphasize the values of humility, family, community and isolation from the world. They are known for their separation from society and rejection of most modern technology and enjoy a (19th way of life. Individualism is avoided as they believe that the way to salvation is to live as a loving community apart from the world. The community governs itself strictly and baptized members are committed to church rules.

167
Q

Explain Jehovah’s witnesses

A

JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES: These are a millenarian restorationist Christian denomination with nontrinitarian beliefs distinct from mainstream Christianity. Jehovah’s Witnesses are best known for their door-to-door preaching, distributing literature and refusing military service and blood transfusions. They reject Trinitarianism, inherent immortality of the soul, and hellfire, which they consider to be unscriptural doctrines. They do not observe Christmas, Easter, birthdays or other holidays and customs they consider to have pagan origins incompatible with Christianity. Followers commonly refer to their body of beliefs as “the truth” and consider themselves to be “in the truth”. Jehovah’s Witnesses consider secular society to be morally corrupt and under the influence of Satan, and limit their social interaction with non-Witnesses.

168
Q

Explain Pentecostalism

A

PENTECOSTALISM: Pentecostalism began among poor and disadvantaged people in the US at the start of the (20th. It gets its name from the day of Pentecost, when, according to the Bible, the Holy Spirit descended on Jesus’ disciples, leading them to speak in many languages as evidence that they had been baptised in the Spirit. Pentecostals believe that this was not a one-off event, but something that can and does happen every day. Pentecostalism stresses the importance of conversions that amount to a Baptism in the Spirit. This fills the believer with the Holy Spirit, which gives the believer the strength to live a truly Christian life. The direct experience of God is revealed by gifts of the Spirit such as speaking in tongues, prophecy and healing.

Pentecostalism is a form of Christianity that emphasises the work of the Holy Spirit and the direct experience of the presence of God by the believer. It is energetic and dynamic, and its members believe they are driven by the power of God moving within them. Pentecostal worship is less formal and more emotionally expressive than that of other Christian traditions. Participants worship with body, heart and soul, as well as with their minds. Although it is often said to be rooted in experience rather than theology, Pentecostals base their theology on the text of the Bible, which they believe to be the word of God and totally without error.

169
Q

Explain mormonism

A

MORMONISM: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was founded in (19th America and has approximately 13.5 million members world-wide. Mormons believe their church is a restoration of the Church as conceived by Jesus and that the other Christian churches have gone astray. Mormons believe that God has a physical body, is married, and can have children. They also believe that humans can become gods in the afterlife. Mormons are strongly focused on traditional family life and values. They oppose abortion, homosexuality, unmarried sexual acts, pornography, gambling, tobacco, consuming alcohol, tea, coffee, and the use of drugs. One of the more common misconceptions is that The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints advocates polygamy. However, this was discontinued over a century ago and the Church excommunicates anyone who practices it.

170
Q

Explain Quackers

A

QUAKERS: The Society of Friends began in England in the 1650s. There are about 210,000 Quakers across the world. They believe that there is something of God in everybody and that each human being is of unique worth. Therefore, Quakers value all people equally and oppose anything that may harm or threaten them. They seek religious truth in inner experience, and place great reliance on conscience as the basis of morality. They emphasise direct experience of God rather than ritual and ceremony, they do not have clergy or rituals and their meetings for worship are often held in silence. They believe that priests and rituals are an unnecessary obstruction between the believer and God. They believe God can be found in the middle of everyday life and human relationships, as much as during a meeting for worship. Quakers integrate religion and everyday life and believe redemption and the Kingdom of Heaven are to be experienced now, in this world.

171
Q

Explain scientology

A

SCIENTOLOGY: Scientology is legally recognized as a tax-exempt religion in the United States and some other countries, and the Church of Scientology emphasizes this as proof that it is a bona fide religion. It has often been described as a cult that financially defrauds and abuses its members, charging exorbitant fees for its spiritual services. The Church of Scientology has consistently used litigation against such critics, and its aggressiveness in pursuing its foes has been condemned as harassment.

Scientology teaches that people are immortal beings who have forgotten their true nature. Its method of spiritual rehabilitation is a type of counselling known as auditing, in which practitioners aim to consciously re-experience painful or traumatic events in their past in order to free themselves of their limiting effects. Study materials and auditing courses are made available to members in return for specified donations. Further controversy has focused on Scientology’s belief that souls (thetans) reincarnate and have lived on other planets before living on Earth and that some of the related teachings are not revealed to practitioners until they have paid thousands of dollars to the Church of Scientology. Another controversial belief held by Scientologists is that the practice of psychiatry is destructive and abusive and must be abolished.

172
Q

What three factors have been identified by sociologists for the emergence and appeal of NRMs

A

To understand the appeal of NRMS and how they attract followers it is important to study the conditions in which they are more likely to emerge. Although they can emerge at any time, three factors have been identified as the most significant:

  • Social change
  • Marginality
  • Deprivation
173
Q

Explain the factor of social change as a reason for the emergence and appeal of NRMS

A

A number of sociologists have identified that NRMs are likely to emerge during or after periods of rapid and unsettling social change - as they offer certainty and stability. Cohen (1957) claims that economic slumps, war and conflict, devastation etc. can lead to a deep sense of doom and a desire for salvation - these conditions spawn new movements. Following this, Wilson (1970) observed that social change prompts upheaval, where a way of life is threatened and people can feel uprooted. What follows is a period of uncertainty, unrest, disorientation and social dislocation all of which can lead to a crisis of meaning and unity. He argues that Methodism emerged under these conditions and was a response of the urban working class to the new life that was created as a result of industrialisation and urbanisation

Supporting these arguments, Bruce (1995) traced the emergence of the first sects to the reformation of the church in the C16th and the upheavals that accompanied this. He attributes the growth of subsequent NRMs to trends such as modernity and secularisation and the weakness of more conventional institutionalised religions

Bruce’s work is supported by others who accept that trends such as rationalisation and bureaucratisation, the disintegration of the family and community, the multiplicity of lifestyles and beliefs systems and the failure of science, capitalism and mainstream religions to offer satisfactory guidelines and answers - as contributing to the emergence of NRMs.

174
Q

State one criticism of the factor of social change

A

Melton (1993) argues that many NRMs emerged in the 1950s - a decade which preceded a period of mass change in the 1960s

175
Q

Explain the factor of marginality in relation to the emergence and appeal of NRMS

A

Weber (1905) provided an explanation for the rise of NRMs by looking at the functions they perform for the individuals who join them. He claimed that they are likely to arise within marginalised groups in society, NRMS, particularly sects can provide a solution to marginalisation as based on a ‘theodicy of deprivilege’: they are able to provide religious explanation for the disadvantage experienced by their disadvantage experienced by their members and provide them with a sense of identity, dignity, hope and status either in a new world or the afterlife.

Drawing on Marxist ideology, Niebuhr argued that many economically marginalised join sects as the institutionalised existing religions are tied up with the established order, whereas sects are a protest against this. They therefore appeal to the marginalised as they substitute feelings of inadequacy for religious and spiritual privilege as followers become the spiritual elite.

Wilson (1970) also supports the notion that marginalisation is a relevant factor in the emergence of NRMs. He claims that marginalised groups provide rich fertile ground for the development and recruitment of sects. This is because they offer a chance for political and radical struggle against the causes of exclusion and oppression and those who execute this. Reflecting this, the expansion of sects in the US in the 1960s was largely accomplished through the recruitment of marginal and disadvantaged groups.

176
Q

Evaluate the factor of marginality in relation to the emergence and appeal of NRMs

A

Research has shown that throughout the 1960s and 70s the membership of many world rejecting NRMs was drawn amongst the ranks of young, white middle class Americans and Europeans. Nevertheless, Wallis (1984) does not believe that this contradicts the theory of out of society. Their marginality may have been increased by arrests for drug use or activities involved with radical politics and protests. Wallis found that many were attracted to the communal lifestyle which sects offered

177
Q

Explain the factor of deprivation in relation to the emergence and appeal of NRMs

A

Glock and Stark (1965) use the concept of deprivation to explain the appeal of sects. Employing a broad definition of deprivation, they claim that the feeling of deprivation is a prerequisite for joining a sect. Many people who do not lack wealth and are not economically deprived may feel spiritually deprived. They claim that the world is increasingly materialistic and impersonal and sections of society seek salvation and the sense of community offered by sects.

Reflecting this, Wallis (1984) points to a number of factors responsible for the growth of NRMS in the 1960s which support the idea of spiritual deprivation. He identified a number of trends in the 1960s such as expansion of higher education, the development of a strong and pronounced youth culture and radical and political idealism - which contributed to the emergence of a counter-culture. Against this backdrop, Wallis argued that many world rejecting sects emerged became attractive and gathered momentum. He explains the appeal of sects in terms of the scope and potential they provided to turn against society and the disillusionment it produced and their ability to provide a more idealistic, spiritual and communal and caring way of life.

Bruce (1995) develops these themes and applied them to the continuing appeal that world rejecting NRMs have for young people. He claims that many young people have become disillusioned by the failure of the 60s counter-culture to radically change the world and by the gradual disintegration of hippie culture and the commune movement. In their disillusionment, Bruce states that young people have continually sought new paths for salvation - increasingly through religious movements rather than peace and love

178
Q

In relation to social class, religiosity and religious participation explain religious belief

A

RELIGIOUS BELIEF - the relationship between social class and religiosity in relation to sociological theories.

MARXISM - WC use religion to dull their pain caused by the exploitation of capitalist society through the promise of afterlife.

Neo-Marxism - liberation theology - religion can be used by the oppressed in the society to fight oppression and hold the rc to account through the use of organic intellectuals

Weberianism - WC/MC Calvinists belief seeing work as a religious duty allowing them to proper materially as it helps them with their salvation anxiety and reinforces the spirit of capitalism

NRMS - Those who are materially, spiritually deprived and marginalised in society likely to be religious.

NAMS - the middle class graduates more likely to be apart of NAMs as they work in expressive professions concerned with human potential and development.

179
Q

Explain church attendance in relation to social class and religiosity

A

Church Attendance:

Church attendance figures seem to conflict with trends on religious belief. Monitoring would suggest that churches in more affluent, rural areas tend to have higher attendances than those in urban, working class areas. Ashworth and Farthing (2007) claim that individuals who are reliant on state benefits are actually the least likely to attend church services. These findings are supported by a YouGov survey in 2015, which found that 62% of regular church attenders came from middle class backgrounds. Explaining these trends could be difficult, however Voas and Watt (2014) suggest that middle class church attendance is a strategy aimed at making sure their children enroll at the best state schools which are often affiliated with either the Catholic Church or the Church of England.

180
Q

Explain religious organisations in relation to social class and religiousity

A

Religious Organisations:

Historically, trends seemingly suggest that middle class people are more likely to feel attached to traditional churches, whereas working class people are drawn more to religious movements such as Pentecostalism. Ahern and Davie (1987) claim that the working class mistrust traditional religions such as Anglicanism because they associate them with authority, the establishment and royalty. They argue that working class people identify more with non-conformist religions like Methodism, which tend to be less judgemental and which provide practical solutions to their circumstances. This view is similar to that of Weber. Alternatively, according to Martin (1990), middle class people may see church going as an opportunity to network with members of the community and appear respectable in the eyes of their community. This may explain why church attendance statistics are high but religious belief tends to be lower within middle class communities.

181
Q

Explain gender religiosity and religious participation

A

There are clear gender differences in religious belief and participation. While the priesthoods of most religions are male, DAVIE (2013) notes that in terms of religious practice, belief, self-identification, private prayer and many other aspects of religion, there are gender differences:

  • More women than men participate in religious activities and believe in God. This supports MILLER and HOFFMAN’s (1995) finding that women express greater interest in religion, have a stronger personal commitment to it and participate more. This applies to all ages and all religious organizations and faiths, except Sikhs, where men are more likely than women to practice their religion (FERGUSON and HUSSEY 2010).
  • According to the British Attitudes Survey (2012) more women say they have a religion.
  • More women than men say religion is important to them (38% as against 26%)
  • More describe themselves as spiritual (40% as against 28%).
  • Fewer women (34% as against 26%) say they are atheist or agnostic (VOAS 2015).
  • BRUCE (1996) estimates that there are nearly twice as many women as men involved in sects.
182
Q

State reasons for the gender differences in the levels of religious participation

A

According to MILLER and HOFFMAN there are three main reasons for women’s greater religiosity than men. Each are a reflection of their socialisation and gender roles:

(a) They suggest that gender differences in risk taking are a reason for differences in religiosity. By not being religious, people are risking that religion might be right and they will be condemned to hell. As men are less risk averse than women, they are more likely to take the risk of not being religious.

(b) Women are more religious because they are socialised to be more passive, obedient and caring. These qualities are valued by most religions, so it follows that women are more likely than men to be attracted to religion. Interestingly, men who have these qualities are also more likely to be religious.

(c) They also claim that women often have more scope for religious activities due to fewer work commitments. BRUCE (1996) observes that over the last two centuries, religion has been gradually driven out of the male-dominated sphere of work, confining it to the private sphere of family and personal life – the sphere that women are more closely associated with. As religion has become more privatised, so men’s religiosity has declined more quickly than females. However, they recognise that this factor is less relevant today as more women work and have challenging full-time careers. This may account for ‘the decline of female piety’, where women are also withdrawing from religion too. Nevertheless, despite this decline, religion remains more attractive to women as it has such a strong affinity with caring which women take more responsibility for in both the public and private spheres.

Women are also viewed as being more attracted to the church as a source of gender identity. GREELEY (1992) argues that their role in taking care of family members increases their religiosity. Similarly, DAVIE (1994) claims that women’s closer proximity to birth and death (through child-bearing and caring for elderly, sick and dying relatives) brings them closer to ‘ultimate’ questions amount the meaning of life that religion is concerned with. This also fits with differences in the way men and women see God – as the God of power and control or as the God of love and forgiveness

183
Q

Evaluate the reasons for gender differences in religious participation

A
  • arguments surrounding gender differences are largely deterministic in relation to women’s socialisation
  • other factors may be more significant
184
Q

How do new age movements explain the other reasons why women find find religion appealing

A

Women and the New Age:
As women are more often associated with ‘nature’ (through childbirth) and a healing role, they may be more attracted than men to New Age movements in particular. This is because such movements often celebrate the ‘natural’ and involve cults of healing, which gives women a higher status and sense of self-worth. Women may also be attracted to the New Age because it emphasizes the importance of being authentic rather than merely acting out roles. Women may be more attracted than men by this as they are more likely to perceive their ascribed roles as restrictive. On the other hand, some women may be attracted to fundamentalism because of the certainties of a traditional gender role that it prescribes them.

185
Q

Explain women, compensation for deprivation and sects in relation to other reasons why women may find religion appealing

A

Women, compensation for deprivation and sects:
BRUCE (1996), estimates that there are twice as many women as men involved in sects. STARK and BAINBRIDGE (1985) argue that people may participate in religion because of the compensators for social deprivation (poverty), organismic deprivation (physical and mental health problems) and ethical deprivation (concern that the world is in moral decline) that it offers. They claim that these forms of deprivation are all more common among women and this explains their greater religiosity more generally and their higher level of sect membership specifically.

186
Q

Explain women and Pentecostalism in relation to other reasons why women may find religion appealing

A

Women and Pentecostalism:
Since the 1970s, Pentecostalism has grown rapidly in many parts of the world, particularly among the poor. It is regarded as a patriarchal form of religion, yet despite this, it has proved to be attractive to women.

MARTIN (2000) describes this as the ‘Pentecostal gender paradox’: why should a conservative patriarchal religion be attractive to women? According to BRUSCO’s (1995 and 2012) study of Pentecostals in Columbia, the answer lies in the fact that Pentecostalism demands followers to adopt an ascetic (self-denying) lifestyle. It does not offer Western-style women’s liberation: it insists on a traditional gender division of labour, where men retain their leadership role in the family and church. However, women can use Pentecostalism as a means of improving their position because whilst it is patriarchal, it provides a powerful critique of the sexual irresponsibility and wastefulness of machismo culture – thus making it popular with women.

DROGUS (1994) adds, that although official Pentecostal doctrine is that men should have more authority over women, church magazines and educational materials often encourage more equal relations within marriage.

187
Q

Explain the recent trends in relation to gender differences in relation to religiosity

A

Recent trends:

Despite the traditional gender differences in religiosity, there has been a decline in their participation. For example, BRIERLEY (2005) notes the decline in churchgoing among women aged 30-45, with a 16.4% fall in Sunday church attendance between 1990 and 2005. He suggests this is due to home, family and work commitments.

However, BROWN (2001) offers a different explanation. He argues that since the 1960s, women have begun to reject traditional subordinate gender roles. Because Christianity was closely bound up with these traditional roles, women’s rejection of subordination has led them to reject traditional religion at the same time. Although some women are attracted to New Age beliefs and practices, their numbers are relatively modest.

188
Q

Explain ethnic differences in relation to religiosity

A

The UK today is a multicultural, multi-religious society. Although the biggest religious groups are those describing themselves as Christian (about 72% of the population), there are significant numbers of Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs, almost all of whom belong to ethnic minorities originating in the Indian subcontinent, while many Christians are of black African or Caribbean origin.

There are clear ethnic patterns in religious participation, with higher than average rates for most minority ethnic groups. Muslims, Hindus and black Christians are considerably more likely than white Christians to see religion as important. Among Christians, blacks are more likely than whites to be found in the Pentecostal churches, where they make up 40% of the membership. However, while minorities have higher participation rates, Modood et al (1994) found some decline in the importance of religion for all ethnic groups and that fewer were observant, especially among the second generation.

189
Q

What are two main explanations for ethnic differences in relation to religion

A

Several reasons have been suggested for ethnic differences in religiosity. One is that most ethnic minorities originate from poorer countries with traditional cultures, both of which produce higher levels of religious beliefs and practice. The argument is that on arrival in the UK, they and their children maintain the pattern they brought with them. However, this disregards the impact of their experiences as immigrants and minorities in a new society and how this may give religion a new role as cultural defence and cultural transition.

190
Q

Explain cultural defence in relation to ethnic differences

A

Cultural Defence:

Bruce (2002) argues that religion in such situations offers support and a sense of cultural identity in an uncertain or hostile environment. As Bird (1999) notes, religion among minorities can be a basis for community solidarity, a means of preserving one’s culture and language, and a way of coping with oppression in a racist society. In the case of black African and Caribbean Christians, many found that white churches in the UK did not actively welcome them when they first settled in the country and as a consequence some turned to founding or joining black-led churches, especially Pentecostal churches.

191
Q

Explain cultural transition in relation to ethnic differences

A

Cultural transition:

Religion can be a means of easing the transition into a new culture by providing support and a sense of community for minority groups in their new environment. Bruce applies this to the history of immigration into the UK, where religion has provided a focal point for Irish, African Caribbean, Muslim, Hindu and other communities. However, once a group, such as Irish Catholics, has made the transition into wider society, religion may lose its role and decline in importance and significance.

Pryce’s (1979) study of the African Caribbean community in Bristol shows both cultural defence and cultural transition. He argues that Pentecostalism is a highly adaptive ‘religion of the oppressed’ that provided migrants with values appropriate to the new world in which they found themselves. Pentecostalism helped African Caribbean’s to adapt to British society, by encouraging self-reliance and it provided people with mutual support and the hope of improving their situation. On the other hand, Rastafarianism represented a different response for some African Caribbean’s radically rejecting the wider society as racist and exploitative.

192
Q

Explain age and religious participation

A

The general pattern of religious participation is that the older a person is, the more likely they are to attend religious services. However, there are two exceptions to this pattern, the under 15s and the very elderly:

The under 15s: are more likely to go to church than any other age group because they may be made to do so by their parents.
The very elderly: are more likely to be sick or disabled and thus unable to attend. In the past, higher death rates have also made this a smaller group, which had reduced the total number able to attend, however the ageing population may impact on this trend.

For any age group, apart from those aged 65 and over, there is an ongoing fall in church attendance, and the fall is sharpest among the young. For example, the number of 15-19 year olds is projected to fall by half between 2015 and 2025, from 126,000 to 63,000.

193
Q

What are the two main explanations for differences in religiosity between those who older and young

A

Voas and Crockett (2005) offer two possible reasons for age differences in religiosity:

  1. The ageing effect: this is the view that people turn to religion as they get older and become more interested in spirituality. As people approach death, they become more concerned about spiritual matters and the afterlife, repentance of past deeds etc. As a result, they are more likely to go to church.
  2. The generational effect: this is the view that as society becomes more secular, each new generation is less religious than the one before. Thus, there are more old people than young people in church congregations today, not because they are more attracted to religion as they get older, but simply because they grew up in period when religion was more popular and because of events they lived through, e.g. rapid social changes or war and therefore there is greater religiosity amongst this cohort.
194
Q

Why is the generational effect the most significant explanation for age differences in relation to religion

A

Voas and Crockett believe that the generational effect is the more significant of the two explanations and as a consequence predict that the average age of churchgoers will continue to rise as the young become less and less willing to attend due to secularisation. They argue that secularisation is the main reason why younger people are less religious than older people.

Gill (1998) notes that children are less likely to gain religious socialisation and therefore those brought up without religious beliefs are less likely themselves to become churchgoers in later life. Supporting this explanation, Arweck and Beckford (2013) describe this as the ‘virtual collapse of religious socialisation’. For example, traditional Sunday schools, which in the 1950s enrolled a third of all 14 year olds, have all but disappeared and even parents who share the same faith, have only a 50/50 chance of raising their child to be a churchgoer as an adult. When they are of different faiths, the chances fall to one in four.

We are likely to see a steadily ageing population of churchgoers. At present, two-fifths of churches have no-one under the age of 11 attending and about 35% of churchgoers are over 65. Therefore, within two or three generations, practicing Christians will have become a very small and very old minority of the UK population. Bruce (2012) predicts that, with the exception of Pentecostal churches which continue to appeal to younger members, this trend will continue.

195
Q

Why is age profile in sects more younger?

A

the age profile tends to be much younger in sects than for denominations and churches. Three possible reasons have been put forward for this:

(a) Young adults are more likely to be economically active and have fewer financial responsibilities than older adults – an important factor in sects where income is given to the sect.

(b) This age group is less likely to have the social and economic responsibilities of older age groups. In addition, this age group is less likely to have established firm social ties that make religious commitments more difficult.

(c) In sociological terms, anomie may also be a significant factor. Many sects target the young because their message of friendship, companionship and the like is more likely to appeal to young adults who may be experiencing some anomie as they move out of their home and start university or employment.

196
Q

Why do cults also have a younger age profile?

A

For cults, the same type of age profile is evident, with the young being more attracted to cult activities than the old. There are two suggested reasons for this:

(a) The young are more likely to be involved in such things such as counter-culture drug use which makes them more susceptible to the attractions of esoteric religious beliefs and fringe-culture ideas.

(b) The same kind of anomie argument relating to sect membership may also apply to cults. Cults that offer to release the ‘inner spirituality’ of the individual also tend to appeal more to the young than the old, mainly because they offer opportunity for success in work and personal relationships that are less likely to have experienced by the young.

197
Q

According to Comte, what three stages did human history pass through?

A

Comte argued that human history passed through three stages and each stage was characterised by a different set of intellectual beliefs:

  1. Theological: religious and superstitious beliefs dominated;
  2. Metaphysical: philosophy became more important;
  3. Positive: religious beliefs would disappear as science alone would dominate human thinking and direct human behaviour.
198
Q

What did Durkheim argue about secularisation

A

Although he argued that there was something eternal about religion, Durkheim anticipated that religion would decline in social significance.

He predicted that it would retain importance in simple societies but in larger industrial societies it would lose some of its importance as an integrating force.

Social solidarity would be achieved by education and the media, rather than religion.

199
Q

What did Marx argue about secularisation

A

Marx believed that industrial capitalism would set in motion a chain of events that would eventually lead to its own downfall.

In a communist society there would not be any need for religion as their would be no pain or oppression.

200
Q

What did Weber argue about secularisation

A

Weber anticipated the progressive reduction in the importance of religion.

Rationalisation would lead to the gradual erosion of religious influence.

Emphasis would be placed on the rational and logical pursuit of goals and less emphasis would be placed on tradition, ritual and religion.

201
Q

What is secularisation? (Wilson’s definition)

A

According to WILSON (1966), secularisation is ‘the process whereby religious thinking, practice and institutions lose social significance.’ Accepting this definition, three questions are raised:

  1. What influence does religion have on people’s thinking, attitudes and consciousness?
  2. To what extent are religious practices (including private prayer and collective worship) observed?
  3. What power, prestige and influence do religious institutions have?

Those who support the secularisation thesis, claim that religion has lost social significance in all three aspects.

202
Q

What are the following questions associated with studying secularisation in sociology?

A

to examine the secularisation thesis precisely and systematically, the following problems which are associated with the sociological analysis of religious belief (and therefore secularisation) must be considered:

  1. How can each aspect/dimension be measured?
  2. What is religion?
  3. How can religious commitment be measured?
  4. How can the social significance of religion be interpreted and measured?
  5. How can religious belief today be compared with that of the past in order to prove or disprove secularization and when in the past?
203
Q

What problems are central to studying the debate on secularisation

A

A problem central to the debate is that different sociologist’s study religiosity in different ways and this impacts on how they define and measure secularization. The more broadly religiosity is defined, the less likely it is to be seen in decline – as there is always some form of activity which will fit within the definition and the converse is true. Some sociologists quantify religiosity and by implication, secularisation, whereas other focus more on its subjective and qualitative dimensions. Reflecting on these issues, HANSON (1997) argues that this definitional diversity can lead to misunderstanding and adds to the complexity of the debate on secularisation.

204
Q

Explain church attendances in relation to the decline of institutional religion

A

Church attendance:
The earliest available survey evidence on church attendance dates back to the 1851 ‘Census of Religious Worship’ in England and Wales. This found that 40% of the adult population attended church. This dropped to 35% by the turn of the century and 20% by 1950. By 2015 this fell to 5%.

A 2011 YouGov poll found that 63% had not attended a place of worship for religious reasons in the last year, 43% last attended over a year ago, 20% had never attended and only 9% had attended in the last week. According to the British Attitudes Survey 2014, 58% of the population never attend religious services while only 13% of people attend a religious service once a week or more. Of the 16% of people who define themselves as belonging to the Church of England, 52% never attend church services and only 11% attend church at least weekly.

While attendance at special Christian ceremonies has also declined, they remain more popular than weekly church attendance. For example, in 1900 65% of all children in England were baptized compared to 41% in 2005. The number of Catholic baptisms today is under half those in 1964 and even then, many baptisms are an entry ticket to a high achieving school, rather than a sign of Christian commitment. Similarly, in 1971 60% of weddings were in church, but by 2012 the proportion was only 30%. The number of weddings in Catholic churches fell by three quarters between 1965 and 2011. Sunday school attendance has also declined with only a tiny proportion of children now attending.

205
Q

Explain church membership in relation to the decline of institutional religion

A

Church membership:
The English Church Census (2006) shows that membership of large religious organisations such as the Church of England and the Catholic Church have declined, however membership of smaller organizations (and non-Christian faiths) have remained more stable or in some cases grown. Nevertheless, the growth of the smaller Christian ones has not compensated for the overall declining trend.

206
Q

Explain religious beliefs in relation to the decline of institutional religion

A

Religious beliefs:
Evidence about religious beliefs from 80 years of opinion polls and attitude surveys shows that more people claim they hold Christian beliefs than actually belong to or attend a church. However, they also reveal that religious belief is also declining. Gill et al (1998) reviewed almost 100 surveys on religious belief from 1939-1996. They show a significant decline in belief in a personal god, in Jesus as the son of God and in traditional teachings about the afterlife and the Bible. A 2011 YouGov poll found that 48% of those who said they were Christian believed Jesus was a real person who came back to life and was the son of God.

When asked, ‘Would you describe yourself as being of any religion or denomination?’ only 23% replied ‘no’ in 1950, but by 1996 this had increased to 43%. The 2011 YouGov poll found that this had increased to 65%. In the 2011 Census, when asked ‘What is your religion?’ 61% of people ticked a religious box (53.48% Christian and 7.22% other), a drop from 72% in 2001 while 39% ticked ‘No religion’.

207
Q

Explain the religious clergy in relation to the decline of institutional religion

A

Religious clergy:
One measure of the institutional weakness of the churches is the number of clergy. During the (20th this fell from 45,000 to 34,000. Had it kept pace with population growth, the clergy would now number over 80,000.

These figures have been used by many sociologists, including Wilson as evidence of a sustained process of secularisation, ‘the process whereby religious beliefs, practices and institutions lose social significance’. Bruce (2002) agrees with Wilson that all the evidence on secularisation has been pointing in the same direction for many years. He predicts that if current trends continue, the Methodist Church will fold around 2030 and by then the Church of England will essentially be a small voluntary organisation with a large amount of heritage property.

208
Q

Evaluate the factors in relation to the decline of institutional religion

A

(a) Church attendance and membership figures can be questioned in terms of their validity and reliability:

Statistics could be distorted by those who produce them. For example: Catholic figures are sometimes distorted to reduce fees paid to central church authorities, whereas Anglican figures are often overestimated to reduce the risk of closure for churches with a small congregation. Furthermore, different organisations use different criteria to calculate membership. For example: the Catholic Church and the Church of England count the number of people who have been baptised and confirmed, the Church of Wales count those who attend Easter communion.

Furthermore, MARTIN (1969) argues that many theories of secularization are based on an unrealistic notion of a golden age of religious commitment. He states that the higher levels of church attendance associated with Victorian England were influenced by non-religious factors and social and cultural expectations of the day.

(b) The decline in church attendance can be interpreted in different ways:

Statistics on church attendance may be an obvious way to measure secularization, however critics suggest quantifying religiosity reflects positivistic sociology. Whether it is possible to equate a decline in religious practice and worship with a decline in religious belief is debatable. In ‘Believing and Belonging’ DAVIE (1991) draws on a British Attitudes Survey on the strength of beliefs and found that despite declining church attendance 62% of people believe in God. Therefore, statistics on religious participation may be only tenuously linked to religiosity.

Reflecting this GLASNER (1977) argues that sociologists such as Wilson are influenced by a traditional view of religion as church orientated. According to BELLAH (1984) a decline in institutional religion cannot be taken as indicative of a decline in religious belief and commitment. He argues that a process of individuation has taken place which represents a shift away from collective worship to privatized religion. Supporting this, BRIERLEY (1991) observes that the religious scene has changed. He claims that the population has moved away from religious participation in institutional religion, but at the same time beliefs have been maintained. Therefore, according to many sociologists, the decline in institutional religion is not necessarily indicative of a decline in religious belief and commitment.

209
Q

What did data for 2021 census show in relation to the decline of religion in the UK?

A

First time in a census of England and Wales that fewer than half of the population have described themselves as Christian. The census revealed a 5.5 million (17%) fall in the number of people who say they follow Islam, bringing the muslim population to 3.9 million. In percentage point terms the number of Christians has dropped by 13.1 and the number of muslims have risen by 1/7. Meanwhile, 37.2% of people - 22.2 million declared that “no religion”, the second most common response after Christian. It means that over the past 20 years the proportion of people reporting no religion soared from 14/8% - a rise of more than 22 percentage points.

Analysis by the guardian shows areas with a higher proportion of people from ethnic minorities are also more religious. And places with a higher proportion of white people have also a bigger proportion with no religion. The places with the higher numbers of people saying they have no religion were all in South Wales and Brighton and Hove and Norwich in England. They were among 11 areas where more than half the population are not religious, including Bristol, Hastings in East Sussex and Ashfield in Nottinghamshire, most of which had relatively low ethnic minority populations. The slump in religion and emergence of minority ethnic populations as a combined majority in whole conurbations in England and Wales is revealed in data about the ethnicity, religion and language of close to 60 million people gathered in a snapshot census on 21 March 2021.

It reveals that Leicester and Birmingham have become the first Uk cities to have minority majorities. The ONS cited different patterns of ageing, fertility, mortality and migration for possible reasons for the change in religious profile of the countries.

210
Q

state the four types of explanations for secularisation

A
  • rationalisation and desacrilisation
  • disengagement and differentiation
  • social and cultural diversity
  • religious diversity and pluralism
211
Q

Summarise the explanation of rationalisation and desacrilisation

A

Thisis where scientific and rational explanations take precedence over religious faith and explanations.

This includes the development of an anti-emotional logic and the rise of scientific knowledge and explanations.

Therefore, people increasingly understand and explain theworld in secular terms.

212
Q

Summarise the explanation of disengagement and differentiation

A

Thisis where the established church loses its prominence, power, significance and place in relation to the state (it is disengaged from it).

It also relates to the process whereby other social institutions take over the functions of the church (differentiation).

213
Q

Summarise the explanation of social and cultural diversity

A

Thisis where diverse beliefs, values and lifestyles become more characteristic of late modernindustrialisedsociety, leading to a decline in religious belief and practice.

214
Q

Summarise the explanation of religious diversity and pluralism

A

Whereone religion no longer has a monopoly of power and there is greater religious competition and plurality.

This undermining of religion is seen as the consequence of living in a multi faith society.

215
Q

What does Weber mean by the Desacrilisation Thesis.

A

Weber’s interpretation of modern society provided an early version of what is known as the Desacrilisation Thesis. He claimed that modern society is characterised by rationalisation and intellectualisation which leads to disenchantment of the world: the world is no longer charged with mystery and magic, the supernatural has been eroded from society and the meanings and motives that direct action are rational and calculated ones. Rational action is a rejection of the guidelines provided by emotion, tradition or religion - it is the cold, deliberate reason of intellect. Therefore, Weber argued that human understanding has become rationalised and secularised. This is known as the process of descarilisation

216
Q

How does Wilson support weber’s interpretation of modern society?

A

In ‘Religion in a secular society’, Wilson (1966) supported Weber’s interpretation of modern society. He argued that people act less in response to religious motivation and assess the world in empiricial and rational terms. He suggested that the social significance of religion, in all of its forms, has declined. According to Wilson, religious ideas, consciousness and explanations no longer inhabit the human mind and dictate human action and religious practices no longer take up the time of the individual.

217
Q

State and explain the factors that have encouraged the emergence and development of rational thinking and a rational world view

A

The factors which are understood to have encouraged the emergence and development of rational thinking and a rational world view are:

(a) Protestanism: This process undermined the religious worldview of the Middle Ages and replaced it with a pragmatic, rational and modern attitude and behavior. The medieval Catholic worldview that dominated Europe saw the world as an ‘enchanted garden’. God and other spiritual beings and forces were believed to be present and active in this world, changing the course of events through supernatural powers and miraculous interventions. People could try to influence these beings and forces by magical means such as prayers and spells, fasts and pilgrimages, the wearing of charms etc. However, the Protestant Reformation brought a new rational worldview – with God as transcendent – as existing above and beyond or outside this world leaving it to run according to its own laws of nature. Therefore, things are explained through the predictable workings of natural forces; the world was no longer an ‘enchanted garden’ and therefore religious explanations were no longer as relevant.

(b) A greater knowledge of the physical and social world: which is reflected in the development of the physical, biological and social sciences. Knowledge is therefore based more on reason than faith. This allowed science to thrive and become the dominant way of intellectualising the world.

(c) The development of rational ideologies and organisations to solve problems: these produce practical and observable results rather than religious solutions, such as the promise of justice and reward in the afterlife.

(d) The rational organisation of society: where people’s lives are structured in a more organised and bureaucratic way.

218
Q

What is the enemy of religion according to Wilson

A

According to Wilson, this rational world view is the enemy of religion. It is based on the testing of arguments and beliefs by rational procedures and assessing the truth by means of factors that can be quantified and objectively measured. However, religion, based on faith is non-rational and its claims to truth cannot be tested by rational procedures.

Berger (1970) developed these ideas further, arguing that the majority of people in Western society increasingly look upon the world and their own lives without the benefit of religious interpretations. As a result, there is a secularisation of consciousness. He claimed that rationalisation is a key variable of a secular society, because a rational world view represents a rejection of faith – the basis of religion.

219
Q

Why does Bruce argue that scientific/technological explanations have replaced religious or supernatural explanations

A

Bruce (2011) argues that the growth of a technological worldview has largely replaced religious or supernatural explanations for why things happen. For example, when a plane crashes, we are unlikely to see it as the work of evil spirits or God’s punishment of the wicked, we look to scientific and technological explanations.

This technological world view leaves little room for religious explanations, which only survive in areas where technology is least effective – for example, people pray for help if they are suffering from an illness for which scientific medicine has no cure, farmers use chemical fertilizers and weed-killers for a good crop, rather than pray for one. Bruce states that ‘when we have tried every cure for cancer, we pray. When we have revised for our exams, we pray – we do not pray instead of studying and even the most committed believers recognize that a research programme is more likely than a mass prayer meeting to produce a cure for Aids.’

He concludes that although scientific explanations do not challenge religious explanations directly, they have greatly reduced the scope for religious explanations - scientific knowledge does not in itself make people atheists, but the worldview it encourages results in people taking religious less seriously.

220
Q

Evaluate the explanation of rationalisation and desacrlisation

A
  • However, those who oppose secularisation argue that a large number of NAMs, with a commitment to new forms of spirituality, is a genuine attempt to remystify the world and counter the process of demystification, which makes the world less secular. Heelas (1996) points out that new age beliefs are concerned with spiritual issues that impact on everyday life in wide ranging ways.
  • For Stark and Bainbridge (1985), secularisation is, in any event, a self-limiting process because it always generates religious revival. They claim that commentators who support the theory of secularisation typically focus their attention too narrowly on the decline of established religions and ignore the constant cycle of birth and growth of NAMs and NRMs.
  • Reflecting this, Hay et al (1987) claim that society is far from secular. They found that almost half of the adult population in Britain have had what they identify as a ‘religious or transcendental experience.’
221
Q

Explain differentiation in relation to differentiation and disengagement

A

Differentiation:

Parsons (1951), argues that the process of structural differentiation has led to a reduced role for religion in society. Reflecting this view, Bruce (1995) argues that fundamental changes in society have led to institutional religion and the church losing many of its former functions, and many of its social roles. He argues that the decline of the community undermines religion because it can no longer serve as the focal point of activity and people are unlikely to turn to the priest of vicar for practical or emotional support, or the church for knowledge, education and welfare. Thus, where religion once pervaded every aspect of life, it has increasingly been relegated to the private sphere of the individual and the family.

Although Parsons (1951) recognized that the church as an institution has lost many of its functions to other areas of the social system, he argues that it has become more specialized in the ones that it retains. He claims that religious beliefs still give meaning and significance to life and maintains that religious ethics and values have become increasingly generalized. In America for example, they have become the basis for more general social values. Furthermore, in relation to education in England and Wales, faith schools gain government support.

222
Q

Explain disengagement in relation to differentiation and disengagement as an explanation

A

Disengagement:

According to Parsons, structural differentiation leads to the disengagement of religion where it becomes disconnected from wider society. The church used to be engaged and integrated with the state and was an extremely powerful and influential institution in society involved in a wide range of social, cultural, political and economic processes. However, the church has lost its prominence and influence on public life. Martin (1969) argues that compared to its role in medieval Europe, the church in contemporary western society has undergone a process of disengagement, is now distant from the state and has become privatised. Supporting this view, Wilson (1977) claims that the church has ceased to preside over national life and its involvement in wider society is limited to symbolic rites of passage: ‘hatching, matching and dispatching’.

However, Martin (1969) recognizes that disengagement allows the church to become ‘purer’ as it can concentrate on ‘religious and spiritual matters’ uninfluenced by secular concerns. Additionally, 26 Church of England bishops sit in the House of Lords where they have some influence on legislation.

223
Q

Explain the explanation of social and cultural diversity

A

Decline of community:
The move from pre-industrial to industrial society and the corresponding decline of community is viewed as contributing to the decline of religion. WILSON argues that in pre-industrial communities, shared values were expressed though collective religious rituals that integrated individuals and regulated their behaviour. However, as religion lost its basis in stable local communities, it lost its vitality and its hold over individuals.

Industrialisation:
BRUCE also believed that industrialisation undermined the consensus of religious beliefs that held small rural communities together. Small close-knit rural communities gave way to large loose-knit urban communities with diverse beliefs and values. Therefore, social and geographical mobility promoted greater diversity by bringing people together from different backgrounds.

Diversity of occupations, cultures and lifestyles:
BRUCE argues that the plausibility and credibility of any religious beliefs is undermined by alternatives. It is also undermined by individualism, because the plausibility of religion depends on the existence of a practicing community of believers. In the absence of a practicing religious community that functions on a day-to-day basis, both religious belief and practices tend to decline.

224
Q

Evaluation of social and cultural diversity

A

However, this view that the decline of community causes the decline of religion, has been criticised. ALDRIDGE (2013) argues that a community does not have to be in a particular area:

  • Religion can be a source of identity on a worldwide scale;
  • Some religious communities are imagined communities that interact through the use of global media;
    Pentecostal and other religious groups often flourish in ‘impersonal’ urban areas.
225
Q

What does Berger mean by a sacred canopy in relation to religious diversity and pluralism?

A

BERGER (1969), identifies the trend towards religious pluralism/diversity – where instead of there being only one religious organization and only one interpretation of faith, there are many – as a cause of secularisation.

The sacred canopy: In the Middle Ages, the Catholic Church held an absolute monopoly; it had no competition. Everyone lived under a single sacred canopy (set of beliefs shared by all). This gave these beliefs greater plausibility because they could not be challenged and the Church’s version of the truth was unquestioned. However, this all changed with the Protestant Reformation, when Protestant churches and sects broke away from the Catholic Church in the (16th. Since then, the number and variety of religious organisations has continued to grow, each with a different version of the truth. Therefore, with the arrival of this religious diversity, no church can now claim an unchallenged monopoly of the truth. Society is therefore, no longer unified under the single sacred canopy provided by one church. Religious diversity creates a plurality of life worlds, where people’s perceptions of the world vary and where there are different interpretations of the truth.

226
Q

What does Berger mean by a plausibility structure?

A

Plausibility structure: BERGER argues that this creates a crisis of credibility for religion. He claims that diversity undermines religion’s plausibility structure, as when there are alternative versions of religion to choose between, people are likely to question all of them and this erodes the absolute certainties of traditional religion. Religious beliefs become relative rather than absolute – the erosion of absolutism through plurality reminds people that their beliefs are their personal preference which undermines the assumption that our own views are right and this in turn creates the possibility of opting out of religion altogether.

227
Q

Why does Bruce argue that religious diversity is one of the most significant trends leading to secularisation?

A

BRUCE sees the trend towards religious diversity as the most important cause of secularisation. As he puts it: ‘It is difficult to live in a world that treats as equally valid a large number of incompatible beliefs, without coming to suppose that there is no one truth.’ However, he identifies two counter-trends that seem to go against secularisation theory. Both are associated with higher than average levels of religious participation:

  1. Cultural defence: is where religion provides a focal point for the defence of national, ethnic, local or group identity in a struggle against an external force such as a hostile foreign power. The religious identity of communities can lead to the development of a new loyalty, as a way of asserting ethnic or national pride etc.
  2. Cultural transition: is where religion provides support and a sense of community for ethnic groups such as migrants to a different country and culture. Religion acquires enhanced importance because it assists people as they cope with the shift from one society to another. For example, Irish, Asian, Afro-Caribbean and Polish communities use their temples, mosques and churches as centres for their communities in the UK.

However, from BRUCE’s point of view, it is their group identity that is important, rather than their religiosity. He believes that religion remains strong in some communities because of its social importance. Thus, for BRUCE, these examples do not disprove secularisation, but show that religion is most likely to survive where it performs functions other than relating individuals to the supernatural. He concludes that ‘Cultural defence and cultural transition may keep religion relevant, but they will not create a religious society out of a secular one’.

228
Q

Why does Bruce argue that religious diversity is one of the most significant trends leading to secularisation?

A

BRUCE sees the trend towards religious diversity as the most important cause of secularisation. As he puts it: ‘It is difficult to live in a world that treats as equally valid a large number of incompatible beliefs, without coming to suppose that there is no one truth.’ However, he identifies two counter-trends that seem to go against secularisation theory. Both are associated with higher than average levels of religious participation:

  1. Cultural defence: is where religion provides a focal point for the defence of national, ethnic, local or group identity in a struggle against an external force such as a hostile foreign power. The religious identity of communities can lead to the development of a new loyalty, as a way of asserting ethnic or national pride etc.
  2. Cultural transition: is where religion provides support and a sense of community for ethnic groups such as migrants to a different country and culture. Religion acquires enhanced importance because it assists people as they cope with the shift from one society to another. For example, Irish, Asian, Afro-Caribbean and Polish communities use their temples, mosques and churches as centres for their communities in the UK.

However, from BRUCE’s point of view, it is their group identity that is important, rather than their religiosity. He believes that religion remains strong in some communities because of its social importance. Thus, for BRUCE, these examples do not disprove secularisation, but show that religion is most likely to survive where it performs functions other than relating individuals to the supernatural. He concludes that ‘Cultural defence and cultural transition may keep religion relevant, but they will not create a religious society out of a secular one’.

229
Q

Explain the growth of NRMS in relation to religious diversity and pluralism

A

The growth of NRMs: the continued proliferation of sects and cults has also been interpreted as contributing to religious pluralism as they fragment institutional religion and therefore weaken the hold of religion over society. BERGER and LUCKMANN (1969) agree that religion no longer provides a ‘shared universe of meaning’ and claim that the growth in sects and cults contributed to this. However, while STARK and BAINBRIDGE (1985) accept that NRMs thrive where conventional religions are weak, they deny that secularisation has taken place, arguing that existence and growth of NRMs prevent secularisation from advancing far. Nevertheless, other interpret the growth of sects and cults as evidence of secularization,

230
Q

Why does Berger view sects ‘as the last refuge of the supernatural in a secular society’

A

BERGER sees sects ‘as the last refuge of the supernatural in a secular society’. WILSON (1982) takes a similar view, maintaining that sects are ‘a feature of societies experiencing secularisation and they may be a response to a situation in which religious values have lost social pre-eminence’. In other words, sects are seen as the last outpost of religion in societies where religious beliefs and values have little consequence.

231
Q

Why does Wilson disagree with the view that sects are the last outpost of religion

A

WILSON totally dismisses NRMs, regarding them as almost irrelevant to society. He claims that they do not contribute anything towards the culture by which a society lives and rather than leading to a new moral integration of society, he claims that they provide ‘a society for dropouts’. He concludes that they do nothing to halt the continuing process of secularisation and are likely to be ‘no more than transient and volatile gestures of defiance’ in the face of a secular society.

Similar conclusions have been reached by WALLIS (1984) and BRUCE (1996). WALLIS argues that NRMs involve only a very small proportion of the population and even them, often for only very brief periods of time. For BRUCE, people who chant in Sokia Gakki or mediate in Transcendental Meditation, attend religious seminars or weekend retreats etc. carry on their lives very much as normal and there are no consequences for society.

Therefore, there is no consensus as to whether religious pluralism is indicative of religious vitality and can be used to challenge the theory of secularisation or whether the existence of a plurality of religions is further evidence of the dilution of religion and a secular society.

232
Q

Evaluate the secularisation debate

A

Secularisation theorists advance strong arguments and evidence to support their claim that religious beliefs, practices and institutions have declined. However, secularisation theory has been criticised. Its opponents highlight the following points (which will be studied in more detail in the next topic):

  • Religion is not declining, but simply changing its form;
  • Secularisation theory is one-sided. It focuses on decline and ignores religious revivals and the growth of new religions. Many argue that a ‘spiritual revolution’ is taking place which may compensate for the apparent decline of traditional religion;
  • Evidence of falling church attendance ignores people who believe but don’t go to church. Glock and Stark (1969) argue that the most striking attribute of those who perceive secularisation to be going on, is their commitment to a particular view of what religion means. Essentially, seeing a religious person as one who participates in religious (usually collective) worship;
  • Religion may have declined in Europe but not in America or globally, so secularisation is not universal;
  • The past was not ‘a golden age’ of faith from which we have declined and the future will not be an age of atheism;
  • Far from causing decline, religious diversity increases participation because it offers choice. There is no overall downward trend. Religious trends point in different directions and people use religion in all sorts of different ways.
233
Q

What does Wilson argue in reflection of the secularisation debate?

A

Wilson (1966), a leading advocate of secularisation, has increasingly recognised that secularisation is a long term process. He now acknowledges that the actual paths in which it manifests itself are culturally and historically specific to each context. Therefore, the nature and extent of changes in the role of religion in different societies varies considerably. He now accepts that it is misleading to see secularisation as a single coherent process. He also recognises that concentrating on the UK or Europe and America has generated a narrow view of the role of religion in society and concedes that the modern world is shaped by conflict between the secular and the sacred.

234
Q

Why does keppel argue that the trend towards secularisation has been reversed?

A

Keppel (1994) argues that the trend towards secularisation may have been reversed; the New Christian Right, Islamic fundamentalism and extremism, conflict in the Middle East – all counter the idea that we live in a secular world. He argues that the prime cause of most of the ills of the twentieth century (and many would add the twenty first too) is religion. He claims that religion can be found at the core of much of the world’s conflict and this undermines the notion at the centre of the secularisation theory – religious decline.

235
Q

Why does Martin argue that religion is likely to increase as the forces of secularisation retreat

A

Adopting a similar stance, Martin (1981) argues that far from the demise of religion, it is likely to increase in its importance as the forces of secularisation retreat. He claims that the impetus for secularisation originated in north-western Europe and states that the factors which undermined religion in this area have disappeared:

  • Religion is no longer so closely associated with the rich and powerful elites and therefore religion has become more acceptable to people from lower classes;
  • Rationalism has lost some of its appeal and there is an increasing interest in the mystical, the supernatural and the religious.
236
Q

Explain internal secularisation in America

A

Most supporters of secularisation argue that it has taken place in Europe and the US. However, sociologists have been divided on how to interpret the relatively high levels of church attendance and worship amongst mainstream denominations in the US. Compared to the UK, where 4.7% of the population attend church, in the US estimates range from 40% to 54% attending church at least once a month. Therefore, evidence for secularisation cannot be found in declining church figures as there is much evidence of religious vitality in the US.

HERBERG (1960) attempted to address this theme and agrees that evidence for secularisation cannot be found in declining church attendance in the US. Despite this, he supports the view that America has become a more secular society. This is because according to HERBERG, religion and churches themselves have undergone a process of internal secularisation. This means that there has been a decline in the religiosity of the churches and denominations themselves – they have become more secular. They have become obsessed by secular concerns and have compromised their religious beliefs so that they can still have a place and ‘fit’ in society.

237
Q

Why does Herberg argue that religion has become more secular

A

HERBERG claims that religions have become more secular, just like the society in which they are set:

  • They increasingly emphasise this world rather than the next;
  • They have moved away from traditional doctrine and concern with the supernatural;
  • They have compromised their beliefs to fit in with wider society.

HERBERG notes that religion has become subordinate to the ‘American way of life’ – churches echo the American dream and little emphasis is placed on theology. Therefore, people find in religion, the main values of American society. He claims that being a multicultural society, large scale immigration created the need for a sense of identity and community. In this context, church membership is important as it provides a sense of belonging and demonstrates a commitment to the ‘American way of life’. Therefore, religion acts as an integrating force in a diverse society. However, the emphasis is on religious practice, not belief (religion without God). BRUCE (2011) agrees with HERBERG’s arguing that religion has remained popular by becoming less religious.

238
Q

Evaluate internal secularisation in america

A

Critics identify that some recent developments in the US, undermine the validity and relevance of Herberg’s theory of internal secularisation. The growth of the NCR/Christian fundamentalism represents a stark return to traditional religious teachings

239
Q

State the theories examined in the relation to contemporary religion : renewal and choice ( theories challenging the secularisation debate)

A

Theories of late modernity
Theories of postmodernity
These both argue that religion is not declining, but merely changing as society develops - as a result of greater individualism and consumerism and/or as a result of the shift from modern to late modern or postmodern society.

Religious market theory
Existential security theory
Both view secularisation as only one stage of a constant cycle of secularisation, revival and renewal.

240
Q

Explain how late modernity is related to religion, renewal and choice

A

The idea of late modernity relates to the notion that in recent decades some of the trends in modern society have begun to accelerate, such as the decline of tradition and increasing individualism. This explains the weakening of traditional institutions such as the church, as well as the increased importance of individual choice within religion.

241
Q

Why does Davie reject secularisation theory in relation to the theory of late modernity

A

DAVIE (2007) rejects the secularisation theory, arguing that how we interact with religion is changing rather than declining. She claims we are seeing a major change in religion, away from obligation and towards consumption or choice. Religion is no longer inherited or imposed, but a matter of personal choice. In her view, religion is not declining but simply taking a different, more privatised form as people are increasingly less likely to belong to religious organisations and attend church, despite still holding religious beliefs - a situation DAVIE calls ‘believing without belonging’.

242
Q

Explain the trend of vicarious religion according to Davie

A

DAVIE also observes a trend towards ‘vicarious religion’, where religion is practiced by an active minority on behalf of the larger majority, who therefore experience religion second hand. This pattern is typical of Britain and Northern Europe, where despite low levels of attendance, many people still identify with the churches. She claims that in Europe, the major national churches are seen as public utilities; a sort of ‘Spiritual Health Service’ which is there for everyone to use whenever they need to. This reflects the use of churches for rites of passage and public mourning in the event of national tragedies. She compares vicarious religion and believing without belonging to the tip of an iceberg: beneath the surface of what appears to be only a small commitment (very few attend church regularly), lies a much wider commitment to religion (where people remain attached to the church as an institution).

She argues that the theory of secularisation assumes that modernisation all societies in the same way, causing the decline of religion. However, DAVIE argues that there are multiple modernities and each has its own very different patterns of religiosity.

243
Q

Why do some sociologists disagree with Davie’s claims about believing without belonging and vicarious religion

A

VOAS and CROCKETT (2005) do not accept DAVIE’s claim that there is more believing without belonging. Evidence form British Attitudes Surveys shows that both church attendance and belief in God are declining.

BRUCE (2011) adds that if people are not willing to invest time in going to church, this reflects the declining strength of their beliefs. When people no longer believe, they no longer wish to belong, and so their involvement in religion diminishes. Reflecting on Census results showing that 72% of people identified themselves as Christian, DAY (2007) recognizes that this appears to support the notion of believing without belonging – however, she found that the reason for describing themselves as Christian was not religious, but simply a way of saying they belonged to a ‘White English’ ethnic group.

As DAY puts it, they ‘believe in belonging’, describing themselves as Christian, was actually a non-religious marker of their ethnic or national identity and not their religious identity.

244
Q

Why does Hervieu-leger argue that the decline in institutional religion is due to cultural amnesia

A

HERVIEU-LEGER (2006) agrees that there has been a dramatic decline in institutional religion in Europe. This is partly because of what she calls ‘cultural amnesia’, or a loss of collective memory. For centuries, children were taught religion in the extended family and parish church, whereas today it is less likely to be handed down from each generation. Furthermore, the trend towards greater social equality has undermined the traditional power of the Church to impose religion. Therefore, young people no longer inherit a fixed religious identity through socialisation and are ignorant of traditional religion.

245
Q

In relation to the theory of late modernity, explain how individual consumerism has replaced traditional religion

A

while traditional religion has declined, religion itself has not disappeared – instead, individual consumerism has replaced collective tradition. People now feel they have a choice as consumers of religion – they have become ‘spiritual shoppers’. Religion is now individualised; we now develop our own ‘do-it-yourself’ beliefs that give meaning to our lives and fit in with our interests and aspirations. Religion, has thus become a personal spiritual journey where we choose the elements we want to explore and the groups we wish to join. She argues that two new religious types are emerging: Pilgrims: follow an individual path in a search for self-discovery, e.g. New Age or individual ‘therapy’. Converts: join religious groups that offer a strong sense of belonging. This re-creates a sense of community, e.g. evangelical movements and ethnic minority churches.

As a result of these trends, religion no longer acts as the source of collective identity that it once did. However, she maintains that it does continue to have some influence on society’s values e.g. the values of equality and human rights have their roots in religion. Such values can contribute to a shared cultural identity and social solidarity, even for those not actively involved in religion.

246
Q

How does Lyon expand on Davie’s ideas of believing without belonging in relation to postmodern theory (religious renewal and choice)

A

LYON (2000) agrees with DAVIE that believing without belonging is increasingly popular. He argues that traditional religion is increasingly giving way to a variety of new religious movements. As a postmodernist, he explains this in terms of a shift in recent decades from modern to postmodern society which has a number of features: globalisation, the growth of consumerism, the increased importance of media and communications, all of which have led to a change in the nature of religion. As a result, traditional religion is giving way to new religious forms and these, according to LYON, demonstrate its continuing strength.

247
Q

Explain the relocation of religion

A

The relocation of religion: as a result of globalisation and the growing interconnectedness of societies, there is increased movement of religious ideas across national boundaries, often via online religion. The media saturate us with images and messages from around the globe, giving instant access to the ideas and beliefs of previous remote religions. These ideas are disembedded: the media lift them out of their local contexts and move them to a different place and time; e.g. the ‘electronic church’ and televangelism relocates religion to the internet and TV, allowing believers to express their faith without attending church. So religion becomes de-institutionalised; its signs and images become detached from their place in religious institutions, floating and multiplying on TV and in cyber-space, a cultural resource that individuals can adapt for their own purposes.

248
Q

How has religion created a range of opportunities for religious organisations and individuals to exploit according to Helland?

A

It is accepted that the internet has created a range of opportunities for religious organisations and individuals to exploit.
HELLAND (2000) distinguishes between two kinds of internet activity:

  1. Religion online: religious organisations use the internet to address members and potential converts – simply an electronic version of the traditional, hierarchical method of communication.
  2. Online religion: a form of ‘cyber-religion’ that may have no existence beyond the internet. It is a ‘many-to-many’ form of communication that allows individuals to create non-hierarchical relationships and a sense of community where they can visit virtual worship spaces, explore shared interests and provide mutual support. However HOOVER et al (2004) state that while postmodernists might see online religion as a radical new alternative replacing traditional religion, they argue that it is a supplement not a substitute to their church-based activities.
249
Q

Explain religious consumerism

A

Religious consumerism: Postmodern society involves the idea that we now construct our identities through what we consume. This is also true of religion; we are spiritual shoppers choosing religious beliefs and practices to meet our individual needs, from the vast range on offer in the religious marketplace. Central to this individualised religion, we can pick and mix elements of different faiths to suit our tastes and make them part of our identity.

In LYON’s view, religion has relocated to the sphere of consumption. People may have ceased to belong to religious organisations, but have not abandoned religion. They have become ‘religious consumers’, making conscious choices about which elements of religion they find useful. Religion and spirituality are not disappearing; they are simply evolving into new forms that fit the consumerist nature of postmodern society. However, one effect of having access to a great variety of different and competing beliefs, is a loss of faith in metanarratives, because people become sceptical that any one of them is really true. Thus traditional mainstream churches lose their authority and decline. However LYON argues that this does not spell the end of religion. Religion and spirituality are not disappearing, but evolving, taking on new forms that fit the consumerist nature of postmodern society.

250
Q

Explain the enchantment of the world

A

Re-enchantment of the world: LYON critiques secularisation theory for assuming that religion is declining and being replaced by a rational, scientific worldview. Contrary to this, he sees recent decades as a period of re-enchantment, with the growth of unconventional beliefs and practices. Although traditional religion has declined in Europe, he points to the growth of non-traditional religion in the West and elsewhere.

251
Q

Explain spiritual revolution

A

A Spiritual Revolution? Some sociologists argue that a ‘spiritual revolution’ is taking place in which traditional Christianity is giving way to ‘holistic spirituality’ or New Age beliefs and practices that emphasise personal development and subjective experience. Increased interest in spirituality can be seen in the growth of a ‘spiritual market’, with an explosion in the number of books about self-help and spirituality and the many practitioners who offer consultations, courses and ‘therapies’, ranging from meditation to crystal healing.

HEELAS and WOODHEAD (2005) identify the following contrasts between religion and spirituality:

Religion: Life as duty, Self-sacrifice, Deference, Conformity to external authority and Future: out of step and losing ground

Spirituality: Life as a journey, Personal development, Autonomy, Connecting with inner self and Future: growing and gaining ground

252
Q

Explain Heelas and Woodward’s study in Kendal in relation to a spritual revolution

A

In their study in Kendal they investigated whether traditional religion has declined and if so, how far the growth of spirituality is compensating for this. They distinguish between two groups: the congregational domain: of traditional and evangelical Christianity and the holistic milieu: of spirituality and the New Age. They found that in 2000, in a typical week, 7.9% of the population attended church and 1.6% took part in the activities of the holistic milieu. However, they did find that within the congregational domain, the traditional churches were losing support while evangelical churches were holding their own and fairing relatively well. Although fewer were involved in the holistic milieu, it was actually growing and offer the following explanation for these trends:

(a) New Age spirituality has grown because of a massive subjective turn in today’s culture. This involves a shift away from the idea of doing your duty and obeying an external authority to exploring your inner self by following a spiritual path.

(b) As a result of this, traditional religions, which demand duty and obedience, are declining. As HEELAS and WOODHEAD put it: ‘Religion that tells you what to believe and how to behave is out of tune with a culture which believes it is up to us to seek out answers for ourselves.’

(c) Evangelical churches are more successful than the traditional churches. They both demand discipline and duty, but the evangelicals also emphasise the importance of spiritual healing and personal growth through the experience of being ‘born again.’

In the spiritual marketplace, therefore, the winners are those who appeal to personal experience as the only genuine source of meaning and fulfilment, rather than the received teachings and commandments of traditional religion. However, HEELAS and WOODHEAD conclude that a spiritual revolution has not taken place. Although the holistic milieu has grown in popularity since the 1970s, its growth has not compensated for the decline of traditional religion. Therefore they conclude that secularisation is occurring in Britain, because the subjective turn has undermined the basis of traditional religion. New Age spirituality is a cause of secularisation because of its individualism – it lacks cohesion because everyone is free to believe whatever they wish.

253
Q

Why does Bruce criticise the idea that a new age movements have prevented secularisation

A

Furthermore, BRUCE (2011) argues that the New Age is too weak to fill the gap left by the decline of traditional religion. A belief system can only survive if it is passed down to the next generation. Yet in the Kendal study, only a minority of New Agers’ children shared their parents’ beliefs. Furthermore, women in the holistic milieu are more likely to be childless, further reducing the likelihood of growth. For BRUCE New Age forms of individualised religion would have to be on a much larger scale to fill the gap left by traditional institutionalised religions.

254
Q

Explain religious market theory

A

STARK and BAINBRIDGE (1985) support religious market theory (also called rational choice theory). They criticize secularisation theory for its distorted view of the past and the future: there was no ‘golden age’ of religion, nor is it likely that everyone will be an atheist in the future. They claim secularisation theory is Eurocentric and fails to explain the continued vitality of religion in America and other countries. They base their theory on two main assumptions:

  • People are naturally religious and religion meets human needs.
  • People make rational choices based on the costs and benefits of the available options.

Religion is attractive because it provides us with supernatural compensators when real rewards are unobtainable; e.g. immortality is unobtainable, but religion compensates by promising life after death. They claim that only religion can provide such compensators, because only it can promise supernatural rewards.

STARK and BAINBRIDGE also suggest there is a historical cycle of religious decline, revival and renewal: as established churches decline, they leave a gap in the market for new sects and cults. Therefore, from their point of view, secularisation theory is one-sided as it ignores the growth of NRMs.

255
Q

In relation to religious market theory why have churches started to operate like companies

A

RMT states that churches operate like companies selling goods in a market. In contrast to secularisation theory which sees competition between different religious organisations as undermining religion, they take the opposite stance. They argue that competition leads to improvements in the quality of the religious ‘goods’ on offer. Churches that make their product attractive will succeed in attracting more ‘customers’. Meanwhile, churches that are not responsive to the needs of their members will decline.

STARK and BAINBRIDGE claim that demand for religion increases when there is a choice, because consumers can find one that meets their needs. In the US, religion is strong because a healthy market exists where religions grow or decline according to consumer demand. But where there is a religious monopoly, as in most European countries (e.g. the Church of England), lack of choice has led to decline.

STARK and BAINBRIDGE conclude that the main factor influencing the level of religious participation is not the demand for religion, as secularization theory suggests, but supply. Participation increases when there is ample supply of religious groups to choose from. They also reject the view that secularisation is a universal trend happening in all societies.

256
Q

Evaluation of religious market theory

A

Evaluation:

  1. Support for religious market theory can be found in America and South Korea with the growth of evangelical megachurches (churches with a congregation of 2,000 or more). They have lavish resources and are able to offer a vast range of activities to meet the diverse needs of their members. MILLER (1997) compares them to hypermarkets.
  2. Also HADDEN and SHUPE (1998) argue that the growth of televangelism in America is an example of religion responding to consumer demand. When commercial funding of religious broadcasts began in the 1960s, it opened up competition in which evangelical churches thrived. As a commercial enterprise, televangelism responded to consumer demand by preaching a ‘prosperity gospel’.
  3. According to STARK (1990) Shintoism was the state religion of Japan and others were repressed, however after WW2 religion in Japan was deregulated, creating a market in which new religions thrived.
  4. However BRUCE (2011) rejects the view that diversity and competition increase the demand for religion, claiming that statistics show that diversity has been accompanied by religious decline in both Europe and America.
  5. BRUCE also states that RMT misinterprets secularisation theory which argues that religion is experiencing a long term process of decline, not that everyone will become atheist.
  6. In contrast to RMT, NORRIS and INGLEHART (2004) show that high levels of religious participation exist in Catholic countries where the Church has a near monopoly, e.g. Venezuela. This contradicts STARK and BAINBRIDGE’s theory.
  7. And finally, BECKFORD (2011) criticizes RMT for being unsociological, because it assumes people are ‘naturally’ religious and fails to explain why they make the choices that they do.
257
Q

Explain existential security theory

A

. EXISTENTIAL SECURITY THEORY (EST):

NORRIS and INGLEHART (2004) reject religious market theory on the grounds that it only applies to America and fails to explain the variations in religiosity between societies. They argue that the reason for such variations is not different degrees of religious choice, but different degrees of existential security – the feeling that survival is secure enough that it can be taken for granted. They claim that religion meets a need for security and so groups and societies where people feel insecure have a high level of demand for religion. These tend to be low income groups and societies. This explains why poor undeveloped countries, and poor people in more affluent countries, remain religious, while people in prosperous Western Countries are more secure and are more secular.

They argue that global population growth undermines the trend towards secularisation. Rich, secure, secular Western societies have low levels of population growth, whereas poor, insecure, religious countries have high rates. As a result, while rich countries are becoming more secular, the majority of the world is becoming more religious. Western Europe is becoming more secular because societies are relatively equal and secure, with well-developed welfare states which reduce insecurity among the poor, whereas the US remains religious, because despite being a rich country, it is extremely unequal with an inadequate welfare safety net which generates insecurity and thus, a need for religion.

258
Q

Evaluate existential security theory

A
  1. Supporting EST, GILL and LUNDEGAARDE (2004) argue that the more a country spends on welfare, the lower its levels of religious participation, which explains the lower levels of religiosity throughout Europe and the higher levels in America.
  2. They also note that in the past religion used to provide welfare for the poor and still does so in poorer countries. However, from the (20th, the state in the West began to provide welfare for the poor and this contributed to religion’s decline. However, although the availability of welfare reduces the need for religion, it does not eliminate it completely, as religion continues to offer answers to ultimate questions about the meaning of life.
  3. VASQUEZ (2007) criticizes EST as it sees religiosity as a response to deprivation and ignores the appeal that it has for the wealthy. Furthermore, it is only based on quantitative data about income levels and does not qualitatively examine people’s own definitions of existential security.
259
Q

Explain religious fundamentalism in relation to religion in a global context

A

In a global context, the issue of religious fundamentalism is a major area of political and media concern, notably in relation to Islamist terrorism. However, the term ‘fundamentalist’ has also been applied to followers of other religions including Protestant Christians. The relationship between fundamentalism and its relationship to globalisation and modernity in relation to the characteristics of fundamentalism, monotheism and fundamentalism and secular fundamentalism

260
Q

Explain the characteristics of fundamentalism in relation to religious fundamentalism

A

The characteristics of fundamentalism:
Sociologists have identified a number of features of fundamentalism:
* An authoritative sacred text: For Christian fundamentalists, every word of the Bible is literally true and valid, with answers to all life’s important questions. They see biblical prophecies being fulfilled in today’s world. They are intolerant of all other views and refuse to engage in rational argument.

  • An ‘us’ and ‘them’ mentality: Fundamentalists separate themselves from the rest of the world and refuse to compromise with it. They seek to establish islands of certainty against social and cultural chaos.
  • Aggressive reaction to the threat: to their beliefs and values.
  • Use of modern technology: to achieve their aims, e.g. the internet, televangelism and modern weaponry.
  • Patriarchy: Fundamentalists seek to control women’s sexuality, reproductive powers and social and economic roles.
  • Conspiracy theories: They often believe that powerful, hidden, evil forces are in control of human identity.
261
Q

Explain the relationship of fundamentalism in relation to modernity, postmodernity and cosmopolitanism

A

Fundamentalism and modernity, postmodernity and cosmopolitanism:
Although fundamentalists appeal to tradition, fundamentalism is different from traditional religion. It arises only where those who hold traditional religious beliefs and values feel threatened by modernity (from outside, e.g. globalisation, or from within, e.g. liberal attitudes to gender). DAVIE (2013) thus argues that ‘fundamentalists are themselves products of modernity’.

GIDDENS (1999) sees fundamentalism as a product of and reaction to globalisation and modernity, which undermines traditional norms, e.g. about family, gender and sexuality. In today’s late modern society, individuals are faced with choice, uncertainty and risk and therefore, he believes that the attraction of fundamentalism lies in its rigid, dogmatic beliefs which promises certainty in an uncertain world. It is a retreat into faith-based answers away from the globalising world. He contrasts it with cosmopolitanism – a way of thinking that embraces modernity, is tolerant, open and constantly reflects on and modifies beliefs in light of new information (reflexive thinking). It requires people to justify their views by rational arguments and evidence rather than sacred texts.

Cosmopolitanism sees lifestyle as a personal choice, not something dictated by an external religious authority. It emphasises the pursuit of personal meaning and self-improvement which are central to New Age spirituality, rather than submission to authority which is characteristic of traditional religion.

262
Q

How does Bauman explain fundamentalism in relation to postmodernity

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In a similar argument, the postmodernist BAUMAN (1992) also sees fundamentalism as a response to living in postmodernity which brings with it more freedom of choice, undermining the old certainties and traditions. While some embrace this freedom, others are attracted to fundamentalism by its claim of absolute truth and certainty. Similarly, CASTELLS (1998) distinguishes between two responses to postmodernity; resistant identity is a defensive reaction by those who feel threatened and retreat into fundamentalist communities and project identity is embraced by those who are forward-looking and engage with movements such as feminism and environmentalism. However, BECKFORD (2003) criticised GIDDENS, BAUMAN and CASTELLS claiming:
* They distinguish too sharply between cosmopolitanism and fundamentalism.
* They are fixated on fundamentalism, ignoring other ways that globalisation and modernity affect religion.
* GIDDENS generalises, and ignores the differences between fundamentalist movements.
* GIDDENS also claims fundamentalism is a reaction against modernity. But, ‘reinventing tradition’, as fundamentalists do, is itself a modern, reflexive activity.

Furthermore HAYNES (1998) argues that in the Middle East, conflicts caused by the failure of local elites to deliver on their promises to improve the standard of living are often the fuel that drives fundamentalism, rather than being a reaction to globalisation.

263
Q

Explain monotheism and fundamentalism

A

Monotheism and Fundamentalism:

However, BRUCE (2008) like GIDDENS, sees the main cause of fundamentalism, as a result of the perception of religious traditionalists that today’s globalising world threatens their beliefs. However, he regards fundamentalism as being confined to monotheistic religions as they are based on the notion of God’s will as revealed through a single authoritative sacred text. This is believed to contain the actual word of God and it lays down rules for believers to follow. By contrast, polytheistic religions lack a single all-powerful deity and a single authoritative text, so there is more scope for different interpretations and none has an over-riding claim to legitimacy or absolute truth.

264
Q

Explain the two fundamentalisms in relation to religious fundamentalism in a global context

A

Two fundamentalisms:

In BRUCE’s view, while all fundamentalists share the same characteristics they have different origins: In the West, fundamentalism is usually a reaction to change within a society, such as diversity and choice, so the NCR in the US developed in opposition to family diversity, sexual permissiveness, gender equality and secular education. Whereas in the Third world, fundamentalism is often a reaction to changes thrust on a society from outside, e.g. ‘Western’ values imposed by foreign capitalism. Fundamentalism involves resistance to the state’s attempts to reduce the social influence of religion.

265
Q

Explain secular fundamentalism

A

) Secular fundamentalism:

DAVIE (2013) argues we are seeing the rise of secular fundamentalism as a result of changes in the nature of modern society. She distinguishes between two phases of modernity:
* The first phase ran from the time of the (18th Enlightenment to the 1960s. This project undermined religious certainties and helped to secularise all areas of social life. Therefore, religious fundamentalism was one reaction to secularisation.
* The second phase is giving rise to secular fundamentalism. Since the 1970s, there has been a growing mood of pessimism, uncertainty and insecurity caused by globalisation. At the same time, postmodernism emerged, claiming that secular Enlightenment ideologies such as liberalism (Western Europe) and Marxism (Eastern Europe) were simply metanarratives whose belief in progress was unfounded and their claims have been undermined. As a result, these secular ideologies are themselves struggling for survival; they have come under attack and in reaction some people have been attracted to anti-religious fundamentalism.

In Western Europe, perceived religious challenges to liberal secular values have provoked a secular fundamentalist reaction. For example, in 2004 France banned pupils from wearing religious symbols in schools and in 2010 made it illegal for women to wear the veil in public. In 2015 some local right-wing controlled councils stopped serving alternatives to pork in their school meals, arguing that religion should be kept out of the secular public sphere. ANSELL (2000) sees such trends as a form of cultural racism that uses the ‘liberal’ language of equality and integration to justify such trends, but in reality, it is about legitimising the exclusion of religious or cultural minorities. DAVIE argues that both religious and secular movements can become fundamentalist due to the greater uncertainties of the postmodern world, where reasserting truth and certainty is increasingly attractive.

266
Q

What does Huntington argue in clash in civilisations

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Religion has been at the centre of a number of recent global conflicts, e.g. the 9/11 Islamist attacks in the US, Paris in 2015 and 2017 and London in 2006 and 2017. In the view of the American neo-conservative HUNTINGTON (1993), these conflicts have intensified since the collapse of communism in 1989 and are symptoms of a wider ‘clash of civilisations’. However, for HUNTINGTON, the problem is not Islamic fundamentalism, it is Islam itself.

He identifies seven different civilisations (Western, Latin American, Confucian (China), Japanese, Islamic Hindu and Slavic-Orthodox), each is larger than a single nation, has a common cultural background and is closely identified with one of the world’s great religions.

267
Q

Why are civilisations more likely to clash in today’s globalised world

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He argues that shared religion creates social cohesion within civilisations but can cause conflict between them; this he believes is particularly true in today’s globalised world because religious differences have now become a major source of identity for 3 reasons:

  1. Since the fall of communism, political differences between nations have become less important as a source of identity and religious differences have become more so.
  2. Globalisation makes nation-states less significant as a source of identity creating a gap that religion has filled.
  3. Globalisation makes contact between civilisations easier, increasing the likelihood of old conflicts re-emerging.
268
Q

Why do religious differences create an hostile ‘us vs them’ relationship?

A

In HUNTINGTON’s view, religious differences are creating a new set of hostile ‘us and them’ relationships, with increased competition between civilisations for economic and military power, as well conflict occurring on the boundaries between civilisations. He believes religious differences are harder to resolve than political ones because they are deeply rooted in culture and history and he sees history as a struggle of ‘progress against barbarism’ and predicts growing conflict between ‘the West and the rest’. He argues that the West is under threat, especially from Islam and predicts growing conflict between ‘the West and the rest’. He fears the emergence of new anti-Western military alliances between for example, Confucian and Islamic civilisations and urges the West to reassert its Christian identity.

269
Q

Evaluate Huntington’s clash of civilisations

A

However, JACKSON (2006) sees HUNTINGTON’s work as an example of ‘orientalism’ – a Western ideology that stereotypes Eastern nations as inferior, untrustworthy and fanatical and CASANOVA (2005) argues that he ignores important religious divisions within the ‘civilisations’, e.g. between Sunni and Shi’a Islam.

Furthermore, HORRIE and CHIPPINDALE (2003) see ‘clash of civilisations’ as a grossly misleading neo-conservative ideology that portrays the whole of Islam as the enemy, when in reality, only a tiny minority of the world’s 1.5 billion Muslims are remotely interested in a ‘holy war’ against the West.

Similarly ARMSTRONG (2001) argues that hostility towards the West does not stem from fundamentalist Islam, but is a reaction to Western foreign policy in the Middle East. The West has propped up oppressive regimes and continues to support Israel despite its aggressive treatment of Palestinians.

270
Q

Why does Huntington’s work suggest about the Muslim world?

A

Furthermore, HUNTINGTON’s work suggests that the Muslim world holds fundamentally different, anti-democratic values from those of the West. However, evidence indicates that this is not the case. Using data from the World Values Surveys INGLEHART and NORRIS (2003) conclude that the issue dividing the West from the Muslim world is not democracy but sexuality. Support for democracy is high in both the West and the Muslim world, but there are great differences in attitudes towards divorce, abortion, gender equality and gay rights. While Western attitudes have become more liberal, in the Muslim world they remain traditional. They claim that democracy has become the political ideology to gain global appeal, but there is no global agreement about self-expression values such as tolerance of diversity, gender equality and freedom of speech. In their view, ‘these divergent values constitute the real clash of civilisations between Muslim societies and the West.

271
Q

Explain cultural defence in relation to religion in a globalised world

A

BRUCE (2002) sees one function of religion as cultural defence – religion unites a community against an external threat and this often gives it a prominent role in politics. Religion has special significance for its followers because it symbolises the group or society’s collective identity.

Two examples follow to illustrate that religion can be used to defend national identity against domination by an external power. In both cases, the role of religion has to be understood in a traditional context:

(a) Poland:
From 1945-89 it was under communist rule imposed from outside by the Soviet Union. Although the Catholic Church did not always challenge the communist regime openly, it served as a popular rallying point for opposition, e.g. actively supporting the Solidarity free trade union movement that contributed to the fall of communism.

(b) Iran:
Western capitalist powers and oil companies had long enjoyed much influence in Iran, installing a pro-Western regime headed by the Shah. During the 1960s and 70s, his successor embarked on a policy of rapid modernisation and Westernisation. Islam became the focus for resistance to change and to this liberal Shah. The 1979 revolution brought the creation of the Islamic Republic, in which clergy held state power and were able to impose Islamic Shari’a law.

272
Q

Explain religion and development in relation to globalisation in india

A

According to secularisation theory, development tends to undermine religion as modern science and technology destroy belief in the supernatural. However, religion may also contribute to development, e.g. Weber’s claim that the Protestant ethic helped bring about modern capitalism. More recently, sociologists have examined the role religion plays in development in today’s globalising world.

(a) God and globalisation in India:
Globalisation has brought about rapid economic growth and has seen India become a much more prominent player on the world’s economic and political stage. In ‘God and Globalisation’ (2008) NANDA examines the role of Hinduism, the religion of 85% of the population in (i) the rising prosperity of India’s new middle class and in (ii) legitimating both the rise of a new Hindu ‘ultra-nationalism’:

273
Q

Explain Hinduism and prosperity in relation to religion and development

A

Hinduism and prosperity: Globalisation has created a huge and prosperous, scientifically educated, urban middle class in India, working in IT, pharmaceuticals and biotechnology sectors closely tied into the global economy. These are precisely the people whom secularisation theorists would state would abandon religion in favour of a more secular world view. Yet as NANDA observes, a vast majority of this class continue to believe in the supernatural and it has been found that Indians in general, but particularly the urban educated are becoming more religious and continue to believe in miracles and supernatural beings.

She rejects the idea that their religiosity is a defensive reaction to modernisation and Westernisation. Her research revealed that the middle classes were optimistic about the opportunities that globalisation brings, arguing instead that their increased religiosity is the result of their ambivalence about their new founded wealth which stems from a tension between the traditional Hindu belief in the renunciation of materialism and their new prosperity. This is resolved for them by the modern holy men and tele-gurus to whom they turn, who preach the message that desire is not bad, but rather a manifestation of divinity that motivates people to do things. Therefore, modern versions of Hinduism legitimate the position of the middle class and allow them to adjust to globalised consumer capitalism.

274
Q

Explain Hinduism and ultra-nationalism in relation to religion and development

A

Hinduism and ultra-nationalism: NANDA also examines the role of Hinduism in legitimating a triumphalist version of Indian nationalism. She notes that India’s success in the global market is increasingly attributed to the superiority of ‘Hindu values’, a view constantly promoted by the media and politicians along with the idea that Hinduism is the essence of Indian culture and identity. In this Hindu ultra-nationalism, the worship of Gods has become the same as worshipping the nation of India and therefore in this context, Hinduism has become a civil religion.

Hinduism has also penetrated public life, so that the supposedly secular state is increasingly influenced by religion. For example, in education, Hindu sciences such as astrology are being taught as an academic subject and in health-care, funds are being invested into the research, development and sale of cow urine as a cure for every aliment from TB to Aids. However, NANDA also observes that this is creating a widening gulf between Hindus and non-Hindu minorities.

275
Q

Explain capitalism in east asia in relation to religion and development

A

Capitalism and East Asia:
In recent decades South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan and more recently China have become significant and powerful players in the global economy. The success of capitalism in East Asia has led some sociologists to argue that religion has played a similar role to the one played by Calvinism in the development of capitalism in (16th and (17th Europe. REDDING (1990) describes the spirit of capitalism among Chinese entrepreneurs and the post-Confucian values encouraging hard work, self-discipline and self-improvement leading to economic productivity and the accumulation of capital.

276
Q

Explain Pentecostalism in latin america in relation to religion and development

A

Pentecostalism in Latin America:
Similarly, BERGER (2003) argues that Pentecostalism in Latin America acts as a functional equivalent to WEBER’s Protestant Ethic. He states that Latin American Pentecostalists, embrace a work ethic and lifestyle similar to Calvinists. Thus in Chile and southern Brazil there is now a growing and prosperous Pentecostalist middle class leading capitalist development. Although he recognises that religion alone cannot solely lead to economic development, BERGER like WEBER, believes that something like religious ideas is necessary to promote economic development and raise a society out of poverty.

In the last five centuries, Christianity has globalised itself, expanding out of Europe, first into South America and then Africa. LEHMANN (2002) distinguishes between two phases in this expansion: In the first phase, Christianity accompanied colonisation and was imposed on the indigenous populations by conquest, often forcibly supressing local religions. However, in the second phase, over the last century or so, it has spread because it gained popular following from below. For example, by 2000 there were 80 million Pentecostalists in Brazil alone. LEHMANN attributes the success of Pentecostalism as a global religion to its ability to ‘plug into’ and incorporate local beliefs. Although it preaches a similar message worldwide, it adapts to local customs and establishes a local identity for itself often drawing on the local religions. In Africa, this has led to the ‘Africanisation’ of Christianity rather than the total disappearance of indigenous religions. Pentecostalism has also been successful in developing countries because it is able to appeal particularly to the poor and due to its use of global communications media, to spread its message.

277
Q

summarise religion in a global context

A

Religious fundamentalism:
Cultural and social changes brought about by globalisation may threaten cherished values and lead some to turn to the certainties promised by fundamentalism.

Religion and the ‘clash of civilisations’:
As societies come into closer contact with one another, there is the potential for religious conflict and for religious diversity and change.

Religion as a form of cultural defence:
When one society or state dominates another, people may use religion to explain and resist domination.

Religion and economic development:
Religious ideas lead some people to act in new ways that encourage economic development in less developed societies.