Gender and Genocide Flashcards

Question

Weitsman (2008), the unique plight of babies born as a result of govt-orchestrated mass rape

Answer 1

The cloud of shame that nearly always follows these children throughout their lives undermines their human rights in critical ways.

Answer 2

- intimidates - degrades - humiliates - tortures

Answer 3

in patriarchal societies in which a woman's standing derives from her relationship to the men in her family: her brothers, father, husband, and sons In many cases, if a woman is unmarried, her worth derives from her status as a virgin. Once raped, society no longer deems her marriageable or socially viable shame of victimization is far worse than the perpetration of the crime. These assumptions must already exist to support a policy of mass rape. If they do not, this policy loses its coercive power and may not be as successful in driving families apart or securing ethnic cleansing The maternal contribution to identity must be completely assumed away for an ethnic group to embark on a policy of forced impregnation or forced maternity in order to promote "genocide" or "ethnic cleansing." Otherwise, the rape campaign would be viewed as propagating more of the enemy

Answer 4

The Nazis viewed racial purity as the absence of any non-Aryan blood, whether maternally or paternally derived. Sexual intercourse between "racially impure" individuals and Aryans was prohibited because it would "taint" the offspring

Answer 5

Serbian militias, in contrast, sought to impregnate Bosnian Muslim women so that they would bear "Serbian" children. In this case, identity was viewed as exclusively paternally derived.

Answer 6

serves to 'occupy the womb' of the women in question

Answer 7

Policies of mass rape designed to humiliate and degrade a population to such an extent that people leave en masse, thereby advancing the goal of ethnic cleans ing, must be distinguished from rape with the intent of forcing women to bear children. One cannot view these policies in the same way: to do so is tantamount to accepting the view of identity that rapists perpetuate that it is paternally derived?and to denying the cultural and genetic connection between mother and child

Answer 8

During wartime, questions of identity become outlined in sharp relief. Under conditions of threat, persecuted groups, or any social group, have a heightened sense of self. These groups will draw together, become more cohesive, and validate their identity. As we construct our enemies?or our "others"?our ethnicities, races, citizenships, and religions all become tools of exclusion

Answer 9

purely as "the other," despite their birth mothers' identities and despite the fact that members of their mothers' ethnic groups usually raise them Once born, the identity of the war babies is inextricably linked to their rapist fathers.

Answer 10

Bosnia - they are called "a generation of children of hate."

Answer 11

known as "children of bad memories," "children of hate," and "unwanted children."

Answer 12

e.g. Foca, where the Serbian policies of mass rape, forced impregnation, and forced maternity were implemented Oosterman, a member of the prosecution investigation team, testified against Serbian leader Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic in July 1996. "The soldiers told often that they were forced to do it. They did not say who forced them to do it, but they were ordered do it." Her testimony continued, "They wanted to make Serb or Chetnik babies. The pattern was, yes, all over the same." narratives told by hundreds of women held at camps around Bosnia suggest that women were raped repeatedly and, once impregnated, held until abortion was no longer an option.

Answer 13

They said that each woman had to serve at least ten men a day. . . . God, what horrible things they did. They just came in and humiliated us, raped us, and later they told you, "Come on now, if you could have Ustasha babies, then you can have a Chetnik baby, too." . . . Women who got pregnant, they had to stay there for seven or eight months so they could give birth to a Serbian kid. They had their gynecologists there to examine the women. The pregnant ones were separated off from us and had special privileges; they got meals, they were better off, they were protected. Only when a woman's in her seventh month, when she can't do anything about it anymore, then she's released. They beat the women who didn't get pregnant, especially the younger women; they were supposed to confess what contraceptives they were using

Answer 14

if biology is privileged in this conception of identity, a socially constructed idea of biology is what prevails. This is especially noteworthy in the Bosnian case, considering the minimal racial or biological differences between the Bosnian Muslims and Serbians: both were Slavs

Answer 15

Much of the propaganda leading up to the killing was directed at Tutsi women, especially in regards to their supposed promiscuity and their feelings of superiority toward Hutu men, who were considered unattractive and lower class. As a consequence, much of the violence was directed at women

Answer 16

witnessed: - the spearing of a baby as it emerged from its mother's body - a multitude of rapes with foreign objects, such as machetes and spears, and the burning of women's pubic hair afterwards - Pregnant women were sliced open and the fetuses removed from their bodies

Answer 17

Mass rape was a critical part of the Rwandan genocide. It is estimated that 90 percent of Tutsi women and girls who survived the genocide were sexually molested in some manner, principally and systematically by the Interahamwe. According to one study, Butare province alone has more than 30,000 rape survivors

Answer 18

was sent to her hometown to quell Butare's revolt against the geno cide campaign. While rounding up the women for slaughter, Nyiramasuhuko commanded the militias to be sure they raped the women before killing them. She also used rape to reward the soldiers for their killings, urging them on time after time woman survivor, for example, was taken as a sex slave by her neighbors, who tortured her nightly under the conditions that prevailed during Nyiramasuhuko's supervision. This survivor "remembered two things most of all: the stamens from the banana trees they used to violate her, leaving her body mutilated, and the single sentence one of the men used: 'We're going to kill all the Tutsis, and one day Hutu children will have to ask what did a Tutsi child look like.'"

Answer 19

The torture and mass rape that were a part of the atrocities went beyond mere instrumental killing. It also meant that new children came into the world in the wake of the disaster - possibly more than 10,000 babies were born as a consequence of these rapes.

Answer 20

systematic rape that took place during the widespread killing in Rwanda was undertaken with the express purpose of degrading, humiliating, punishing, and torturing Tutsi women

Answer 21

witness later learned that the women and girls were taken to a camp where the attackers raped and killed all but one of them.61 Assailants sometimes mutilated women in the course of a rape or before killing them. They cut off breasts, punctured the vagina with spears, arrows, or pointed sticks, or cut off or disfigured body parts that looked particularly "Tutsi," such as long fingers or thin noses

Answer 22

most of the survivors described how their assailants remarked on their ethnicity before, during, or after the rape. The remarks included: "We want to see how sweet Tutsi women are," "You Tutsi women think that you are too good for us," One rape survivor described how, after being raped, her assailant said, "Now the Hutu have won. You Tutsi, we are going to exterminate you." He then took her inside, put her on a bed, and held one leg open, while another held her other leg. "He called everyone who was outside and said, 'you come and see how Tutsikazi are on the inside.' Then he cut out the inside of my vagina. One Rwandan aide worker, responding to a question about the reasons for the mass rape, said, "Hutu men wanted to know Tutsi women, to have sex with them. Tutsi women were supposed to be special sexually."

Answer 23

- the view of Tutsi women as sexual objects requiring subjugation - the patriarchal structure of society

Answer 24

Instead of using rape as a mechanism to propa gate more Hutus, it used rape as a mechanism to try to take life. Nearly 70 percent of the women raped contracted HIV. Rwandan President Paul Kagame said, "We knew that the government was bringing AIDS patients out of the hospitals specifically to form battalions of rapists."

Answer 25

In Rwanda, rape was a tool used to destroy Tutsi women; it was not undertaken with the express purpose of impregnating them

Answer 26

Many of the children were given names, such as "little killers," "child of hate," "the intruder," "I am at a loss" Infanticide rates were extremely high, and many mothers abandoned their children at birth or neglected them after birth, allowing them to die. In the words of one rape victim: "When people kill your family and then rape you, you cannot love the child"

Answer 27

In cases in which identity derives from both maternal and paternal lines, sexual reproduction of the enemy will be prohibited. When identity is paternally given, and women are represented as passive bystanders in imparting identity, policies of forced impregnation and maternity may result during wartime.

Answer 28

Worldwide view that rape unavoidable part of the battlefield caused initial stories from Bosnia to be viewed as unremarkable by citizens in the West and discounted by politicians in the West Not until victims like Mirsada came forward and foreign correspondents confirmed the archipelago of sex-enslavement camps and uncovered a program of systematic mass rape that the world took notice

Answer 29

Rape considered war crime for centuries during American Civil War, Union Army operated under a general order perpd by Francis Lieber and signed by Pres Lincoln in 1863 that made rape a capital offense 0th C, rape included - in increasingly explicit terms - in various treaties regulating the conduct of war, starting with Article 46 of the regulations annexed to the 1907 Hague Convention Article 27 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 - 'women shall be protected against any attack on their honour, in partic against rape, enforced prostitution, or any form of indecent assault.' rape referred to as crime against honour/ dignity, not crime of violence Civilians in noninternational conflicts are protected by Article 3 common to the 4 Geneva Conventions of 1949 Clear that rape and other forms of sexual violence are also war crime when committed against men rape can be prosecuted as a war crime as a grave breach under A147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, as a violation of CA3, and as a violation of the laws or customs of war. Rape now indisputably regarded as a serious crime of war, crime against humanity and instrument of genocide ICC statute, adopted July 17, 1998: * Jurisdiction to prosecute rape, enforced prostitution, sexual slavery, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, and other forms of sexual violence of comparable gravity * In war or peace if of widespread or systematic nature

Answer 30

for role in the incident during which one detainee at Omarska was forced to bite off the testicle of another

Answer 31

convicted of torture by means of rape - colleague orally, vaginally and anally raped a Bosnian Muslim woman while F verbally interrogated her Tribunal carefully chose gender-neutral terms in defining the elements of rape committed against 'the victim,' whether man or woman

Answer 32

Rwanda tribunal - Jean-Paul Akayesu convicted of rape as crime against humanity and as instrument of genocide in Rwanda

Answer 33

First sexual slavery prosecution in any international criminal proceeding enslaved a 15 yr old girl Multiple witnesses, interviewed separately, described 'rape camps' throughout Bosnian Serb-controlled territory, as well as a far smaller number of camps run by Croatian and Bosnian govt forces

Answer 34

No specific crime of 'systematic rape' under international law However, proving that rape is widespread or systematic is important for establishing a crime against humanity Necessary to prove not that rape was widespread or systematic, but that the attack was widespread or systematic, and rape was one of the acts that formed part of the attack Systematic character of certain rapes may also help establish the stringent intent requirement for the charge of genocide

Answer 35

if done w intent to destroy a protected group in whole or in part, rape and sexual violence constitute genocide in the same way as any other act - Akayesu had systematically targeted Tutsi women to contrib to the destruction of the Tutsi group as a whole - Sexual violence was step in the process of destruction of the Tutsi group - destruction of the spirit, of the will to live, and of life itself Sept 2, 1998 - Akayesu was convicted of rape as a crime against humanity and as part of the genocide

Answer 36

does not explicitly state that sexual violence is a crime of genocide Convention should be expanded to include mass rape, regardless of whether the victims are raped on the basis of racial/ethnic, national, or religious identity Intent to destroy people on the basis of sex should, in my analysis, merit the same status under international law as the intent to destroy people on the basis of ethnicity, nation, and religion Mass rape during ethnic conflict results in mass trauma and as such is a form of destruction of an ethnic group (^doesn't this weaken her argument? Intent is not to destroy 'women' as a whole, but to target females of an ethnic/ religious group in a particular way as means to eliminate that group) could be argued that mass rape constitutes genocide regardless of whether the rapists targeted women on the basis of religious, national, or ethnic affiliation Widespread crimes against men and women on the basis of ethnic, religious, or national affliation are known as genocide, and as such under international law are a more grave matter than widespread crimes against women on the basis of sex

Answer 37

to ethnic groups that strongly stigmatize rape survivors rather than rapists. In such communities, women in their roles as mothers of the nation and as transmitters of culture symbolize the honor of the ethnic group. When a woman’s honor is tarnished through rape, the ethnic group is also dishonored. To restore its honor, the ethnic group may ostracize or expel the raped girl or woman.

Answer 38

becoming a pariah in one’s own society and even one’s own family.

Answer 39

- perceptions linger that rape is a husband’s property damage - awareness of the extent to which sexual violence is used as genocide may alert those who work with female survivors to listen for clues that a woman or girl has been sexually violated and provide treatment accordingly - analysis of genocide that ignores the sexual forms that affect women and girls also ignores the full extent of the humiliation of the ethnic group through the rape of its women

Answer 40

trauma; sexual apathy or promiscuity; substance abuse; depression; psychosomatic ailments; anger; loss of sense of womanhood; and confusion about one’s identity

Answer 41

Girls and women are far more likely than are men to be the targets of sexual violence used as a component of genocide, but it is rare that analysts perceive rape to be a component of genocide

Answer 42

a simultaneous expression of misogyny and genocide.12 She describes rape as a method of extermination: It is also rape unto death, rape as massacre, rape to kill and to make the victims wish they were dead.

Answer 43

forced impregnation, not rape per se, constitutes genocide. “Repeated rape alone is still ‘just’ rape, but rape with the intent to impregnate is something more. Forcing females of a targeted ethnic group to conceive is genocidal because those so impregnated cannot carry the babies of men of their own ethnic group while their wombs are so “occupied.

Answer 44

However, Fisher’s claim that it is coerced impregnation rather than coerced penetration that constitutes genocide is unnec- essarily limited Rape may indeed constitute genocide regardless of whether conception resulted, as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) ruled in 1998. In a precedent-setting case, the ICTR found Jean-Paul Akayesu, the former mayor of Taba Commune, guilty of a number of crimes of genocide, including rape Rape not meant to result in pregnancy and rape of females too young, too old, or unable to reproduce may both be encompassed under the legal definition of genocide because they represent the enemy’s intent to destroy.

Answer 45

Rape harms a woman whether or not it takes place in the midst of genocide. Copelon fears that when courts treat rape during genocide specially, they are in effect indicating that rape that does not take place during genocide is not a crime of equal magnitude.

Answer 46

argues that the Serbian aggression was genocidal, but that the international community preferred to describe it as “civil war” so as to remove any responsibility for intervening on behalf of the genocide victims

Answer 47

vary from 10,000 to 60,000 Ethnically Serbian soldiers perpetrated the majority of the rapes against Muslim and Croatian women in Bosnia– Herzegovina

Answer 48

rape camp soldiers detained between 2000 and 2500 women and girls between May and June of 1992

Answer 49

Muslim religious leaders in Bosnia–Herzegovina urged bachelors to marry the single women and girls who had suffered rape, but few did

Answer 50

(1) that rapes in non-contiguous parts of Bosnia–Herzegovina had similar characteristics, including raping educated or upper-class women first and forcing family members conned in the same camp to perform incest; (2) that the rapes happened in different sections of Bosnia–Herzegovina simultaneously and accompanied the ghting; and (3) that many rapes took place within official detention centers (4) a male survivor of a concentration camp in Croatia, Dr. Mladen Loncar, offers as another indication of the centrally planned nature of the mass rapes the fact that most of the camps had an identical layout. A rectangle of guards and minefields surrounded another rectangle where soldiers raped and inflicted other forms of torture

Answer 51

Serbian leaders deny that there was any directive to rape In 1992, President Radovan Karadzic said, “The lies about the organized rapes of Muslim women are shameful In 1997, Bosnian–Serb television reporters announced that they had investigated claims of Muslim women raped by Serbs and found all to be false, even though at that time nine of the UN’s 19 indictments of Bosnian– Serb war criminals included charges of sexual assault.

Answer 52

estimates between 250,000 and 500,000 rapes Most women between the ages of 13 and 50 who survived in Kigali are reputed to be rape victims.

Answer 53

their family and neighbors may perceive rape survivors to have been willing participants and even complicit with the Interahamwe in the genocide. “From society’s point of view there is little sympathy, for at the moment that men and children died without defense, these women used the sex card, ‘selling their bodies’ to save their lives.”

Answer 54

Rape in the Rwandan genocide usually preceded murder, or was intended to cause fatal injuries. The Interahamwe preferred to inict a protracted death upon the Tutsi rather than to kill them swiftly

Answer 55

deliberate transmission of HIV was a unique component of rape as genocide in Rwanda. Survivors report that Hutu men diagnosed with HIV raped Tutsi women during the civil war, then told the women that they would die slowly and gruelingly from AIDS. A staff member of Rwandan Women’s Net in Kigali, which operates the Polyclinic of Good Hope for women survivors of war, told me that the majority of rape survivors test positive for HIV In Rwanda, protease inhibitors (to control HIV) are not available, and HIV left untreated is almost certain to result in AIDS and death in approximately 7–15 years. Therefore, for a Hutu man known to be HIV-positive to rape a Tutsi woman is in essence protracted genocide

Answer 56

Dr. Bonnet of Doctors Without Borders believes that rape in Rwanda was systematic, premeditated, and used intentionally as a weapon of ethnic conict to destroy the Tutsi community and to render any survivors silent. A genocide and rape survivor that I interviewed, nevertheless, believed that the rapes were spontaneous

Answer 57

Rwanda’s Parliament took several years to agree upon the genocide law, which divides genocide crimes into four levels.71 The first level carries a mandatory death penalty. This category is reserved for the planners of the genocide, those implicated who held public or military office, and those who were especially ruthless and prolific killers. The second level of the genocide law is for those who were not leaders, but who participated in the killings. The third level is for assault (not murder), and the fourth is for crimes against property. A representative of the Rwandan women’s group, Pro-Femmes, believes that most Rwandan men do not consider rape to be a crime, much less a crime of genocide. However, Pro-Femmes lobbied for rape to be considered among the most serious genocide crime Parliament decided to include rape in level one among the most serious crimes of genocide. Thus, for the average Hutu man who participated in the genocide but was neither a leader nor an especially prolific killer, a conviction for rape would carry a heavier penalty than would a conviction for murder. However, not one man has yet been found guilty within the Rwandan courts of perpetrating rape during the genocide.

Answer 58

neither the International Tribunal nor the Rwandan judiciary has sentenced one man for committing rape. (The Tribunal has prosecuted a man, Jean-Paul Akayesu, who was the mayor of the Taba commune, and a woman, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, who, surprisingly, was the minister of family and women’s affairs, for encouraging their subordinates to rape) The seeming disinterest around the globe in prosecution of rape as genocide may mean that in future ethnic conflicts men believe that they have license to rape

Answer 59

- informed by a theoretical understanding of “everyday rape” that emerged through feminist activism, particularly that of radical feminists in the late 1970s ``` - In particular, the analysis of rape as primarily motivated by power and control (sex is merely the chosen vehicle through which to inflict harm on a woman rather than the motive for the act) was pathbreaking. ```

Answer 60

argues that in patriarchy, male attitudes toward women and virility encourage rape and that when given the opportunity, for instance during war or military occupation, men should indeed be expected to rape. She suggests further that rape is integral to legitimizing patriarchy and has been much more prevalent throughout history than has been previously acknowledged

Answer 61

First, Brownmiller’s tendency to view rape and the politics of rape as both common and universal throughout history, as in essence ahistorical or transhistorical and transcultural, can lead to a decontextualization of specific incidences of rape and a near demonizing of all men. Second, in suggesting that rape should be understood as a crime of systemic misogyny, little room is left for the possibility of women’s sexual agency. Feminist analyses of wartime rape have adopted some of the basic tenets of Brownmiller’s thesis on everyday rape, thus: it remains to a great extent unexamined if and how sexual violence during wartime belongs to the same continuum of patriarchal violence against women or whether it is indeed an altogether different phenomenon from everyday, peacetime rape.

Answer 62

sexism approach - women as the collective target and object of rape are emphasized genocide approach, in which the ethnicity or race of the women is the focus and women are seen as collectively violated as a particular ethnic or racial group rather than, or in addition to, as women. both of these ways of viewing the conflict—along gender or ethnic/racial lines—played a role in the ideology that fueled the wars and in the violence itself: it was both sexual and ethnic/racial.

Answer 63

Most local Yugoslav feminists and a number of American feminist rape advocates argued that intervention should take place on behalf of all women who were facing rape in this conflict: Bosnian women, certainly, but Croatian and Serb women as well. Other scholars argued instead that since the Serb attack on the Bosnian women seemed to be planned and systemic and since Serbs were the main aggressors in this war, attempts at intervention should focus on helping Bosnian women and on condemning Serb men specifically. Underlying this disagreement was a debate over whether the rapes should be seen in essence as sexist in nature or as genocidal

Answer 64

worried that if one focused on the genocidal aspect of the Serb rapes this would downplay the fact that women on all sides were being raped. Women's universal victimization wld fail to be highlighted

Answer 65

focus on these rapes as genocidal might actually backfire: “The mass rape in Bosnia has captured world attention . . . largely because of its association with ‘ethnic cleansing,’ or genocide. . . . But to emphasize as unparalleled the horror of genocidal rape is factually dubious and risks rendering rape invisible once again” the women were raped not primarily because of their ethnicity but because of their sex

Answer 66

e Serbs were systematically raping Bosnian Muslim women and were using rape as a weapon of extinction and that as such these rapes were indeed different from “ordinary” wartime rape. They suggested that the genocidal aspect should be grounds for military or political intervention while the rapes were not exclusive to the Serbian forces, the Serbs had set the pattern in 1992 by practicing systematic rape and that when Bosnian Croats adopted this same strategy by 1993 to create an “ethnically pure Croatian sector,” they were only doing so in response to the Serbs who “have an ideology . . . ‘ethnic cleansing’” (Stiglmayer 1994a, xi–xii).

Answer 67

“In this war, the fact of Serbian aggression is beyond question, just as the fact of male aggression against women is beyond question, both here and in everyday life” (1994, 186).22 She argued that what distinguished these Serbian rapes is that they were “ethnic rape as an official policy of war in a genocidal campaign for political control” (1994, 190)

Answer 68

created while the war was still going on in 1993. For the first time in history, rape was treated as a crime of war before an international court Wartime rape was now considered a crime in terms of the harm done to the woman, and as a separate war act that could now be prosecuted as suc

Answer 69

If feminists were hoping for some direct military or legal intervention in this conflict on the basis of these rapes, or if they hoped to ensure successful prosecution in a war tribunal later on, legal scholars realized the need to argue that these rapes were somehow unique. After all, if one used Brownmiller’s model of rape as a universal, transhistorical crime, one could seek intervention only on the basis of women in general, not on the basis of a particular group of women victims. Yet an effective call for military or political intervention in this war would mean that one did need to choose sides, not on behalf of men or women but on behalf of particular women

Answer 70

. First, the rapes caused social ostracism for the Muslim rape victims that in turn would lead to the destruction of the group (see point c in the Genocide Convention); second, the rapes were a form of genocide because their aim was to force impregnation. That is, the intent to produce Serbian children was seen as the purpose of the rapes, and the fact that many women were detained by the Serbs after having been raped so they could not abort their pregnancies was offered as evidence (the rapes conformed to point c or e of the Genocide Convention). Furthermore, the impregnations caused by the rapes also functioned to prevent Bosnian Muslim women from carrying their own children. While already pregnant with a child through rape by a Serbian, a Muslim woman’s womb was in fact occupied by the enemy and could not produce a Muslim child (see points c and d of the Genocide Convention).

Answer 71

by arguing both intent and harm on the basis of the ethnic stereotypes that were circulating in this conflict, Western feminists ceased to question either the validity of these statements or whether they indeed were universally accepted by all sides. Reified highly dubious form of Serb ethnic essentialism Second, the Muslim community’s assumed response to these rapes and the harm they caused, both to the women and to the community as a whole, was based on assumptions about ethnicity that turned out to be far too generalizing and essentialist . Many of the Bosnian Muslim women came from modern, secular, and thoroughly assimilated communities, and the severe ostracism they would presumably encounter did not materialize. erases the memory of Bosnia-Herzegovina as the multicultural region it used to be before the war, with a high intermarriage rate and thus presumably a good number of ethnically mixed children. It confirms rather than denies the ethnic-nationalist rhetoric

Answer 72

“It is rape for reproduction as ethnic liquidation: Croatian and Muslim women are raped to help make a Serbian state by making Serbian babies”

Answer 73

Because the focus of analysis is exclusively on the harm caused by rape, the victimization of women is at the center, and this means, first, that rape is defined as the worst possible form of harm and, second, that women are seen as victims only, not as participants in or supporters of war. fail to acknowledge that forms of harm other than rape may have been as damaging or more so and should have required intervention as well. This assumption was in fact contested by many of the rape victims themselves. plenty of evidence that Serb and Croat women were indeed participants in the war (Borneman 1998, 295) At least we should be able to acknowledge that many women in the region openly legitimated the brutal actions of male relatives and community member

Answer 74

In interview: “They pushed bottle necks into our sex, they even stuck shattered, broken bottles into some women. . . . Guns too. And then you don’t know if he’s going to fire, you’re scared to death, everything else, the rape, becomes less important, even the rape doesn’t seem so terrible to you anymore” (quoted in Stiglmayer 1994b, 118)

Answer 75

Many of the women were raped, but they were not murdered, while most of the captured men would be brutally tortured and murdered—by being burned alive, pulled behind cars, or slain with knives in their extremities, genitals, or neck and left bleeding to death. Furthermore, many of these men experienced sexual abuse as well

Answer 76

By following the rape as genocide strategy, which did ensure some successful prosecutions, feminists have reified assumptions about ethnic identity that now have become part of the ICTY prosecution strategy as well. By seeing all women as potential rape victims and freeing them of any responsibility, feminists have come to reinforce problematic assumptions about women’s agency in patriarchy that they would normally be quick to criticize.

Answer 77

women as supporting war effort, becoming soldiers (one as Serbian soldier) construction of gender differences, etc femininity and killing killing in defence of the weak as super-femininity Rather than being the 'other' in war, women were integral part of the slaughter of war and myths surrounding it. Pleasures of violence shared by women. Since denied experience of combat, responded by offering up bodies of their sons, husbands, lovers to killing fields Through this violence, they earned their right to grief Rise of women in combat roles since Vietnam War

Answer 78

good overview w stats, quotes by officials etc. In a report called “Shattered Lives: Sexual violence during Rwandan genocide and the aftermath,” Binaifer Nowrojee, executive director of the Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa, published very graphic testimonies of rape.

Answer 79

States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that the child is protected against all forms of discrimination or punishment on the basis of the status, activities, expressed opinions, or beliefs of the child’s parents, legal guardians, or family members. Article 3 1. In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration.

Answer 80

the social punishment of female rescuers took in some cases on a specific gendered violence in the form of injury to and humiliation of women’s bodies: cutting off their hair and rape. Given the extremely shameful nature of such brutal treatment and the fear of continuing repercussions, the women --victims of these crimes were reluctant to speak out about the subject even in the letters to the Jewish organizations Germans' brutal punitive measures against the rescuers of Jews transformed the home-made hate language of the 1920s and 1930s into vicious deeds during the war The letters that speak about the specific gendered-nature of violence against women--rescuers, refer to cases in which the Polish men- bandits assaulted females by cutting off their hair. In such cases, the cutting off the women’s hair is not a sole, but one of the elements of the punishment for rescuing Jews. This is well illustrated in the undated early postwar letter of Stanisław Chęcia, the head of a peasant family in Bełżyce. Chęcia briefly describes how he, his wife and two daughters were ‘disciplined’ for saving a Jewish baby. The baby came to them at six days old some time in 1942. When the news, unfortunately, spread among Chęcia’s neighbors that his family had saved a Jewish baby ‘home-made fascists bands invaded our home, demolished all our furniture, beat up everybody and cut off my wife’s and my daughters’ hair, shouting that this is a punishment for [sheltering] a Jewish child.’

Answer 81

Bosnia-Herzegovina conflict 1991-2 became highly gendered in eyes of the world the outbreak of the cataclysmic genocide in Rwanda in April 1994 gave a strong spur to the concept of genocidal rape. Tutsi women targeted on vaster scale than women in Balkans HIV September 1998, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) issued its famous judgement against Jean-Paul Akayesu, a Hutu bourgmeister charged, among many other crimes, with facilitating and supervising the rape of Tutsi women. The judgement was the first to define rape as a genocidal act, when ‘in the same way as any other act’ it was ‘committed with the specific intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular group targeted as such’. The ‘bodily and mental harm [inflicted] on the victim’ was also emphasized. The Akayesu judge- ment electrified the feminist movement The Nyiramasuhuko case also highlighted in unprecedented fashion the issue of female perpetration Nyiramasuhuko was the first woman ever to be tried by an international tribunal for the crime of genocide, and for genocidal rape. Predominance of males among genocidal killers is regularly noted

Answer 82

domestic violence in industrialized societies

Answer 83

Rape permeates patriarchal society and is essential to its perpetuation

Answer 84

in the Bosnian context, rape was ‘a tool, a tactic, a policy, a plan, a strategy, as well as a practice’: rape as genocide, rape directed toward women because they are Muslim or Croatian. But when rape is a genocidal act, as it is here, it is an act to destroy a people. What is done to women defines that destruction. ... This is not rape out of control. It is rape under control. It is also rape unto death, rape as massacre, rape to kill and to make the victims wish they were dead. It is rape as an instrument of forced exile, rape to make you leave your home and never want to go back. It is rape to be seen and heard and watched and told to others: rape as spectacle

Answer 85

The elision of genocide and rape in the focus on ‘genocidal rape’ ... [is] dangerous. Rape and genocide are separate atrocities. Genocide – the effort to destroy a people – based on its identity as a people evokes the deepest horror and warrants the severest condemnation. Rape is sexualized violence that seeks to humiliate, terrorize, and destroy a woman based on her iden- tity as a woman. ... To emphasize as unparalleled the horror of genocidal rape is factually dubious and risks rendering rape invisible once again

Answer 86

The elision of genocide and rape in the focus on ‘genocidal rape’ ... [is] dangerous. Rape and genocide are separate atrocities. Genocide – the effort to destroy a people – based on its identity as a people evokes the deepest horror and warrants the severest condemnation. Rape is sexualized violence that seeks to humiliate, terrorize, and destroy a woman based on her iden- tity as a woman. ... To emphasize as unparalleled the horror of genocidal rape is factually dubious and risks rendering rape invisible once again

Answer 87

argued that the genocide ‘was about power relations between men and women perhaps as much as it was about power relations between groups of men.’ Among other things, ‘to many Rwandans gender relations in the 1980s and 1990s were falling into a state of decadence as more women attained positions of prominence in economic and public life.’ Genocide was an extremist back- lash ‘to reclaim both patriarchy and the Hutu revolution’. As for the fate of Tutsi women under Hutu Power, Taylor traced from colonial times a portrayal of Tutsi women ‘as more beautiful than Hutu women’, and thus objects of both attraction and resentment for Hutu males. In pre-genocidal propaganda, ‘Hutu cartoonists depicted Tutsi women as prostitutes capable of enlisting Western support for the RPF [rebel] cause through the use of their sexual charms.’ Accordingly, when the holocaust erupted, it was unsurprising that ‘special measures of terrorism were reserved for Tutsi women by the extremists.

Answer 88

argued that the genocide ‘was about power relations between men and women perhaps as much as it was about power relations between groups of men.’ Among other things, ‘to many Rwandans gender relations in the 1980s and 1990s were falling into a state of decadence as more women attained positions of prominence in economic and public life.’ Genocide was an extremist back- lash ‘to reclaim both patriarchy and the Hutu revolution’. As for the fate of Tutsi women under Hutu Power, Taylor traced from colonial times a portrayal of Tutsi women ‘as more beautiful than Hutu women’, and thus objects of both attraction and resentment for Hutu males. In pre-genocidal propaganda, ‘Hutu cartoonists depicted Tutsi women as prostitutes capable of enlisting Western support for the RPF [rebel] cause through the use of their sexual charms.’ Accordingly, when the holocaust erupted, it was unsurprising that ‘special measures of terrorism were reserved for Tutsi women by the extremists. Women killed in numbers equal to if not exceeding those of men

Answer 89

‘women in overwhelming numbers have supported their state’s wars in the modern West’

Answer 90

Rwanda: Not So Innocent – Women As Killers, argued that an emphasis on women as victims of the geno- cide had tended to ‘obscur[e] the role of women as aggressors’. ‘When it came to mass murder’, wrote the authors, ‘there were a lot of women who needed no encouragement.’ women participated in the persecution, murder, and sexual enslavement of Tutsi women, perhaps feeling satisfaction at the ‘comeuppance’ of females who had for so long been pre- sented as Rwanda’s sexual elite

Answer 91

called for ‘the definition of genocide [to] be gendered’, since ‘catastrophes, genocidal or otherwise ... target women in very specific ways due to their social, ethnic and national construction.’

Answer 92

stressed emph on women's agency, alongside men's, in both creating and challenging conflict

Answer 93

rejected an understanding of gendered power relations based on ‘a simplistic divide between power/men on the one hand and powerlessness/ women on the other’.41 She also decisively discounted the ‘Beautiful Soul’ motifs that Jean Bethke Elshtain had first destabilized, contending that ‘The association of women’s “nurturing” role with the promotion of peace and compassion does not stand up to close examination, since, although women may well be active in peace-work in many contexts, they are also often in the forefront of demands for aggression in defence of their and their group’s interests.’

Answer 94

evacuation from Srebrenica -women, children and old evacuated. But Serbian requirement that no males with combat potential be carried out overland was respected Srebrenica as massacre of men and boys (!!!!)

Answer 95

evacuation from Srebrenica -women, children and old evacuated. But Serbian requirement that no males with combat potential be carried out overland was respected Srebrenica as massacre of men and boys (!!!!)

Answer 96

considered objective enemy of National Socialism. | Decision to kill every Jew did not seem to demand special justification to kill Jewish men, already ident as dangerous

Answer 97

distinguished between gender- neutral and gender-specific genocide: that is, ‘genocides which seek to destroy everyone regardless of gender ... and those which destroy only males (there is no record of a perpetrator of genocide destroying only females).’ She argued that ‘gender-neutral’ genocide was on the rise, in part because the decline of slavery had reduced incentives for conquerors to preserve women and children alive.

Answer 98

provided a wealth of examples of selective mass killings of men, drawn from paradigmatic genocides of the twentieth cen- tury and contemporary campaigns of state terror. article’s core contention was that the most vulnerable and consistently targeted population group, throughout time and around the world today, is noncombatant men of ‘battle age’, roughly fifteen to fifty-five years old. nearly universally perceived as the group pos- ing the greatest danger to the conquering force, and are the group most likely to have the repressive apparatus of the state directed against them. The ‘non-combatant’ distinction is also vital. Unlike their armed brethren, these men have no means of defending themselves and can be detained and exterminated by the thousands or millions gendercidal institution - institutionalized forms of gender-selective killing

Answer 99

included 22 detailed case studies of gendercides in modern history

Answer 100

She found broad support for the argu- ment that ‘gender norms influenced both the moral framework by which the civilian protection regime developed [in Bosnia] and the manner in which civilian protection operations were carried out in the former Yugoslavia between 1991–95.’ In particular, she discovered that ‘gender stereotypes can inhibit effective policy’, as when adult civilian males were marginalized in humanitarian efforts despite their great vulnerability to attack. ‘there is a case to be made for conceptualizing all women as always socially vulnerable because of the gendered structure of power within war- affected communities.’ But she added, What is problematic is the simultaneous exclusion of men’s socially induced vulnerabilities from the definition. While able-bodied men, as adults, are among the least vulnerable group physically, they become far more vulner- able than women, children, and the elderly to certain forms of attack in certain situations because of socially constructed assumptions about male gender roles. Carpenter stressed the validity of a ‘nonfeminist gender theory’ in studies of international politics: ‘By this I mean scholarship that utilizes gender in analysis while lacking one or both other components of feminist theory: an emphasis on women and a critical/interpretive epistemology.’ This allowed attention to subjects and per- spectives that were largely ruled out by feminism’s defining interests and pre- suppositions. ‘Women’s subordination and victimization is too often assumed by feminists rather than examined contextually, and there is little substantive work on how gender constrains the life chances of “people called men”

Answer 101

Gendercide cannot be seen simply as a result of gender culture, for example, as a general element of male aggression. Nor is it only a result of inequality structures. Rather, gender cultures that remain mainly peaceful in most circum- stances can, in some contexts, be mobilized as parts of an aggressive policy, usually by being linked to other forms of oppression. Gender becomes racist gender or classist gender. Gendercide is usually a component of other terror processes (genocide, ethnocide). A theory of gendercide cannot, therefore, address gender in isolation, but must highlight the gender relations that also exist in these other processes. The following elements seem to be typical of the build-up of aggression that leads to gendercide: (a) a process of devaluation—a breakdown of normal political outlets and democracy combined with poverty, exploitation or perceived humiliation, as well as sex strati cation; (b) reactive reevaluation through gender, “race” and other social mechanisms, usually together with increased victimization; (c) a build-up of aggression; (d) antagonistic con ict and war. Gendercide is more than a cover-up for genocide. Although usually not stated, there is little doubt that an element of gender-related motivation is also present—an attempt to destroy the gender of the enemy, to use gender-selective murder as a means of terror, to make an example of the victim entrench a very masculinized image of the enemy. Any male is potentially dangerous In the modern view, gender seems more relevant when women are involved than men gender and gendered assumptions as 'part of the scenery, positioned in the background' A typical Nazi response to partisan action in occupied Europe was to burn down the nearby village and either kill the men outright or send the men to death camps in Germany. This happened even in “mildly” treated occupied areas, like Norway (the village of TelavaÊ g).3 But if Anne Frank had taken this gendered and anti-male aspect of Nazi tactics to be their main strategy, and emerged from hiding, she would not have survived. Whatever the gender situation, she would have been killed as a Jew, due to the racist (or regressive-political) character of Nazi aggression, which overrode the gender aspect. Analyzing gender and con icts therefore usually means to understand how gender and other forces interact . In the Nazi case, gender was secondary to politics and race. Increasingly, however, modern society turned from paternalistic to masculinist inequality forms, a development associated with the factory system and the need to discipline ``` The transition from paternalist to masculinist forms of gender inequality was accompanied by emerging working-class political move- ments. This created a wave of reaction and eventually, in the mid-twentieth century, a new con ict paradigm between authoritarian and democratic forces. Paternalistic principles resurfaced in authoritarian masculinistic regimes. Enlist- ment in the army was democratized, but in a total and totalitarian sense. Eventually, even the professional barrier was broken; any person, or at least any man, could be “rationally” treated as an enemy soldier ``` increasingly inclusive aspect of soldiering on the male side was connected with a feminine formation on the other side. War was for something; it should involve any man; and its goal was expressed in terms of nation, race and gender. To be a gentleman was to protect women and children Grif n notes: “It should be remembered when reading such reactionary texts that fascist leaders claimed to be revolutionizin g traditional womanhood and motherhood by making them vital to the creation of the rejuvenated national community.” 19 The whole ensemble of gender relations was reoriented in terms of racist ideology. With its promise to restore law and order and to turn the economy around, the Nazis seem to have appealed to many women voters earlier deterred by Nazi brutality. The Nazis now got even more votes from women than men Returning to Anne Frank as example. She might have been half-Jewish or purely “Aryan,” white as snow, and yet killed as a suspect spy or radical. The Nazis killed “Aryans” when needed. The strategy was politically reactive, not racist as such—although the two were already tightly bound in Mein Kampf. It is important to distinguish between the core political purpose, and its link to scapegoating and victimization processes with massive projection of social problems. The core purpose was popularized and institutionalize d as a pro table matter for all Germans through the scapegoating mechanism, with the Jews as primary victims, via the racist-hierarchical policy of Lebensraum. The typical rst target of this type of strategy is dissidents and opponents in one’s own ranks. The rst inmates of the Nazi camps were the radicals and communists of Germany On March 21, 1933, the police president in Munich, Reichsfu¨hrer SS Heinrich Himmler, announced: “Germany’s rst con- centration camp will be opened Close to Dachau. Here, Communists, Marxists and others that represent a danger to the Reich’s security will be assembled.” In the years 1939–42, seven new concentration camps (Auschwitz, Neuengamme etc.) were created. Some of the camps now got a new function as extermination camps (Vernichtungslager). There were two categories that were to be exterminated. One was Jews, the other was political commissars among the Russian prisoners of war . A “shame culture” creates shame-related violence. Modern society, however, is also, a “guilt culture,” with more internalized forms of control. Shame and guilt often work together, but the guilt element is central to most of the con ict phenomena. industrialized killing of six million Jews through extreme inhumanity disguised as rationality points to a much more self-inclusive or egocentric power system than those typical of paternalist societies and shame cultures. In this logic, there is no moderation, only a nal solution. e marginalization and devaluation of men’s caring potential, including the attempt to erase men’s caring and emotional sensibility in wars, have been much more costly to society than is ordinarily assumed

Answer 102

historians have been astonished by the sudden success of the NSDAP among women in the three Reichstag elections of 1932 and 1933. The Nazi party was most reactionary on women’s issues; whereas all other parties, even the conservative DNVP, had sponsored female representatives in parliaments since the passage of female suffrage in 1918/19, the Nazis had declared that politics would debase women and draw them away from their “precious” work as mothers and housewives.

Answer 103

1. anti-democratic core political purpose 2.Early and/or background gender dynamics In the case of Germany, women supported the Nazi idea of women as masters in a separate domestic sphere that would be fed by Germany’s “naturally greater role in the world,” to the extent that women became the majority of Hitler’s voters even if men are, on the whole, more involved with aggression than women, there is usually a relation between the two genders and a shared understanding that underpins the violence 3. A victimization connection and, gradually , a system. young men, dreaming of cleansing and revenge) are externalized (e.g. by throwing stones at Jews. A system of victimization is not based only on trauma and anxiety, but also on greed and control 4. Creation of an aggressive ideology (often disguising 1–3) 5. “Mythic core” formation,65 including race gender. In Yugoslavia, for example, neo-nationalist leaders mobilized public opinion against free (“provocative,” “Western”) women, and then made the media portray rapes as ethnic attacks.” Women-prey were defined by class and race … the taboo prey was Serbian women. The basic mythic core consists of motherland and soldier, as an alternative to worker and democratic citizen. mythic core is a regression from a democratic everyday problem-solving approach, which it replaces with the idea that troubles can be avoided by exploiting, dominating or killing other people. e later, more well-known phases include (6) the rise to power of authoritarian leaders and the breakdown of democracy; (7) the build-up, including a reorganization of gender; (8) con ict; and (9) genocide and gendercide. Does the model give the misleading impression that politics precedes all? I do not think so reasons to emphasize the destruction of politics as a major aspect . One may argue, therefore, that gendercide and genocide are not mainly consequences of politics, but rather of attacks on the social “body political.” The terror can develop when democratic political processes have been corrupted and the leaders eliminated. Politics becomes an arena of victimization rather than association and negotiation. In this context, gendercide is often a rst step towards genocide, but also important in itself. For example, the Nazi killing of male Soviet POWs should not be interpreted only as a political move, but also a gender statement showing the superiority of the Aryan “superman” Race gender becomes part of a context of more severe class exploitation, but this does not appear within the privileged race- and gender-de ned group. Instead, the regime creates an ideology of a “cleansed” motherland area, the basis of the master state, and a wider periphery This “sub-human” periphery is created with the goal of making the servant population work for the master state, and/or to extinguish it through inhuman work methods con icts become genocidal and gendercidal when other and more normal options—sexual, moral, social, political—are stalled A “mythic core” mechanism linking racism and sexism will arise and take on a life of its own.70When one investigates their social and psychological roots, various fundamentalisms and authoritarian poli- cies show similar tendencies. Gender segregation and non-caring masculinity (father absence) are typical traits, together with the political construction of an aggressive “male nature.”

Answer 104

gender- selective use of terror in war

Answer 105

Argument for gender-inclusive approach to examining gender variable in genocide such commentary as exists on gender and genocide has tended to actively suppress the male experience, with the aim, in most cases, of increasing the sympathy and policy attention extended to female victims. Such an approach should be seen as a betrayal of the spirit of human rights work, which is based on the fundamentally equal worth of all those targeted for abuses and atrocities. The gendering of genocide in Rwanda bears comparison with many of the worst atrocities of the twentieth century the Rwandan genocide, as we have seen, cannot be integrated into this framework without quali cation: the elderly, children, and women were all swept up in the slaughter from its very rst hours, though much less systematically than adult and adolescent males. We have seen that the period leading up to the genocide was characterized by government policies aimed both at mobilizing younger males to become genocidal killers, and at defusing the potential threat to the regime from this same demographic group The extensive role of women in perpetrating the Rwandan genocide is apparently without parallel in recorded history At the St. Famille Church in Kigali, refugees ostensibly under the protection of UNAMIR (the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda) were systematically harassed and decimated by interahamwe raids. Finally, in early June, the UN organized an evacuation, but as a female refugee, Gorette Uwimana, reported, the UNAMIR forces “put the names [of the refugees] in alphabetical order and when they came to evacuate they did so in this alphabetical order.” This approach failed to take into account the fact that “there were some refugees who were more at risk than others, particularly Tutsi men and boys who should have been evacuated first,” On June 17, after the rst evacuation convoy had left, “more than one hundred Tutsis,” nearly all male, were selected out of the crowd and executed nearby. Thereafter, “almost all the Tutsi men were nished

Answer 106

The insurgency of the Rwandan Patriotic Front spawned a climate of fear and vengefulness among both the Hutu Power elite and the Hutu population at large: all Tutsi men, and many Tutsi women, were viewed as a traitorous and counter-revolutionar y “ fth column” The panic thus engendered—in both senses of the term—was critical not only to drawing the bulk of the Hutu population onto the side of the ge´nocidaires, but to determining how and against whom the genocidal rampage would be directed , the extermination of males, both Tutsi and oppositionist Hutu, served as a kind of “vanguard for the genocide as a whole, an initial barrier to be surmounted and ‘threat’ to be removed, before the remainder of the community is consigned to violent death” , gendercidal atrocities against males served to acclimatize the killers to the killing: “Authorities rst incited attacks on the most obvious targets—men who had acknowledged or could be easily supposed to have ties with the RPF—and only later insisted on the slaughter of women, children, the elderly, and others generally regarded as apolitical.” 27 Implicit in this passage is the fact that all males from groups deemed “oppositionist ” were deemed ipso facto to be political, and therefore “fair game” for genocide n the Nazi-occupied territories, as Daniel Jonah Goldhagen demonstrates in Hitler’s Willing Executioners, the extension of the genocide from adult men to other population groups was accompanied by signi cant trauma on the part of the killers, leading eventually to the development of poison-gas technologies to reduce the culturally-induce d stress of murdering women, children, and the elderly. Much the same cultural constraints existed in the Rwanda case, resulted in similar stress to some of the killers, and may have played a role in blunting the genocidal impetus in the later stages of the slaughter the general thrust of the human rights reportage suggests that, on balance, males were overwhelmingly targeted in the genocide’s earliest and most virulent stages. African Rights’ report, Death, Despair and De ance, makes it clear that the early and most exterminatory weeks of the mass killings included both killings of the type described above, which left thousands or even tens of thousands of dead men, children, women, and the elderly strewn about the terrain; and a more selective and gender-selective targeting of males, notably those with wealth and education: One of the best indicators of the special vulnerability of men and boys is the frequency with which relatives and friends sought to disguise them in women’s clothing. The African Rights report, Death, Despair and De ance, cites a number of examples of such procedures m Kamarampaka Stadium ” One occupant, The´odore Nyilinkwaya, recalled a typical gendercidal massacre at the stadium: Since they did not know the faces of the people they wanted, people were able to hide. Women concealed men by lending them their clothes. Absolutely no one responded to the names they called out. They became furious. They called for all men to come out and form lines. So the men had no choice

Answer 107

true that in the early stages of the genocide, a degree of of official exemption was frequently granted to women. “The law for killing Tutsi women has not yet been passed,” one interahamwe told a female survivor, There are intriguing indications that attempts to exterminate women, girls, and the elderly eventually encountered signi cant popular opposition—that, in fact, it was this element of the campaign that largely gave rise to increasing disorganization and disorientation among the forces of genocide. “In the later part of May and in June,” notes Human Rights Watch, “administrators found ordinary people were deserting the barriers and refusing to do the patrols. … In permitting or directing the slaughter of the weak, the elderly, women, and infants, who posed no threat to anyone,7

Answer 108

UN Special Rapporteur on Rwanda, Rene´ Degni-Se´gui, noted that in atrocities against Tutsi women, “rape was the rule and its absence the exception”; he offered the staggering estimate of 250,000 to 500,000 rapes committed during the 12 weeks of the genocide. “Again and again, rape is reported as an act of extreme brutality,” notes Elenor Richter-Lyonette. “Objects are said to have been used to cause extra pain, and rapes with objects are said to include among others rapes with stones, with branches from trees of bushes, with weapons. Rape accompanied by mutilation is reported to include: the pouring of boiling water onto the genital parts and into the vagina in order to create pain and ordeal, the opening of the womb to cut out the unborn child before the killing of the mother, the cutting off of breast(s) and the mutilation of other parts of the female body.” Even rapes of female cadavers were not unknown it can be proposed that the prevailing usage is fully in line with the United Nations Convention on Genocide (1948), which does not require deaths among members of the targeted community: genocide can involve “causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group,” “deliberately in icting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part,” and “imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group.” All of these may be facilitated or implemented by the rape of community women.88 In the Rwandan context, moreover, rape frequently was followed by killing, or was the means of bringing it about. Here we must attend to a regularly-overlooked aspect of the mass rapes: the threat of AIDS associated with them. “It appears that at least some 35% of Rwandese soldiers were HIV-positive before the genocide of 1994,” a gure that “seems to be very much in line with … other African armies,” 89 and which may have held true for the interahamwe killers and other men who participated in genocidal atrocities.90 The testimony of women survivors is replete with expressions of concern about the possibility of having contracted AIDS from the rape and sexual servitude to which they were exposed. Acts of genocidal rape may thus bring about the death of victims many years after the genocide itself has “ended.”

Answer 109

as the African Rights investigators noted, “when it came to mass murder, there were a lot of women who needed no encouragement.” 95 Indeed, one can speculate that a greater proportion of women than men participated voluntarily in the killings, since it was men, almost exclusively, who were forcibly conscripted into the “work” of the roadblock killings, and who were exposed to suspicion or violent retribution if they did not take part. Evading direct participation was probably much easier for Hutu women (and children) than for Hutu men. other female architects of the genocide were: · Rose Karushara, a councilor in Kigali, who “took an extremely active role in the genocide, wearing military uniform throughout. A tall and physically strong woman, she used to beat up the refugees herself before handing them over to her interahamwe for the nal kill. … At least ve thousand people were killed, all thrown into the Nyabarongo river under orders from Karushara.” · Odette Nyirabagenzi, “the terror of Rugenge” (a sector of Kigali): “As soon as the genocide began, Odette sent her militia in pursuit of the Tutsi men of Rugenge. Her thugs hunted for Tutsi men in St. Famille and St. Paul’s [parishes], as well as the missionary language centre of CELA. She was physically present on every occasion when men were taken out of these churches and CELA and massacred. She took an active part in selecting the men who were to die.” · Athanasie Mukabatana, “a teacher at the School of Nursing of Kaduha [Gikongoro prefecture] … When this girl saw the attack arrive near the hospital, she quickly jumped over the gate of the hospital to get into the compound. She didn’t even wait for the gate to be opened. You [could] see the enthusiasm this girl had for nishing off these sick Tutsis. She had a machete and went into the hospital with the other assassins. She made all the sick Tutsis go out, often dragging them out. And once outside, she killed them with a strike from the machete. She made several trips and all the dead were on the hospital grass.” . At the grassroots, “very often, groups of women ululated their men into the ‘action’ that would result in the death of thousands of innocent men, women and children, many of them their own neighbours.” Their role was dominant in the post-massacre looting and strip- ping of bodies Women (especially, it seems, prostitutes) were also prominent as spies, denouncing Tutsis and moderate Hutus in hiding to the interahamwe; according to African Rights, Hutu women were no more likely than men to grant refuge to those seeking to flee the holocaust 3 One woman survivor, “Juliana,” 104 described her capture by a young man named Marcel, after which she faced a “court of women” in which “all his female relatives became involved.” Marcel’s mother “brought some elderly women to the house to insult and intimidate me. These women accused me of being childish. One of them said ‘Many women of your kind have been taken by dog-like vagabonds. And here you are, rejecting this nice young man. … What are you waiting for? appears to have been a kind of gendered jubilation at the “comeuppance” of Tutsi females, who had for so long been depicted in Hutu propaganda as Rwanda’s sexual elite. Otherwise, the motivations for women’s involvement as genocidal killers frequently paralleled those of Hutu men: bonds of ethnic solidarity

Answer 110

“Rwanda has become a country of women,” Human Rights Watch contended in its 1996 report Shattered Lives: The Aftermath of Sexual Violence in Rwanda. “It is currently estimated that 70 percent of the population is female and that 50 percent of all households are headed by women

Answer 111

group destiny as ideology - e.g. idea of pan-Turkic destiny In the ancient world women were more likely to be spared both because of the existence of slavery and the general lack of ideologies of inextricable group differences Most genocides during this period appear to be retributive—to eliminate a real or potential threat—rather than ideological or developmental Viewing modern genocide, in no case studied was there an aim by the perpetrator to preserve and protect women of the victim group, regardless of the type of genocide. There is no longer any general incentive to save women for their utility as slaves in most parts of the world or to expand population. In genderspecific genocides (as in Bosnia) the genocider's tactic appears to be to spoil the reproduction of the victims rather than to appropriate their babies, which itself was secondary to driving out the targeted group; women who had been forcibly impregnated were driven out by the Serb occupiers. The strategy of ethnonationalism, creating "ethnic purity" by "ethnic cleansing," negates interest in assimilating women. Instrumentalizing rape was just a tactic toward this end In two of three cases, the Holocaust and the Cambodian genocide (which we label "gender-neutral"), rape was not reported as a pattern by the principal perpetrators. Rape occurred routinely and repeatedly during the Armenian genocide but, while tolerated, did not appear to be organized. Gender segregation, humiliation and sadism were reported in both the Holocaust and the Armenian genocide. Although the Ottoman Turkish genocide was based on an ideology of ethnonationalism—"pan-Turkism"—Armenian women and girls were sometimes saved from death by being snatched, converted to Islam—a religion of inclusion by .conversion—and made wives of Turks, saving their lives by eradicating their identity. The ideology of the Aryan myth, however, negated the assimilation of Jewish women. Most modern genocides are retributive—responses to threat—and not based on comprehensive ideologies, although they may demonize the Other and propagate myths of eternal group hostility. But they usually are based in patriarchal societies in which male dominance is taken for granted. In such societies, women's "purity" and honor are usually contingent on their preservation of virginity before marriage and later inviolability. Repeatedly, we see that men of the group perpetrating genocides in such societies use rape as a means to destroy the Other Sexual assaults are attacks not only against women but also attacks on the family and the self-esteem of fathers and husbands, publicly demonstrating their group's impotence and their inability to protect "their women." While rape has been taken for granted, tolerated, or encouraged during war and genocide, it has seldom been instrumentalized and institutionalized as in Bosnia—compelling performers and victims of both sexes in policed camps. In gender-specific genocides, men are more likely to be killed directly than women. The segregation of men from women and children preceding the Srebrenica massacre in 1994 is perhaps the first time this has been observed by the media and viewed internationally almost when it occurred Although women are more likely to suffer sexual abuse than men during genocide, we must recognize from observations in Bosnia that men also suffer direct and indirect trauma from sexual victimization and torture. Total genocide—as was aimed for in the Holocaust and Rwanda (and almost accomplished in Europe, the Ottoman Empire, and Rwanda—and gender-neutral genocide (as in the Holocaust and in Kampuchea) are rare. Gender-specific genocides destroy millions of lives and maim, injure and traumatize more. the denial of systematic sexual victimization during genocide (sometimes by genocide historians due to false modesty) confirms the isolation and demoralization of the victims, often enduring social death even when embedded in their communities

Answer 112

Regardless of whether these propositions are seen as valid, the empirical and conceptual distinction between gendercide and root-and-branch genocide appears justified we may propose that a gendercidal strategy against “battle-age” males will tend to be preferred over root-and-branch genocide when some combination of the following conditions is present: . the perpetrator regime is more conservative and flexible (as opposed to radical and revolutionary) in its political and ideological orientation; . the perceived security threat to the perpetrator regime is milder rather than more severe, encouraging greater selectivity of victims and respect for prevailing international norms; . military resistance and atrocities by the target population are overwhelmingly the province of adult males; . ingrained beliefs and cultural patterns governing gender emphasize a combination of the following: male protectiveness towards “weaker” population members; male demeaning of females as subordinate and irrelevant; and special male virulence towards out-group men; . significant morally-imbued vigilance, reflecting traditional gender norms, is exercised by international actors

Answer 113

gender-selective mass killing

Answer 114

From the outset of the Bosnian genocide, it was clear that a gender-selective strategy would predominate, and largely delimit the genocide’s exterminatory dimension.7 As Bosnian Prime Minister Hasan Muratovic described Serb strategy in 1996: “Wherever they [the Serbs] captured people, they either detained or killed all the males from 18 to 55 [years old]. It has never happened that the men of that age arrived across the front-line. Testimony drawn from just a few pages of Helsinki Watch’s investigation, War Crimes in BosniaHerzegovina, bears this out with chilling clarity: In my village, about 180 men were killed. The army put all men in the center of the village. After the killing, the women took care of the bodies and identified them. The older men buried the bodies. (Trnopolje) : while indiscriminate massacres of civilians did occur at a number of points in the Balkans conflict (notably with the protracted bombardments of urban areas like Sarajevo and Vukovar), and while diverse strategies of genocide (in the UN Convention definition) were employed,15 the core element of mass murder was overwhelmingly focused upon “battle-age” outgroup males. The Serb campaign at the heart of the 1990s genocide in Bosnia was savage, but also sophisticated in its selectivity. Ethnicity was the primary criterion for selection. Next in significance was usually gender. Third was age

Answer 115

genocide and wars are gendered but also often feminised via the positioning of women not only as sexual trophies exchangeable between male enemies, not only as markers of collective boundaries, but also as the symbolic representations of national and ethnic collectivities (some victims' accounts quoted) The figure of woman is often the chosen representative image of genocide and war not only wars, but also their resolution, are gendered. They are both inflicted, and assuaged, by military power, based on a 'hegemonic masculinity' and a military apparatus as a classic dominance-oriented masculine structure Genocide, however, is not only gendered, it is also feminised, via the symbolic representation of 'woman' as victim, and via targeting women as mothers, chattels, sexual objects, repositories of family and national honour and shame, and the symbolic representational trope of the nation. Nation as beloved mother, 'the defeated nation being reborn as a triumphant woman' An illustration of the feminisation of genocide is the way genocidal projects target women due to their 'biological destiny' as evidenced by Nazi ideology, which, resting on the eugenic conviction of German 'racial superiority', discriminated against women as child bearers During the Shoah, women of child bearing age, although useful to the Nazis as workers, posed a menace because they could bear Jewish (or Roma) children and ensure the continuity the 'racially inferior' groups and were therefore exterminated (Rittner and Roth, 1993). German doctors, serving genocidal interests, experimented with X-rays, injections and drugs, as surgical sterilisations were too expensive, to control the reproduction of Jewish and Roma women via the usage of feminine images to represent genocidal events, and via targeting women as the (re)producers of ethnic collectivities, genocides are also feminised, casting women as universal victims, despite the active role they often play in resisting victimisation. feminisation of genocide often belittles the depth of the trauma and belies male anxieties about the assumed infringement of the collectivity's honour which is invariably seen as residing in women's, not men's, bodies. The feminist strategy of employing women's personal narratives as primary sources is one way of making visible women's experiences of victimisation and resistance in our scholarship and writing. It is also a way of de-linking the feminised images and the larger political context of genocide,

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In Rwanda between a quarter and half a million Tutsi women were raped in 1994 (Human Rights Watch, 1996). And as the quotes at the start of this article attest, the Bosnian pattern is being replicated in Kosovo. Seeking to problematise feminist analyses of wartime rape, Rejali cites Horowitz's differentiation between two ethnic systems, 'ranked' - where groups stand in clear superordination or subordination to one another, and 'unranked' - in which each group is potentially a whole society (Horowitz, 1985: 1-92). When ethnic and racial categories are in danger, rape may serve as an instrument of renegotiation and thus constitute an ethnomarker: When an unranked system collapses, as in Bosnia, women's bodies become a battlefield where men communicate their rape to other men - because women's bodies had been the implicit political battlefield all along (Rejali, 1998: 30). I much prefer Boric's (1997) approach to wartime rape as 'gender violence,' taking into account constructions of gender and eschewing the temptation to eroticise a horrific crime. In relation to wartime rape, constructions of gender must be intersected with racialisation processes if we are to begin to understand rape as a strategy of making and re-making boundaries on women's bodies, wartime rape is not only about sex, nor only about power, but about the social construction of gender and, in times of war, about the gendered constructions of ethnicity and nation.

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who argues that ethnic boundaries are made and re-made on women's bodies, rehearses, and rejects, several sets of understandings of military rape. According to the militarism argument, collective sexual violence by men mirrors and exemplifies an ethic of male exceptionalism, violence as masculinity, requiring an elevation of 'our' women in opposition to the degradation of 'theirs.' When a society incorporates images of women as valued or de-valued ideals, sexual violence in war is enacted by men of this everyday set of understandings. The militarism argument, however, fails to explain the increase of sexual violence at times of ambiguity, or the occasional participation of women in sexual violence. According to the transgressive argument, military rape is the result of absolute desire, usually checked by society, which is unleashed through the opportunities of war. This argument, however, presumes all men are inherent rapists limited only by societal values. Because neither the militaristic nor the transgressive arguments explain why sexual violence, Littlewood tries biosocial explanations to propose that while wartime anxiety and fear are not conducive to male sexual arousal, most rapes occur after the battle is over and are linked to notions of spoils of war, which include the reward of 'alien' women.

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theorisation of the mass rapes in Bosnia in terms of constructing a hetero-nationalism the Serb and Bosnian Serb military policy of genocidal rape imagined, and then constructed a specific type of masculinity, consistently aggressive, violent, powerful and dominating (Hague, 1997: 53). Hague goes on to argue that the powerful Serb masculinity that genocidal rape constructed operated through the feminisation of the rape victim, male or female, combining heterosexual military masculinity with constructions of Serb superiority to create a hetero-nationality, a different national identity from that of the rape victim (Hague, 1997:54). War itself is rape. Wartime rape is about taking the enemy's territory, as has been made patently obvious in military discourses equating enemy territory with a woman's body in need of (both military and romantic) conquest (Sharoni, 1992). And, although feminist theory and experience tells us that violence committed against women in wartime replicates and continues violence against women at peacetime, and although the stories of the rapes in Bosnia, used in political games employed the symbolism of woman only when politically necessary (Boric, 1997: 39), wartime rape must be ultimately seen also as the rape of the nation.

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A raped Croatian woman is a raped Croatia. Here was a mystic unity of woman and the country identified through her. Once again, the nation's identity is established through women's bodies.. The consequence of equating the raped woman with the 'dishonoured' country is that all members of the 'enemy' army are viewed as rapists - not just those who started the war, the politicians, the generals and the exponents of systematic rape in aid of 'ethnic cleansing.' There are no individual culprits, but the whole nation, including its women, is culpable (Kesic, 1995).

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genocidal rape = particular as well as part of the generic, and its particularlity matters. ethnic rape as official policy of war in a genocidal campaign for political control. Rape under orders, not out of control. 'It is rape under control. It is also rape unto death, rape as massacre, rape to kill and to make the victims wish they were dead' One side of the debate is concerned w gender disappearing from 'genocidal rape', while the other recognizes and deems important its intersectionality Account of Akayesu and crimes. Akayesu Judgement clarifies the debate about the 'overemphasis' on genocidal rape. ICTR recognized 1. how sex worked to destroy a ppl; 2. the intersectionality of rape; and 3. the subjectivity of the rape victim in the crime of genocidal rape. Rape as tool of war, finding that rape can be an actus reus of genocide ICTR in Akayesu 'properly' defined rape, as form of aggression. Likened rape to torture and characterized it as violation of personal dignity. Rape and sexual violence 'constitute genocide in the same way as any other act as long as they were committed with the specific intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular group, targeted as such. Tribunal recognised intersectionality - Tutsi women targeted both because they were Tutsi and because the the beliefs and opinions held by Hutus about Tutsi women as women. 'The rape of Tutsi women was systematic and was perpetrated against all Tutsi women and solely against them' ICTR also recognised subjectivity of victims - effect of the act on victim is infliction of serious injury and harm. Rape recently defined as crime against humanity. MacKinnon, viewed at times as a radical voice, had her description of genocidal rape affirmed by the Akayesu judgement

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l and psychosocial consequences for individuals, families, and communities. The physical and emotional sequelae of individual assaults are magnified when rape is committed on a mass scale, as in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1992–1996), Rwanda (1994), and Darfur, Sudan (2003–present). The victimization of raped women affects the community through the collective responses of survivors and their families, friends, and neighbors Forced intercourse and impregnation represent a symbolic conquest of the woman by the rapist. This conquest becomes generalized to the whole population as survivors, witnesses, families, and communities internalize rape as an assault on their collective consciousness. PTSD in rape survivors Sexual violence is perpetrated against women during ethnic conflict because women ‘‘keep the civilian population functioning’’ through their roles as mothers, wives, and caretakers.78 The suffering inflicted may cause permanent psychological symptoms or have social consequences that affect women’s ability to relate, work, or care for their children. During war and ethnic conflict, rape acquires a deeper meaning: rapes committed in war may be intended to destroy the raped woman’s culture or community When a woman is raped in the context of war, ethnic conflict, or genocide, the symbolic message to the woman’s community is one of territorial conquest. The culture has been symbolically ‘‘penetrated’’ by the enemy The humiliation of a culture through the systematic violation of women is the primary goal of mass rape during ethnic conflict

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Whatever has been written about the history of genocide has been based mainly on the experiences of men. Yet women's experiences with genocide have often differed from those of men in terms of participation, forms of victimization, and consequences. Genocide has affected women differently from men in at least three ways: women have seldom participated directly in genocide, though this has begun to change in the twentieth century (e.g., in Nazi Germany and Cambodia); women have been victimized in ways different from men to a large extent (rape and enslavement);3 and the consequences of genocide (incorporation into the perpetrators' society; or ostracism of victims of rape, as in Bangladesh) have often been different as well genocide.22 One can also become involved in genocide through actions that stop short of direct participation in murder, such as by accepting the "benefits" of the victims' bodies, labor, or property. Frau Kremer entertained the Nazi hierarchy, accepted as an anniversary present a handbag made of human skin, tatooed with a rose, and, to while away her time, embroidered Gute Nacht on the pillowcases Frau Hoss had numerous prisoner servants, cooks, seamstresses, and gardeners. The villa at Auschwitz was filled with magnificent furniture made by the prisoners, female SS who supervised the numerous camps for women from 1939 to 1945, Repeatedly, the memoirs of women who were in Ravensbriick, Majdanek, Auschwitz, and Belsen, provide evidence, though they do not make the explicit connection, that it was the more sadistic women, such as Irma Grese, who rose to high positions in the women's SS.32 In only her early twenties, she held the power of life and death over forty thousand women in Auschwitz, and took particular pleasure in choosing women for both medical experiments and death women have seldom been directly involved in the perpetration of genocide. This is due primarily to the demands of patriarchy, wherein women were regarded as weak and unsuited for making genocidal war on men Moreover, their sexual and reproductive capacity was too important to men to be risked in battle. Women have been perpetrators of genocide, but usually this has been intermittent and at die direction of men. A high degree of sexism has been associated widi the roles performed—torturers of males, kidnappers of children, subordinate guards dealing with women In significant ways, then, the role of women as participants in genocide has been quite different from that of males. In two respects, however, it may overlap the experience of men. The first of these is age-old: moral assent to the total destruction of one's enemies. The second is dangerously contemporary: direct participation on a sustained basis in the perpetration of genocide. It has become clear that women are capable of committing genocidal atrocities, Bureaucratic organization, for example, can distance most persons from the killing, and routinize the tasks that facilitate genocide, dampening moral awareness. In Germany, as Raul Hilberg points out, most bureaucrats "composed memoranda, drew up blueprints, signed correspondence, talked on the telephone, and participated in conferences." Yet they could sit at their desks and destroy a whole people.8

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s in the Bosnia-Herzegovina war. During this conflict an estimated 20,000 women endured sexual assaults in the form of torture and rape In a traditionally patriarchal society, the Serbian government, military, and Orthodox church have explicitly formulated a perception of the female gender and its role and function within society. Essentially, the female is reduced to her reproductive capacities in order to fulfill the overall objective of Serbian nationalism by producing more citizens to populate the nation Perhaps the traditional role of the Serbian woman is most clearly depicted by the Mother of the Jugovici, the epic heroine from the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, who, in spite of the death of her nine sons in the battle with the Turks, did not weep.6 Her courage, self-sacrifice, altruism, and, most of all, her fertility, have been utilized to inspire and serve as a paradigm for Serbian women and their responsibility as mothers of the nation In October 1992, powerful organs in Serbian society published a document entitled "Warning," focusing on demographic issues.8 Signed by the Serbian ruling party, the Serbian Socialist Party (SPS), the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences, and the Serbian Orthodox Church, this document highlighted the imbalance in terms of growth and renewal of various ethnic groups. In particular, "Albanians, Muslims and Romans [sic], with their high birth rate, are beyond rational and human reproduction."9 The SPS conference adopted this document, and the Serbian Parliament enacted a resolution promoting "population renewal," seeking to stimulate the birth rate in some areas while suppressing it in others. In December 1994, Patriarch Pavle, leader of the Serbian Orthodox Church, delivered a Christmas message denouncing the "White Plague," that is, the low birth rate among Serbian women As early as 1981, the media reinforced and exploited Serbian nationalism in its depiction of the uprising of the Kosovo Albanians seeking autonomy from Serbia.21 Though Serbian forces immediately sup pressed the uprising, the Serbian people heard of an Albanian genocidal plot against ethnic Serbs involving various atrocities, including mass rapes committed against the local Serbian population in Kosovo.2 National television aired what appeared to be Muslims or Croats raping Serbian women when, in actuality, the scenes showed Serbs raping Muslim or Croat women. Milutinovic was working on a text, "Lying [sic] Violent hands on the Serbian Woman."27 This document maintained that Muslims and Croats were committing genocide against the Serbian people.28 One of the most telling citations from this document deals with the alleged atrocities committed by Muslims against Serbian women: By order of the Islamic fundamentalists from Sarajevo, healthy Serbian women from 17 to 40 years of age are being separated out and subjected to special treatment. According to their sick plans going back many years, these women have to be impregnated by orthodox Islamic seeds in order to raise a generation of janissaries

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tly, documentation exists substantiating the claim of a Serbian military policy to ethnically cleanse Bosnia-Herzegovina, and designating rape as a specific means of attaining this goal. This policy is clearly spelled out in the so-called RAM plan written by Serb army officers around the end of August 19 In their final report, the Commission of Experts appointed by the United Nations to investigate allegations of rape and sexual assault in the former Yugoslavia speculated that camp commanders had direct control over those who committed rapes within these camps, indicating that the commanders could have halted the practice and punished the perpetrators if they chose.47 The Commission cited as evidence the fact that during the height of the reported rapes (April to November 1992) the media attention gradually grew from a few reports in March 1992 to a high of 535 stories in January 1993 and 529 in February 1993.48 In the months following these media reports, the number of reported cases dropped dramatically. The correlation between increased media attention and the decrease in reported cases of rape, the Commission speculated, "would indicate that commanders could control the alleged perpetrators if they wanted to Perhaps the strongest indication of a Serbian systematic policy is reflected in the five patterns of rape documented by the United Nations Commission of Experts. 50 These patterns required logistical coordination, especially within rape camps where rape was used to impregnate Muslim and Catholic Croat women. In the first pattern, sexual violence occurred with looting and intimida tion before widespread fighting broke out in a particular region.51 As ethnic tensions grew, those in control of the local government would encourage paramilitaries, individuals, or gangs of men to initiate a policy of terrorizing local residents. These people would break into homes, steal property, and torture and sexually assault the inhabitants, oftentimes in front of other family members or in public.52 The second pattern of sexual violence occurred during fighting. In the process of attacking a town or village, the forces would rape or sexually assault some women in their homes.53 Once the town was secured, the forces would gather the surviving population and divide them according to sex and age, selecting some women for rape or sexual assaults.54 The forces then transported the remaining population to detention facilities. The psychological impact of these atrocities is evident. Through fear and intimidation, victims and witnesses would be hesitant to return to the scene of such events. The third pattern of sexual violence occurred in detention facilities or other sites referred to as refugee "collection centers."55 After the population had been divided, men of fighting age were either tortured and executed or sent off to work camps while women were generally sent to separate camps. There, soldiers, camp guards, paramilitaries, and civilians raped or sexually assaulted many of the women A fourth pattern of sexual violence occurred in rape camps established in buildings such as hotels, schools, restaurants, hospitals, factories, peace time brothels, or even animal stalls in barns, fenced pens, and auditori ums.59 No one was exempt from the punishment in these camps. Frequently, the Serbian captors told women that they were trying to impregnate them. In so doing, they would create "Chetnik babies" who would kill Muslims when they grew up. Furthermore, "they repeatedly said their President had ordered them to do this."60 A fifth pattern of sexual violence occurred in "bordello" camps.6 Rather than a form of punishment, women were held in these camps to provide sex for men returning from the front lines. While many of the women in the other camps were eventually exchanged for other civilian prisoners, these women were generally killed.65 rightly points out that although the five patterns of rape delineated by the Commission exemplify various practices of sexual assault, they do not clearly indicate the genocidal nature and purpose of those assaults

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rightly points out that although the five patterns of rape delineated by the Commission exemplify various practices of sexual assault, they do not clearly indicate the genocidal nature and purpose of those assaults 9 Consequently, she labels as "genocidal rape" the Serbian military policy of rape for the purpose of genocide and ethnic cleansing, distinguish ing three forms of this policy. First, prior to the arrival of the official Serbian military (Yugoslav Army or Bosnian Serb forces), Serb militias, civilians, or Chetniks would enter a village and terrorize the inhabitants, especially through the use of public rape and sexual assault.70 Frequently the women recognized their assailants as neighbors, law enforcement personnel, or other members of the community. Recognition seemed an important part of Serbian policy. The persecuted would be less likely to return to their towns and villages if their assailants were local inhabitants The second form of genocidal rape occurred in Serb concentration camps where Bosnian-Herzegovinan and Croatian women (and sometimes men)73 were randomly chosen to be raped. The victim was often murdered after the sexual assault.74 The third form of genocidal rape occurred in "rape/death camps." Bosnian-Herzegovinan women were arrested and imprisoned in these camps and systematically raped for an extended period of time by Serb, Bosnian Serb, and Croatian Serb soldiers, Bosnian Serb militias, and Chetniks.75 Intended to impregnate

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Frequently a stark contrast develops between religious ideologies and the actual responses of Muslims and Catholics to rape survivors. Within Muslim, Catholic, and Serbian cultures, victims of rape tend to experience alienation in varying degrees. jects such as gun barrels, constitute aspects of genocide as well. Further genocidal consequences of the rapes arise through the reduc tion of birth rates in non-Serbian societies. For example, the cultural response to women who have been raped could result in the prevention of births: unmarried women will not be married within the community, or those who are married may be rejected by their husbands. In either case, reproduction is impaired within a specific community. In ca

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Although international law has clear guidelines for prosecuting those guilty of rape, the intention to rape for the purpose of impregnation, though implicit under genocide, is not explicitly stated as a separate crime under international law. This is a gap that requires an amendment given the atrocities in Bosnia: rape, forced impregnation, and genocide.140

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that mass rape is likely when such conflicts take place during the partition of a territory and its population, when the state itself is liminal, both its territory and control over it uncertain. In conflicts in which the state is not itself threatened, and thus groups feel that they will continue to coexist, there is some evidence that rape is avoided, even when murder is accepted. However, such instances of rape avoidance are largely unstudied, in large part because of the focus on the violence of mass rape. Further, this focus on violence tends toward classifying all sexual relations between groups whose members have participated in mass rape as improper, thus depriving women who may not wish to rejoin their natal groups of agency Neither of these approaches, "global feminist" and "genocidal rape," gives much real consideration to the circumstances under which mass rape has taken place,'2 and none at all to those instances where mass rape might have been expected but did not occur. Furthermore, both schools tend to see rape in Bosnia as the result of an intentional campaign directed by Bosnian Serb authorities. While there are reports of some direct invitations to soldiers to rape prisoners on the part of local commanders,3 however, it is improbable that any general authority actually ordered, or directed, rape. In regard to Bosnia, even the indictment before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) of Radovan Karadii6 for responsibility for rapes committed by Bosnian Serb forces rests primarily on the concept of command responsibility, that is, responsibility for the criminal actions of a subordinate when he "knew or had reason to know that the subordinate was about to com mit such acts or had done so and the superior failed to take the necessary and responsible measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof."'4 larly, in the former Yugoslavia, the Sandiak region of Serbia and Montenegro bordering Bosnia has a large population of Slavic Muslims, who now call themselves Bosniaks. In 1992-93, while mass sexual violence was taking place very close by in Bosnia, these Bosniaks faced discrimination and harassment, and some were forced to leave their homes (see, e.g., Human Rights Watch / Helsinki 1994; Humanitarian Law Center 1995). Yet it is striking that even when reports of violence by Serbs against Muslims are reported, there are few if indeed any reports of sexual violence in this region When rape avoidance is put into the analysis of ethnic or nationalist conflict, the meaning of mass rape itself be comes more clear: it is a tool used to partition permanently an already consciously heterogenous population at the time when the territory in which these people(s) live is being divided physically. Thus mass rape is actually a corollary of the liminality of the state when a heterogenous territory is being sundered into homogenous parts. Looked at in this way, a number of assumptions about mass rape are brought into question, such as that rapists are driven by hatred. To the contrary, many rapists themselves are conflicted, but their acts are meant to induce hatred in the victims. The implications of these findings are disturbing. First, it is unlikely that prosecuting rapists after the fact will pre vent future occurrences of mass rape during partition. Further, the post-Bosnia linkage of mass rape with genocide seems to accept the very premises of the rapists and thus to render future cohabitation of the peoples in question less likely. Finally, the understandable humanistic concern with the violence of rape leads investigators not only to ignore instances of rape avoidance, but even to be very skeptical of consensual sexual relationships and even of marriages between members of the groups in question. In this way, a focus on rape, violence, and putative justice may frequently deny agency to women victims themselves, thus denying to many women, and to many men, the chance to reconstruct their lives after their countries and communities have been sundered by ethno-national violence

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The early conclusion that the rapes were part of a genocide, perpetrated by Serbs against Muslims, led to a demand for physical evidence to prove that the rapes were taking place, that they were systematic and were ethnically driven. The result has been an overarching emphasis on evidence that has dominated the description, analysis and theorizing of the rapes and has led to the marginalizing and silencing of a range of voices, particularly of those working with survivor communities and the survivors themselves. The evidence-led debate has created a genre in which there has been an almost casual use of survivor testimony by academics to illustrate the types of violence that have taken place. This appropriation of survivors’ stories has degraded survivor testimony and led to a readership habituated to narratives of violence. The dominance of evidence and proof in writing on rape has fossilized the debate on sexual violence and genocide. If these debates are to be revived, new theoretical directions need to be developed Lindsey argues that a feminist analysis of the social structures within societies that have experienced mass sexual violence alongside genocide can provide a new and enlightening contribution to the broader debate on gender and genocide News reprtage and investigative reports form non-human rights organizations seen as less reliable than human rights literature/ collected testimonies. What the historical picture has specifically neglected, when examining the debate on rape, is the role that was played by Former Yugoslavian women’s NGOs. These groups often acted as the gatekeepers to survivors’ testimony and, through their therapeutic work with survivors, were well placed to theorize on the rapes. The rejection by the international feminist community of NGOs that were arguing that rape was part of a broader genocide against their ethnic group had some noticeable negative effects. The Serbian NGOs fared particularly badly in their claim that Serbian women were being raped en masse The international vilification of Serbians as the ‘bad guys’ meant that Serbian women NGOs with nationalist leanings gained little credence with this argument outside their own ethnic and nationalist networks

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e, Jones contested feminists’ narrow foci on the rapes within both the media and academic theory. He argued that ‘. . . feminism is in some respects constrained by its normative commitments and by the distinct standpoint by which these commitments arrive’;30 that is, feminism has its limitations because it derives from women’s experience. In the case of Former Yugoslavia, he argued that the focus on the rapes within the genocide debate had occluded male (in particular younger, ‘battle-age males’) experiences of violence Although Jones’s argument is tenable (and there are a number of feminists that concur that the genocidal killing of men should be studied on its own ‘merits’), it is also extremely problematic because of his insistence in placing his argument in opposition to the rape debate. The effect on Jones’s own argument is to make it seem narrow, tendentious and uninformed. It forces the reader to imagine that the feminist debate on rape focuses solely on genocide while at the same time excluding all other victims of genocide. There is no room for an inclusive or sophisticated feminist reading of rape or genocide In more recent work and in his work with the NGO Gendercide Watch, Jones corrects this imbalance by removing his focus from the rape debate.31 s, Jones’s 1994 article remains on public record as a commentary on the rapes in Former Yugoslavia. Its tendentiousness, its opposition to the feminist debate on rape, gives it an appeal to the anti-feminist, and promotes an inter-gender tension My criticism of Jones’s work lies not only with his championing of male victimhood in the face of a perceived feminist hegemony, but also with his use of ‘borrowed’ testimony to illustrate gender-specific genocide the work of Stiglmayer and MacKinnon is also particularly problematic in terms of both ethics and style. What causes me concern is that, since their work tends to be used as primary texts by new researchers, it may have established a genre in terms of the way in which future writers will use testimony when commenting on mass rape and genocide

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little understanding of the mental health of her respondents, or consideration of the ethics in gathering testimony MacKinnon describes, in horrific detail, the pornographic scripting of rapes, the positions women were made to adopt by the perpetrators, the language used and the filming of rapes effect is one of voyeuristic hard-core porn, ironically closer in style to the pornography that MacKinnon lambasts than to an academic text. it has been deemed academically acceptable for a number of other academics to use graphic testimonies of violence almost routinely in their texts. I suspect that time and the location of these events has much to do with this phenomenon. The immediacy of the events, the fact that they were taking place even as we read about them, gave them a news-room urgency that suspended normal rules of style, of what is acceptable and unacceptable, pressuring academics and lay readers alike into engaging with these texts The difficult nature of rape testimony, its overarching sexual theme, exacerbates the problems for those who are reporting/commenting/writing on the rapes. How does one present a graphic testimony of sexual violence without subscribing to voyeurism, and without privileging the perpetrator? Should one be attempting to do this? This tension between the academic and the survivor is foregrounded by Joanna Reilly et al. who observe, with regard to the Holocaust, that: ‘Many survivors fear, not without reason, that the Holocaust could, in the hands of insensitive academics, lose its human dimension

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e, the almost casual over-use of testimony has led to a point in the development of theory at which testimony no longer needs to be used. Instead it can be alluded to, or it is present through its absence, because the writer and the reader know what these testimonies would say if they were used. reading rape solely as genocide encourages a view that women will always be targetted for rapeduring genocide. It does little to challenge or prevent this view, and it does little for the rehabilitation of a survivor. r. Meznarić’s focus broke away from genocide and ethnicity to a consideration of inter-gender relations. She looked to the example of the ‘Kosovo rapes’, a rape myth that flourished in Kosovo in the 1980s Mirjana Morokvašić, who is also a local academic, concurred with the need for a feminist analysis that looked at the background of Former Yugoslavian gender relations.46 Developing Meznarić’s argument, she linked the raping of women to the growth of nationalism in Former Yugoslavia during the 1980s. Morokvašić argued that nationalism had an effect on local perceptions of women, whereby there was an increase in overt sexism and an ‘othering’ of women. She argued: ‘Turning rape exclusively into a crime against an ethnic community obscures the fact that women are raped because they are both the female “Other” and the “ethnic Other” 7 According to this reading rape is motivated by misogyny engendered by a nationalist, masculine discourse. The sex of the survivor/victim is as important to the perpetrator as her ethnicity Morokvašić’s social structures were much broader; she attempted to identify what it was in pre-genocide Former Yugoslavian society that made men rape women The work of Meznarić, Morokvašić and Ramet represents a starting point in looking beyond proving that the rapes took place and were sexually or ethnically motivated. It initiates an debate on the role of the public and private in shaping the citizens of Former Yugoslavia who comprised the perpetrators and victims of rape, those who colluded, those who ignored and those who resisted and contested these events. It represents an intellectual route that attempts to explain violence rather than prove and describe it

Answer 133

Within Serbian culture, the excessively invested image of male rape/ impalement evokes an overdetermined memory of historical subjugation and an enraged sense of masculine humiliation that together suggest why the patterns of violence in this war were so especially those of rape and genital mutilation. In a particularly infamous incident from Omarska that came to trial at the Hague but ended in acquittal because the witness became too terrified to testify, Serb guards forced two Muslim prisoners to hold a third man upright in the position of the crucified Christ while a fourth prisoner was made to bite off his testicles (Vranic 1996, 292).22 Even the obsessive pursuit of a “greater Serbia” that has driven Serb national policy for centuries suggests phallic insecurities, As Muslim men in captured villages were lined up with their hands over their heads, awaiting probable execution, they were made to sing the Serb anthem, which opens with the defiant assertion: “[He] lies who says that Serbia is small.” Given the determining power of the impalement myth and the way it encodes the Turkish conqueror’s rape of Serbian masculinity, it might seem that rape of the enemy male rather than female would more logically accomplish reciprocity. Indeed, testimonial evidence suggests that, in addition to genital mutilation, the rape of Muslim men may also have been frequent. In a relatively small sample of interviews conducted in refugee camps over a few months, Montenegrin journalist Seada Vranic found six men willing to admit that they had been raped, and she suspected that the numbers were actually higher (1996, 292).24 But even within the reports of male rape, there is a pattern that suggests that the more psychologically satisfying form of Serb revenge was not the direct, unmediated one but one that was buffered by symbolic structures and displaced into an elaborated triangulation. while some Muslim men were no doubt raped by their guards, the favored sexual performance of dominance and humiliation was one that again removed the Serb aggressor from the ambivalent site of homosexual desire. Instead of physically performing the role of rapist themselves, Serbs forced Muslim males to rape other Muslim men in shows in which “camp guards compel[led] inmates to engage in sexual acts with each other. It was the favourite form of entertainment of the camp staff in Manjaca and the commander of the camp, along with his staff, seldom failed to attend these performances” (Vranic 1996, 292) What I have argued is that Serb rape of Bosniak women should be theorized within a culture-specific explanation and recognized as a projection that has its origins inside of the powerfully invested narratives of Serb cultural memory. And what I have also argued is that within that storehouse lies the humiliating memory of rape by the Turk. Like both of the collective and triangulated displacements above, the widespread rape of “Turk” women in this war should also be understood as a displacement of the unmediated vengeance of male-male rape. , despite its substitution of the targeted victim, it works as commensurate reciprocation, and it works precisely because, in constructing women’s bodies as property signifying the honor of the male community, patriarchal culture has produced the equation that makes this substitution possible the more patriarchal the culture, the more vulnerable it becomes, because all the more likely are the women within it to become targets for enemy rape

Answer 134

Strictly speaking, I would concur that forced impregnation and forced maternity are crimes solely against rape victims. But defining rape as genocidal primarily on the basis of forced impregnation conflates this violation of women's rights with ethnic genocide, a complex manipulation of identity and group cohesion that involves many affirmative acts beyond that of the rape and conception itself. Moreover, the act of forced impregnation potentially brings to bear at least two victimized parties with specific and at times inconsistent claims to rights. This article has argued that children of war rape have not been rightfully identified as human rights victims or even as variables in an ongoing relocation of ethnic identity in the former Yugoslavia Instead, "forced impregnation" was framed as a crime against women only through careless definition, through failing to account for children, and through identifying the children of the rapes with the perpetrators rather than the victimized group. To reverse this trend I have attempted to situate war-rape orphans in the existing framework of the Geneva and Genocide Conventions. They emerge as victims of human rights abuses and war crimes. It seems possible as well to identify them as victims of crimes against humanity and genocide, but so doing complicates the framework being used to address their sit

Answer 135

The alliance between MiloSevid’s nationalist politics and a particular ideal of masculinity was not just a matter of style - it had consequences. Making heroic masculinity into a guarantee of individual and national worth was a first step towards war - well before the first shots were fired in Slovenia, these steps were taken in Kosovo. Events there, and particularly the furore over rape, contributed to the belief that Serbia’s problems could (and should) be addressed by force. The suffering of women and children and affronted masculine honour required immediate action, not calm negotiation or cooperation. RadoS Smiljkovie, one of MiloSeviC’s supporters in the Belgrade branch of the party, made this point in 1987 in a response to criticism of burgeoning nationalism in Serbia: ‘Calls for patience, for waiting, for cool heads are counterproductive in a situation when heads are bloody and when the floors are heaving . . . with the bodies of raped girls, women and old ladies’ (quoted in TaSiC 1994: 100). Albanian violence justified violence in return; this was the only way of restoring a damaged masculine and national honour. As early as 1988, Serbian nationalists were openly declaring war on the Albanians in Kosovo. ? Events in Kosovo certainly reinforced the idea that sexual violence could be a effective instrument of politics; and rape an activity in which men might demonstrate their nation’s power and masculinity. When in 1986 Serbs from Kosovo had threatened: ‘Let them rape; we can rape too’, they had been quoted in the Serbian press with no hint of condemnation for proposing to retaliate in kind, since such a provocation demanded equal or greater retaliation from the victims. ‘If they keep on raping, there’s no alternative but for us to respond with the same measure’ Even without Kosovo, soldiers would still have raped. But events in Kosovo did create an atmosphere in which rape as an instrument of nationalist politics was made thinkable Well before the outbreak of war, rape had been redefined as an aspect of national conflict, rather than a sexual crime. And the lesson was that this tactic - however ‘un-European’ - brought results: in Serbian eyes, nationalist rape had contributed to the success of Albanian ‘ethnic cleansing’ in Kosovo. the persistent failure of the military and political authorities to investigate or punish cases of rape committed by their troops suggests that it was at the very least tacitly condoned Data from the SOS telephone helpline for women in Belgrade suggests that national conflict and war was accompanied by a general increase in violence against women in the family, not just in mixed marriages (where national difference provided an ostensible provocation) (Zajovic 1993: 54-56, 94). Linking the ideology of the nation to ideas of motherhood and female submissiveness, of male dominance and power, and of uncompromising heterosexuality reversed the official socialist ideology of gender equality, reinforcing male privilege, eroding what gains women had made under socialism, and marginalising men and women who did not conform to the imperatives of nation and gender. Both gender and nation are best seen as relational identities, not reflections of a natural or immanent essence but created through a process of highlighting difference. In the discourses around rape in Kosovo, and in the ensuing struggles over the Serbian question, nationalist ideologues defined the Serb nation in relation to a series of ‘others’, understood in terms of both gender and nation - relationships which had implications for social relations. Ideas about what it meant to be a man were an important resource in the competition to define and control Serbian nationalism, and they were used by both men and women. In turn, laments over Serbian dignity and honour helped reinforce particular understandings of masculinity, mapping out what was and what was not appropriate behaviour for a Serb man - in particular, legitimating and encouraging violence as a way of recuperating national dignity and masculine honour. But this was an ideological proposition, not a description of social or cultural reality; it required a good deal of labour to remake Serb men in line with the patriotic image and to mobilise Serb heroes for war. the level of electoral support for ‘Serb heroes’ such as Vojislav SeSelj indicates the continued potency of the equation of nation, manliness and militarism. Attention to the interaction of gender and nation in this particular case suggests the advantages and possibilities of looking at nationalism and war in a framework that goes beyond traditional political analysis of nation and state-building on the one hand, and essentialist gender categories on the other - that instead takes as its starting point the assumptions of the Serb in the Kosovo cafe, that political conflicts and understandings of gender are part of the same whole.

Answer 136

It argues that conceptions about accountability and expected gender roles may lead social actors to commit atrocities that transgress the moral codes of their own society, while condemning their victims to silence. On the other hand, a change in the political context may undermine the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators and ultimately lead war rape victims to break their silence and bear witness . In Maria’s (greek civil war) case, we can identify four factors that helped her to speak out and which may be extrapolated to other interview situations. First is the importance of “neutral outsiders” in the role of interviewers. Second is the specific timing of the interview. As I have shown in this article, both the general context of the Bosnian conflict and the more immediate impact of the child refugee reunion in Skopje played an important role in triggering Maria’s most distressing memories. Third is the importance of a self-initiated trauma-processing in the period before the interview. Finally, we cannot stress enough how important it is to take the whole life story, instead of jumping immediately to the most traumatic aspects of the memory the silence of war rape victims in former Yugoslavia is clearly not only a survival strategy, but is also linked to the cultural codes of their communities or, even worse, to fear of reprisal

Gender and Genocide Flashcards

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