Lecture 6 Flashcards
(18 cards)
Explain The context in which the Washinton Consenseus emerged?
- Context 1990s: end of cold war, cuban model, öppnare marknader, dålig ekonomi under 1990-talet, slutet på - Sovjet: alliansen mellan Kuba och Sovjet försvinner, Kina blir också viktigt
- Political context: SA - slutet på militärdiktaturer, CA - slutet på revolutionär fas, violence, end of cold war,
- Economic context - debt crisis - 80 talet (lost decade), socio-economic inequality, cuban model no longer attractive, TINA - neoliberal modell som det enda rätta
Neoliberalism in Latinamerika – key principles?
Chicago School (Milton Friedman):
Economists who advocated a market-driven economy, free trade, and minimal government interference.
Against government interference:
The state should not control prices, subsidies or companies - the market rules best.
De-regulation:
Remove regulations on business, banking and trade to “liberate” the economy.
Free trade:
Open up economies to global trade – reduce tariffs and trade barriers.
Export Orientation:
Focus on producing for export instead of domestic consumption.
Foreign investments:
Attract foreign capital through tax cuts, cheap labor and weak labor laws.
Austerity & budget discipline:
Reduce public spending (school, health) to keep the state’s budget in balance - often demands from IM
What was the washinton consensus?
= The Washington Consensus refers to a set of ten economic policy prescriptions promoted in the late 1980s and 1990s (and beginning 21st century) for Latin American countries facing economic crises, especially debt and inflation.
= The term describes policies widely supported by Washington-based institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the US Treasury.
= Neoliberal policy reform
= Mechanism –> Structural adjustments programs
= a reform package that made the countries adapt to an liberal/capitalistic model
To which countries (and how) did the Washington consensus expand to?
= expanderar till nästan alla länder
= Chile först: poster child of neoliberalism
= Brazil: Fernando Henrique Cardoso, from Marxist sociologist to “neoliberal” president
= Argentina: Carlos Menem, from Peronist to neoliberal policies
= Mexico: NAFTA 1994, PRI abandons Revolution principles
= Bolivia: Victor Paz Estensorro (MNR) returns and adopts neoliberal policies
1995, °Mercosur/Mercosul (Southern Common Market: Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay,
Uruguay + Bolivia)
What were the results of the washington consensus with it’s policies?
= Improvement middle-class
= Inequality
= “Informalization” of the economy → många arbetar men utanför statens ekonomi
= Foreign capital and infrastructure expansion
= Growing disillusion: Protest & openness towards economic alternatives
What’s the pink tide? What created this trend?
= a softer ‘pink’ variety of left-wing politics, inte helt rött
through extra parliamentary action and elections, not revolutions
= continuum from moderate to radical growing leftist movements under rightwing regimes
= “Post-neoliberalism”, “Socialism of the 21st century”, = “New Left”, “left turn”,
= “Marea Rosada”, “progressive cycle”
What created this?
= - Rejection of the Washington Consensus – at least in discourse = In practice, varying adoption of neoliberal recipes and relation with the US
Who was Hugo Chávez?
= 1998 (Chávez), breakthrough around 2005, ends around 2015
= Venzuela
= pink tide leader
In which 3 dimensions can you see the contradictions of the pink tide?
- Plurality and Diversity: Good/moderate VS Bad/radical left
= The Pink Tide encompassed a wide spectrum of leftist governments, from moderate social democrats (e.g., Brazil, Uruguay, Chile, Argentina) to more radical populists (e.g., Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador).
= Moderates tended to respect liberal democratic institutions and mixed-market economies, while radicals often leaned toward populism, state dominance, and, in some cases, authoritarianism.
= This plurality led to ongoing struggles, experimentation, and negotiation within and among Pink Tide governments, with parties evolving and shifting over time. - Democracy: Between Liberal and Direct Models
= While many Pink Tide governments initially strengthened democratic participation and social rights, some evolved toward more centralized or even autocratic rule, especially in Venezuela and Nicaragua.
= The tension between institutionalized liberal democracy and more direct, plebiscitary forms of democracy was a persistent contradiction. - Socio-Economic Policy: Market, State, or Mix?
= Economic policy: market, state, or mix
̶= Social policy: social rights and redistribution
= Often these policies became unsustainable
What are the key aspects of redistributive politics during the pink tide?
Aspect Description/Example
Viability = Enabled by commodity boom (oil, soy, copper, etc.)
Main Policy Tool = Cash-transfer programmes (Bolsa Família, AUH, etc.)
Positive Impact = Reduced poverty/inequality, increased social support
Key Challenge = National unity, managing new social mobilization
Vulnerability = Dependent on export markets and foreign investment
Risk of Downturn = Fiscal crisis when commodity prices fall
=Redistributive policies during the Pink Tide era were highly effective at reducing poverty and inequality, thanks to windfall revenues from the commodity boom. However, their long-term viability was undermined by over-reliance on volatile export markets and challenges in maintaining national unity and managing empowered social movements. When external conditions changed, these vulnerabilities became clear, threatening the sustainability of the gains made
What is the compensatory state model by Eduagardo Gudyanas?
The “compensatory state” is a concept developed by Uruguayan scholar Eduardo Gudynas to describe a model of governance that became prominent in Latin America during the Pink Tide era. It refers to states that maintain and even deepen extractivist, market-oriented economic structures while using part of the resulting revenues to fund social assistance programs aimed at compensating for the negative social and environmental impacts of those same economic activities
What are the foundations of the The compensary state model by Gudyanas?
- High commodity prices and strategic resource reserves = revenues from commodity export
- Revenues finance social programs = decrease inequality, popular support
- Volatility of global markets (end of the commodity boom) = intensify extractive industries
- Increase and intensification socio-ecological conflicts
- Repression and criminalization of social movements
- “neo-extractivism” = development model based on
1) extraction > 2) export commodities > 3) using revenue to improve living conditions - Kina styr priser, very vital to the economic perspective on these countries
- Peru: inte helt pink tide, inte heller Colombia
End of Pink tide?
End/corruption. Electoral defeat, impeachment, coup
New right, with extra parliamentary support
2nd pink tide?
migration viktigt ämne
Bolsonaro - nya högern, Brasilien!
In the pink tide era, what kind of new social movements emerged?
- Focus on = Indigenous rights, Environmental activism, Gender equality, LGBTQ+ rights, reproductive rights
- Role in emergence and consolidation New Left
…as well as in holding New Left regimes
accountable
+ new right!
Explain: Case Study Bolivia - Pink tide era and Evo Morales
Timeline:
Neoliberal period, 1985-2000
→ 1985: new economic policy under Paz Estenssoro to confront deep ciris. 1990: indigenous march for territory and dignity.
1993-1997,2002-2003 : neoliberal regime, president goni Sanchez de Lozada, multiculturalism
New political mobilisations 2000-2003 → Plans to privatize water and gas that triggered massive social protest. Elections won by Evo Morales , MAS. mot socialism
Morales come to power: symbolically, indigenous nationalism, social movements/speech has a role in this new government, and how they position themselves
The progress of change: 2006 → Evo Morales takes power.
2006-2007 → 2009 → Plurinational state → approved through a referendum → decolonization
= Pragmatics economic approach despite radical discourse
= Rising tensions over regional autonomy between = Andean highland and rich lowlands
= Increase national income per capita, decrease international debt and extreme poverty
Present the Limits of the compensatory state and decolonial state (Case study Bolivia)
= cash transfer programs on extractive industries: redistribution?
= Questions on decolonialization, from indigeneity
as foundation of new nationalism (emancipatory politics) to liberal nation state building (policing)
= 2009-2011 : rupture of the unitu act, social movements - government over TIPNIS (national park) → ville bygga motorväg → triggade protester, menade att det gick emot diskursen som fanns i konstitutionen
= Morales wins re-elections, 2009, 2014
= 2019 - coup - Jeaninne Anez → Ny president
Luis Arce (former under Morales) → 2025 elections
= Economic and political crisis; from net energy exporter to importer
What is the role of new social movements in the rise of the MAS? How is this evoked in Morales’ speech? (In : Morales, Evo. 2006. Address at Tiwanaku (“Brother and comrade”, The Bolivia Reader)
Key roles played by new social movements:
Grassroots Mobilization: Social movements, particularly unions of coca growers, peasant federations, indigenous organizations (like CONAMAQ and the Bartolina Sisa Women’s Federation), and miners, provided the mass mobilization, organizational infrastructure, and leadership that enabled MAS to challenge the established political order.
Political Legitimacy: These movements gave MAS deep legitimacy among Bolivia’s historically marginalized majorities (indigenous and rural populations), allowing it to claim to represent the true will of the Bolivian people.
Agenda Setting: The demands and experiences of these movements—such as land reform, nationalization of resources, and indigenous rights—shaped MAS’s political program and priorities.
Strategic Shift: Morales explicitly notes that when social movements could not achieve their goals through union or protest action alone, they decided to pursue an electoral, political solution by founding MAS.
How Morales Evokes This in His Speech
Historical Continuity: Morales invokes a lineage of indigenous and popular resistance, asking for a minute of silence for historic indigenous and revolutionary leaders, and explicitly linking the contemporary movement to five centuries of struggle against colonialism and exclusion.
Movement Origins: He states, “the Movement to Socialism…isn’t born from a group of professionals,” but from the convergence of peasant, indigenous, and union organizations, listing the main federations and councils involved in its creation.
Collective Wisdom: Morales emphasizes that policy should be drawn from the knowledge and experiences of social organizations, not imposed from above or abroad, highlighting the role of “the councils of wise men [amautas]” and grassroots unions as reservoirs of knowledge and legitimacy.
Constituent Assembly and Refoundation: He frames the demand for a constituent assembly and the refounding of Bolivia as a “clamorous demand of the Bolivian people,” driven by the popular movement and all sectors of society, not just political elites.
Resource Struggles: Morales credits the struggles for water, coca, and natural gas—each led by social movements—for bringing MAS to power and awakening a new national consciousness.
Commitment to Govern by Obeying: He closes by pledging to “govern by obeying the people,” a direct reference to the Zapatista slogan and a reaffirmation that MAS’s mandate comes from—and remains accountable to—the country’s social movements.
What are the main takeaways about LGBTQ+ rights and the Left in Latin America from Jay-Friedman’s article
Pink Tide & Rights: Left-leaning governments (Pink Tide, 2000–2015) advanced LGBTQ+ rights in some countries (anti-discrimination laws, same-sex marriage, gender identity laws), but progress was inconsistent.
Backlash: Rise of right-wing, often religious, anti-gender movements (“Con mis hijos no te metas”) challenged sex education and LGBTQ+ inclusion.
Contradictions: Some radical left governments (e.g., Venezuela, Nicaragua) marginalized or repressed LGBTQ+ activists, especially when democracy eroded.
Democracy Matters: LGBTQ+ rights advanced most where democratic institutions (courts, elections, civil society) remained strong.
She questions if Left governments help to achieve women’s and and LGBTQ+ people’s rights?
Country Examples:
Brazil: Major progress under Lula; setbacks under Bolsonaro; violence against trans people remains high - most dangerous country, unequal depending on where u live .
Chile: Gender identity and marriage equality laws passed; constitutional reform process included LGBTQ+ rights. Laws were voted down in 2022, influences of righr,
Argentina: Regional leader—same-sex marriage, gender identity, non-binary ID; but implementation varies and right-wing backlash is growing.
Uruguay: Among the world’s most protective; strong social acceptance, but recent conservative government slow to implement gains.
Colombia: New left government (Petro) highly inclusive, with LGBTQ+ representation in government. The right have other opinions tho.
Ongoing Challenges: Violence (especially against trans women), uneven policy implementation, and growing anti-rights movements
= a growing movement in latin america that insists that gender and sexual rights, no place in school, gender as a social construct is an attack on the family.
What are som points that Webber emphasize in his article about LA and global economics in the context of the economic crisis 2007-2008?
The 2007–2008 crisis had limited early impact on most of South America (except Venezuela); Mexico and the Caribbean were hit harder due to closer US ties.
The rise of the modern Latin American left must be understood through the power dynamics between oppressed groups (rural/urban), domestic elites, and US imperialism.
Dictatorships in the late 20th century caused psychological and political damage, narrowing the political spectrum and pushing the left/center-left rightward.
After the 1990s recession, a new left emerged as economic recovery began in 2003, fueled by a commodity boom (especially trade with China).
Left governments used commodity export revenues for social programs, reducing poverty and inequality, but remained vulnerable to global market swings.
When commodity prices fell in the 2010s, these policies became unsustainable, leading to disillusionment and a shift away from the left.
Bolivia: Example of leftist leadership supporting indigenous rights, but only when not threatening state development; economic growth remained tied to international markets
