Lecture 9 Readings Flashcards
1
Q
social networks and the likelihood of volunteering
A
Social networks increase the likelihood of both formal and informal volunteering
2
Q
social trust and human capital and the likelihood of volunteering
A
Social trust and human capital increase only the likelihood of formal volunteering, not of informal care
3
Q
volunteering behaviour of immigrants
A
- Native-born Canadians are more likely to volunteer than their immigrant counterparts, but they are similar in their propensity to provide informal care
- This may be because formal volunteering is a Western phenomenon and due to access to opportunities
4
Q
volunteering behaviour of women
A
Women are more likely to engage in formal volunteering and informal care than men
5
Q
volunteering
A
pro-social behaviour that provides help to others, a group, an organization, a cause, or the community at large without expectation of material reward
6
Q
what does the volunteering literature focus on?
A
Most of the literature on volunteering focuses on formal, organizational volunteering
7
Q
what defines whether an activity is more or less of a volunteer activity
A
The net cost of volunteering
8
Q
formal volunteering
A
includes the contribution of time to a variety of activities that is done under the aegis of an organization
9
Q
informal volunteering
A
includes the contribution of time to a variety of activities done without the sponsorship of an organization
10
Q
link between formal and informal volunteering
A
Formal and informal volunteering are empirically interrelated
11
Q
how can we analyze informal volunteering?
A
with models of formal volunteering
12
Q
the dispositional determinants of formal vs. informal volunteering
A
are similar
13
Q
Two dimensions of informal volunteering
A
people-oriented and task-oriented
14
Q
correlates of the dimensions of informal volunteering
A
Both dimensions are correlated with motivates of helping and role identity
15
Q
volunteering across one’s life
A
A person is likely to move across a spectrum of volunteer activities across their life
16
Q
social capital
A
a person’s social networks
17
Q
social capital and volunteering
A
There is a positive correlation between a person’s social capital and volunteering
18
Q
four main hypotheses for the relationship between social capital and volunteering
A
- More formal social networks, both religious and secular, increase the likelihood of both formal and informal volunteering
- Length of residence increases the likelihood of formal and informal volunteering
- A sense of belonging increases the likelihood of formal and informal volunteering
- Knowing more neighbours increases the likelihood of formal and informal volunteering
19
Q
Formal volunteering is more likely for those who:
A
- Are members of a religious or secular group
- Have lived in a community for longer
- Have a higher sense of belonging
- Know more neighbours
- Are trusting
- Have a higher sense of self-control
- Have a higher level of education
- Are Canadian-born
- Are English-speaking people in non-Quebec regions
- Are women
- Are middle-aged
- Have more children living in the household
- Live in rural areas
- Are lower income
20
Q
Informal care of seniors and children is more likely for those who:
A
- Have higher social capital
- Are members of a religious or secular group
- Have lived in a community for longer
- Have a higher sense of belonging
- Know more neighbours
- French-speaking in Quebec
- Are women
- Have more children living in the household
21
Q
House and yardwork is more likely for those who:
A
- Have strong social networks
- Are English-speaking people in non-Quebec regions
- Were born in Canada
- Are men
- Have fewer children in the household
- Are retirees
22
Q
how do social networks affect formal vs. informal volunteering?
A
in a similar way
23
Q
what factors matter more for formal volunteering?
A
Trust, locus of control, and human capital
24
Q
culture and volunteering
A
Cultural influences play a significant role in shaping different types of volunteering behaviour
25
context of Black leadership
Black leadership exists concerning the racial hierarchy of society and is shaped by historical, political, economic, and cultural context
26
how is Black Canadian leadership often viewed?
through a U.S. lens
27
absence vs. presence of Black leadership
the absence of strong Black leadership is more likely to be evident than its presence
28
unity and Black leadership
A discourse of unity is necessary to address presumed deficits of African Canadians
29
generational differences in leadership
- Older leaders believe leadership must be visible and representative of a united front
- Younger people claim that people must work collaboratively to create programs that will generate change
30
community leadership
the capability and skills that individuals possess to identify the needs or assets of a group or community, and to inspire and mobilize others to join with them in addressing the needs or mobilizing the assets
31
how do leaders exercise power?
it is based on a value system informed by their social circumstances, lived experiences, and acquired ideologies
32
the performance of leadership
is contextual, relational, and circumstantial
33
Westernization of leadership
- Our understanding and expectations of leadership tend to be premised on Western thinking, which often ignores the contextual realities of leadership
- This influences decisions about who is assigned or takes up leadership
34
whiteness
the enactment of the principles of leadership that operate more in the interests of white people than of minority groups
35
example of Whiteness
white fragility
36
white fragility
a state in which even a minimum amount of racial stress becomes intolerance, triggering a range of defensive moves, including outward display of emotions and behaviours and leaving the stress-inducing situation
37
how is Whiteness made invisible?
through the myths of colour blindness, meritocracy, and equality (instead of equity) of opportunity
38
how are racial disparities viewed in Canada?
are explained and understood as cultural and moral deficiencies specific to racialized groups and a direct reflection of their efforts
39
the premise of unity in Black leadership
it's based on the notion of fear that governments will exploit differences among communities or their members to justify and maintain the status quo
40
5 forms that Black leadership tends to take concerning the logic of whiteness:
1. Role models
2. Corrective agents
3. Arbitrators
4. Change agents
5. Cultural curators
41
are the 5 forms of Black leadership mutually exclusive?
no, they exist in relation to social, cultural, political, and economic issues
42
what does community leadership depend on?
shared vision, communal goals, reciprocal support, the ways leaders engage with the community, and collective action
43
followership
the reciprocal role that individuals assume in the community and by which they elect to actively follow the leader
44
James' argument for future Black leadership
We need leaders who will resist the essentialist and imposed singular construct of Black communities
45
role model
people who know what it means to take advantage of the opportunities and possibilities in life through individual efforts
46
morality of role models
they are typically understood to have moral values and integrity to be successful in a valued aspect of society
47
symbolic value of racialized leaders
they become useful evidence that barriers need not prevent you from attaining influential positions
48
sponsor
a powerfully positioned champion or advocate who is more vested in their protege, offering guidance, support, and critical feedback
49
what is needed more than a role model?
a sponsor
50
public perception of Black leaders
they are systematically miniaturized
51
corrective agents
those who provide discipline, structure, and moral guidance enabling young people to fit into the ways of society
52
expectation of Black leaders
- Black leaders are expected to create a unified community
- This idea of homogeneity gives leaders the illusion that they know, represent, and speak for their entire community
53
comparison of corrective agents
- Corrective agents often compare how well other communities are doing to Black communities
- The assumption is that other communities come together but Black communities don’t
54
argument of Black corrective agents
only through collective efforts and regulated leadership will the Black community become socially respectable
55
corrective agents and White norms
Corrective agents adhere to white norms and assume that failures of members of the community are the rest of individual deficits rather than a reflection of societal impediments
56
common occupations of corrective agents
religious people and police officers
57
arbitrators
leaders who take it upon themselves or are called upon by community members to intervene or mediate matters affecting their community
58
what do arbitrators focus on?
what’s wrong with the community
59
assumption of arbitrators
the community is a singular entity and their role is to promote consensus
60
arbitrators and times of crisis
Arbitrators are more inclined to take control of crises instead of responding to concerns raised by civic leaders
61
arbitrators' response to rude acts
Rude acts are likely to foreclose any attempts to engage leaders of the Black community
62
ultimate goal of arbitrators
to safeguard their privileged positions and personal comfort
63
change agents
people who are determined to change the tenor of the construction, representation, and expectations of members of the Black community
64
example of change agents
the Black Lives Matter movement and the Black Action Defence Committee
65
who are change agents up against?
the establishment, but also other Black community leaders
66
context of change activists
Activists of the 1970s and 1980s created a context in which today’s change activists continue to build
67
cultural curators
leaders who centre the culture of the community in their performance of leadership
68
culture
made up of the ideas, values, beliefs, attitudes, behaviours, traditions, practices, and aspirations of community members, which are informed by their country of origin as well as the structure of Canadian society and the socio-economic situation that members find themselves in
69
how is culture conceptualized?
in various ways by various leaders
70
how do many cultural curators devote their energy?
- To education
- However, Black students continue to have high rates of school disengagement, suspensions, dropping out, and low academic performance
71
the Jewish community as a political system
it acts as a government in a limited sphere for people willing to submit to the discipline of membership and accepts its decisions as binding
72
how do Jewish people view political systems?
in terms of groups formed by consensus, where equality is paramount
73
traditional Jewish allowances in the political process
they were entitled to equal treatment but not equal participation in the political process
74
bargaining in Jewish communities
was a key method of decision-making
75
the establishment of federal models of organization
was the result of traditional Jewish views of political systems
76
economic power in the Jewish community
- The Jewish community balances the importance of economic power and social status of leaders with a general distrust of centralized power
- This has evolved into a “trusteeship of givers and doers”
77
three levels of Jewish power in Canada
National
Local
Sublocal (individual organizations)
78
centralization of the Canadian Jewish community
- The Canadian Jewish community is more centralized than in the U.S. due to the establishment of the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) in 1919, which aimed to represent all Canadian Jewish people
- There have since been numerous other organizations that have been created in Canada, like B’nai Brith Canada (BBC), the Canadian Office of the Council of Jewish Federations, the National Budgeting Conference (NBC), and the Canadian Zionist Federation
79
how are the CJC and other Jewish national bodies run?
through local affiliates
80
what Canadian areas dominate national Jewish affairs?
Toronto and Montreal because they are home to ¾ of the Canadian Jewish population
81
who holds true power in Jewish organizaiotns?
those with links to the decision-making process
82
elections in Jewish organizations
- Jewish organizations rarely hold mass public elections for offers and members of governing boards, except for the CJC
- Most Jewish organizations are set up so that current leaders can choose their successors
- This method tends to favour older people
83
underrepresentation in Jewish bodies
- National Jewish bodies disproportionately represent the wealthy
- The poor, elderly, and women (up until about 15 years ago) were left out of these leadership positions
- Montreal’s Sephardic Jews, mainly from Morocco are underrepresented in leadership positions
84
why are the wealthy overrepresented in National Jewish bodies?
They have more time for unremunerated activity and the selection process is dependent on those who already have connections and power
85
why are Montreal's Sephardic Jews underrepresented in National Jewish bodies?
It appears that they have instead concentrated on their community organizations
86
political resources and Jewish resources
- Individuals with valuable political resources also influence Jewish power, despite not holding formal positions
- Ex. Samuel Bronfman in Montreal
87
value of democratic vote in Jewish communities
In Jewish communities, accommodation has a much higher value than winning by a strictly democratic vote
88
how does accomodation begin?
by choosing the decision-makers
89
checks on democratic forms in Jewish organizations
- Key members of the elite discuss an issue before the official body debates it
- The system’s use of accommodation and behind-the-scenes negotiation
- Most Jewish organizations are set up so that current leaders can choose their successors
- Careful selection and controlled advancement of newcomers can ensure that voting does not get out of hand
90
who holds Jewish decision-making and power?
an elite because the Jewish community is financially dependent on relatively few wealthy families who contribute a large proportion of its funds
91
political participation of the non-elite
- The structure of Jewish political organization is flexible enough that those who are interested can be brought into the process, but a few new people cannot bring about major changes unless they can find allies among the more established players
- Any group that is not adequately represented in the elite must campaign to persuade the decision-makers of their point of view
92
what is the primary goal of the Jewish decision-making process?
Avoiding controversy
93
Jewish elites in the 1970s
- In the early 1970s, Jewish elites were around 16-20 well-educated, successful businessmen or professionals in their 60s and 70s
- During the 1970s, there was a visible shift to include younger men
94
key motivating force among Canadian Jewish people
identification with Israel
95
exercise of Jewish power in smaller Canadian centres
follows similar patterns to Montreal and Toronto
96
national presence of Canada's Jewish community
it has long been emphasized
97
National success for a Jewish leader depends on:
- Their effort
- Their effectiveness
- Their base in strong local organizations
- Financial status (though this is less important on the national level)
98
what does the distribution of Canadian Jewish power reprsent?
a tension between traditional oligarchical tendencies and the democratic impulse of a modern era
99
Jewish power in Canada going forward
There will undoubtedly be a move toward more transparent policy formation in the future
100
do most Jewish people participate politically?
no, most don't make an effort to
