Probalistic Voting Flashcards

(27 cards)

1
Q

Why is median voter therom seen as unrealistic

A

The existence of non policy factors for voting e.g. ideology, appearance competence, likability, tone of voice, scandal of events (not necessarily about policy bit about perception)

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2
Q

Who developed the pro allistic voting model

A

Lindbeck and weibull

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3
Q

What is the difference between the MVT and the probalsitic voting theorem

A
  • MVT is only about policy/ platform whereas probalsitc voting adds subjective perceptions on top of prefrences on policy
  • they both predic convergence but the probalistic voting theorem has a different mechanism ( the swing voter ) predict convergence towards the less ideological voter is slightly different form the median voter therom that predicts convergence towards the medina voter - this determines policy)
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4
Q

How do candidates work for probalisitic voting theorem

A

There are 2 candidates - and the majority winner wins and each candidate is opportunistic and only cares about winning
Candidates can independently determine their policy platform and two issues unlike the MVT ( is more of a multi dimensional model )

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5
Q

What does voting behaviour depend on

A
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6
Q

What do candidates decide

A

They decide independently but simultaneously their policy platform and unlike MVT they are allowed to have more than one policy (multi dimensional issues)

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7
Q

What are the three types of voters

A

Poor yp
Middle income ym
Rich yr
Indexed by J: (p,m,r)
Income yp<ym<yr

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8
Q

What does voting behaviour depend on

A

Policy component in the group-specific utility, UJ(XA, YA), UJ(XB,YB).
- Individual ideology towards a candidate, σiJ.
- Candidates’ average popularity before election (“the shock”), δ.
- Voter i in group J votes for B if UJ(XB,YB)+ σiJ+ δ> UJ(XA, YA)

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9
Q

Voters ideology

A

Uniform distribution function
[-0.5ΦJ,0.5ΦJ] centered on a neutral
ideology (σ=0) with a group-specific density ΦJ.
 σiJ > 0 means that voter i is ideologically closer to B.
 σiJ < 0 means that voter i is ideologica

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10
Q

The shock

A

Before election, there may be a shock δ affecting
candidates’ average popularity.
 The outbreak of scandals or other news may reduce one
candidate’s popularity, while increasing the others.
 For simplicity, we assume that it follows a uniform
distribution function [-0.5 Ψ,0.5 Ψ] centered on a neutral
ideology (δ =0) with a group-specific density Ψ.
 δ > 0 means that the shock favours B.
 δ < 0 means that the shock favours A.

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11
Q

What does the policy function look like for candidates A and B (policy platform)

A

(XA, YA) and (XB,YB).

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12
Q
A
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13
Q

What do the candidates know before the election

A

they know the distribution of individual ideology, but
they do not know their average popularity from the shock,
which is realised soon before the election. What they know is
how likely they are to be caught into a scandal.

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14
Q

What is the timeline for candidates

A
  • announce policy platform
  • then there might be a shock
  • election takes place and the voters choose their pefered candidates
  • winner implements their policy platform
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15
Q
A
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16
Q

What is the seing voter

A
  • they are indifferent about voting for A and B after seeing their policy platforms and the average popularity
    Ideology: 𝜎𝐽 > 𝑈𝐽(𝑋𝐴, 𝑌𝐴) − 𝑈𝐽(𝑋𝐵, 𝑌𝐵) − 𝛿
    Small change in their policy platform will affect their vote ( not always a at the median like MVT)

Candidates set their policies before the average popularity is
known, which means they do not know who the swing voter is.

17
Q

What are the candidates strategies

A

Candidates have to set their policy platform before the average
popularity is known, so they maximise the probability or being
elected subject to the only unknown factor – scandal

18
Q

How to know how many people vote for A

A

The area of point A is everyone to the left or right of the seing voter depending on where point A is

19
Q

When would A win the edition

A

When the ara is greater than 0.5 therefore they can calculate the size of the scandal they can afford to win (threshold of the scandal) Therfore A would not want to have any scandal

20
Q

What is the equation for maximising the probability of wining

A

Pr (Па > 1/2) = Pr (б < б).

21
Q

How does the density affect the sing voter

A

Th larger the density of the less ideological group ( a group that is more indifferent) is Therfore more likely to be a swing group that attracts politicians

22
Q

How does policy convergence happing the thPVT

A

Both candidates will want to set there policy platform to align with the swing voter leading to policy convergence

23
Q

How is the mechanism for PVT different from MVT

A
  • one is based on convergence to the swing less ideological voter and the other is to the median voter
  • the election could also be decided by the size of the shock
  • ## the densiduty of the group determines whether it is worth going after the swing voter given there impact on policies
24
Q

Examples of PVT

A

Swing states in the US (do swing states get more resources) - each states have different weights (density)
Stomberg 2008- visited Florida Ohio, Wisconsin, Iowa, penn more than known
According to PVT more time should be spent in swing states as they can determine wins
Lancinese 2013

25
Larcinse et al 2013
Small states have more political powers ven though the population density is low The amount of funds allocated to a state does not align with number of swing voters are in that state Under PVT the large populations with the most swing voters should get the most the most distributive goods Electoral bacttelground hypothesis Partisan supporter
26
Stomberg 2008
27
Larcinese et al. (2013)
They want to test whether ideological distributions (independent variable) affect targeted government spending (dependent variable). - Why? Because measured ideology is affected by the level of federal spending for each state, which is the dependent variable ⇒ Endogeneity issue! - The amount of funds allocated to a state does not depend on the numbers of swing voters. They find that spending has little or no effect on voters’ choices, while ideology has large effects.