Voting behaviour and the role of the media Flashcards

1
Q

Where do the conservatives typically win?

A

The Conservatives have continued to do well in areas that are predominantly white, rural or suburban and socially conservative.

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2
Q

Since 2005, where have labour supported

A

Since 2005, Labour Party support has contracted to industrial urban areas in south Wales, the industrial north and London.

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3
Q

Voting preferences in scotland

A

Left wing, traditionally Labour, but SNP in 2015

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4
Q

Reasons for Scotlands voting preference

A
  • Opposition to London-centred policies and New Right policies
  • Specific social and economic problems in Scotland
  • The impact of devolution
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5
Q

Voting preferences in Wales

A

A Labour bias, but fairly evenly split across the region

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6
Q

Reasons for Wales voting preference

A
  • Industrial areas favour Labour
  • Rural areas vote Conservative or Liberal Democrat
  • The far west is more likely to vote nationalist
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7
Q

Voting preferences in Northern Ireland

A

Has its own party system, with a split between unionist and nationalist parties

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8
Q

Reasons for Northern Ireland’s voting preferences

A

The party votes reflect religious and cultural divisions in the region

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9
Q

Voring preferences in London

A

Majority Labour

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10
Q

Reasons for London’s voting preferences

A
  • Increasing ethnic diversity
  • Greater economic disparity across the city
  • Reliance on public services
  • More socially liberal than other regions
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11
Q

Voting preferences in Rural England

A

Overwhelmingly Conservative

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12
Q

Reasons for Rural England’s voting preferences

A
  • Mostly white
  • Economically conservative
  • Socially conservative
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13
Q

Voting Preferences in the Industrial North of England

A

Mostly Labour

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14
Q

Reasons for the Industrial north of England voting preferences

A
  • Higher levels of unemployment than elsewhere in the country
  • Greater rates of poverty and urban decay
  • Greater ethnic diversity
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15
Q

voting preferences in the home counties

A

Predominantly Conservative

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16
Q

Reasons for the voting preferences of the home counties

A
  • London commuter belt, made up of C1, B and A classes
  • Mostly white
  • More conservative than London
  • Economically prosperous
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17
Q

Urban areas now vs 1800s

A

Urban areas are now increasingly Labour strongholds and less inclined to vote Conservative, compared to the period before the 1980s.

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18
Q

Traditional british society

A
  • upper class — landowners (the nobility)
  • middle class — property owners
  • working class — labourers
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19
Q

Class A

A

Higher managerial and professional workers, such as business owners and judges

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20
Q

Class B

A

Middle managers and professionals, such as store managers, teachers and lawyers

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21
Q

Class C1

A

Clerical workers, such as office clerks and secretaries

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22
Q

Class C2

A

Skilled manual workers, such as builders, electricians and plumbers

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23
Q

Class D

A

Semi-skilled and unskilled workers, such as day labourers and factory workers

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24
Q

Class E

A

The unemployed, pensioners and those unable to work

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25
Q

1980s - Class

A

Until the 1980s, class often determined how a person would vote. This is known as class voting. Classes A, B and C1 would usually be described as middle class and tended to vote Conservative. Classes C2, D and, to a large extent, E would be described as working class and tended to vote Labour.

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26
Q

what class voting meant for parties

A

This meant each party had a set of core voters from a distinct social class, reflecting the fact that economic factors, such as employment and inflation, were the top concern of many people. As a result, the two main parties presented a clear, class-based choice to the electorate. This explains why, in 1970, 88% of all votes went to the two main parties.

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27
Q

Changing attitudes

A

Since the 1970s, economic reforms and changing attitudes in society have resulted in a decline in the importance of economic issues and greater concern about social issues, including:
- immigration
- civil and human rights
- crime
- welfare provision
- attitudes to sex and sexuality
- Britain’s position in the world

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28
Q

Class dealignment

A

Where people no longer vote according to their social class.

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29
Q

Class voting

A

The idea that people will vote for a party based on the economic interests of their class.

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30
Q

Core voter

A

Any group of voters who will loyally vote for a party, regardless of any personal issues.

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31
Q

Swing voters

A

Voters who are not loyal to a party and are therefore open to persuasion.

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32
Q

Partisan dealignment

A

The idea that people are less committed or loyal to one particular party.

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33
Q

Social class

A

A way of categorising people based on their status in society, usually by occupation or income.

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34
Q

What has changing attitudes led to

A

Many of these issues have an economic dimension but they tend to be considered from an emotional and social point of view. As they cross the class-based divisions, they have resulted in class dealignment which has seen people less likely to vote according to their class.

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35
Q

What has the wider range of issues led to

A

This widening of the issues considered important by the electorate has also led to partisan dealignment, with voters less likely to be loyal to one party and taking into consideration multiple issues before casting their vote. This in turn has led to an increase in floating (swing) voters.

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36
Q

Weakening of the class system and it’s impact on the parties

A

The weakening of the class system across the UK has seen the emergence of a more diverse set of political struggles between the parties, particularly at election time. While elections from 1945 to 1992 were more or less a straight contest between Labour and the Conservatives, by 2015 the contest involved at least six key parties, all dealing with issues that crossed class lines.

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37
Q

Results of 2015 general election

A
  • AB and C1 are heavily Conservative and are the most likely to vote.
  • DE is the largest group and most pro-Labour, but is the least likely to vote
  • C2 and DE, the two most pro-Labour groups, saw the highest percentage swing to support UKIP.
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38
Q

Left voters in 2015

A

The answer lies in the rise of the ‘left behind’ voters. These traditionally working-class voters would have voted for Labour in the past, but cultural concerns over immigration and income inequality, as well as a perception that politics is dominated by a socially liberal, educated and urban elite, have alienated them from the Labour Party. Instead, they have gravitated towards UKIP, which reflects their concerns. This reveals partisan dealignment and the fact that Labour cannot rely on class as a means of getting votes.

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39
Q

Left behind voters

A

This is a term used to identify a group of voters who feel left behind by the social and economic reforms that have occurred in the UK over the past 50 years and who believe that their lives and the country have changed for the worse. They tend to be economically left-wing but culturally right-wing.

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40
Q

Does the class system still matter in UK politics?
YES

A
  • Issues of tax and benefits remain a key distinction between the two main parties.
  • Many voters do still identify with a party based on their perceived class.
  • Geographic voting trends still reflect the relative wealth and class make-up of a region or constituency.
  • Class inequality and a lack of social mobility remain major concerns for many voters.
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41
Q

Does the class system still matter in UK politics?
NO

A
  • Major issues, such as immigration, cross class divisions.
  • The size and role of the working class has declined by more than a half, making it less of a political presence.
  • Increasing property ownership and improved
    education make it more difficult to categorise classes.
  • Successful parties have to appeal across a wide range of issues, not just those relating to class.
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42
Q

Attempts to appeal to women in general elections

A
  • In 2015, Labour’s Woman to Woman pink minibus visited 75 constituencies, targeting women who did not vote in the previous
    election.
  • In 2014, David Cameron declared that Britain would ‘lead the change on women’s equality’.
  • In 2014, Jo Swanson launched the Liberal Democrats’ campaign to push for equal pay and increased childcare provision.
  • In 2010, David Cameron worked to increase the number of female Conservative MPs.
  • In 1997, Tony Blair introduced all-women shortlists to increase the number of women in parliament.
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43
Q

Traditional gender votes

A

Traditionally, women are believed to favour the Conservatives, with Labour only winning a larger share of the female vote under Tony Blair. In 1970, Ted Heath’s Conservatives won a surprise victory over Harold Wilson’s Labour Party. It was believed that the ‘housewives’ had swung the election for Heath. His promise of economic stability, protection for the price of the weekly shop and a stable society were believed to have appealed to mothers with family concerns, from all classes.

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44
Q

Did gender make a difference in the 2015 general election

A

No

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45
Q

On most issues, there is little difference in opinion between men and women. The exceptions to this are:

A
  • foreign intervention (war)
  • nuclear power
  • nuclear weapons
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46
Q

What issues do women prioritise compared to men

A

Women also tend to prioritise health and education, whereas men tend to prioritise foreign affairs and taxation.

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47
Q

Age plays two significant roles in the way UK voters cast their votes:

A
  • Younger voters lean left, while older voters lean right.
  • The older the voter, the more likely they are to vote.
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48
Q

Table 11.5 shows that the percentage of Conservative and UKIP voters increases with age, while the percentage of Labour and Green Party voters drops with age. In theory, this should balance out, but the parties of the left have two disadvantages:

A
  • The younger the voter, the less likely they are to vote.
  • Britain’s ageing population means the elderly population is growing as a percentage of the total population.
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49
Q

Why do Labour do worse than expected

A

This means there are more older people and they are more likely to vote. Social platforms and online polling tend to focus on the young, which distorts the reality of what happens in the polling stations and might explain why the Labour Party often does worse than expected while the Conservative Party quite often does better.

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50
Q

How have parties changed to the significance of ages

A

A substantial increase in university fees will hit
the young, who do not vote, but promising to protect or even increase pensions will please the elderly, who do vote. Pension reforms, the NHS, law and order and limited social reform are areas of particular concern to the elderly and these are the areas the parties tend to focus on in their manifestos and campaigns. Issues about housing for the young, youth unemployment, university fees and reform of drug laws are given far less priority because the people whom these issues appeal to are not likely to vote — a lesson Ed Miliband learned in the 2015 election.

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51
Q

Ethicity

A

As with age, race seems to point to a clear partisan divide in the UK, with white voters leaning more to the right and ethnic minority voters leaning more to the left.

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52
Q

Why do ethnic minorities tend to favour Labour

A
  • The legacy of anti-minority campaigning by the Conservative Party, such
    as Enoch Powell’s ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech (1968), where he criticised the Labour government’s immigration and anti-discrimination legislation, and Norman Tebbit’s ‘Cricket test’ (1990), where he criticised South Asian and Caribbean immigrants for their lack of loyalty to the England cricket team.
  • The concentration of many ethnic minority groups into industrial urban centres, such as London, Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds and Bradford.
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53
Q

What is the ehite population in the UK?

A

82%

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54
Q

Social Capital

A

The theory that politics requires cultural and moral resources to engage the people and make them feel part of society. As such, citizens have certain responsibilities and duties to make society work effectively.

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55
Q

Theory about the decline in voter turnout

A
  • A decline in social capital means that people are less inclined to feel they are part of society.
  • Declining standards in education mean people are less aware of their civic responsibilities.
  • The first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system alienates the electorate because the number of seats won does not accurately reflect the number of votes received by a party.
  • Partisan dealignment means people are less motivated to vote.
  • An increase in ethnic minority citizens, who are less likely to vote, might explain a decline in turnout.
  • Since the resignation of Thatcher in 1990, the Conservative and Labour parties have reached a consensus on several key issues. This post-Thatcher consensus has meant there is less real choice between the main parties.
  • The growth in issues and parties has made elections less clear cut and more difficult to understand.
  • Sleaze and a negative culture spread by the media have turned people away from politics.
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56
Q

Reasons why the theory is not convinving

A
  • There has been a growth in rights culture and media engagement.
  • Citizenship lessons mean citizens are better educated than ever before.
  • An alternative voting system was rejected in a referendum vote in 2011 and turnout is even lower in UK elections which use other voting systems.
  • Party loyalty may have declined but people still engage through pressure groups and campaigns, yet they do not vote in elections.
  • There has been an increase in the number of ethnic minorities in the UK but the increase began as far back as the 1950s and does not explain the scale of the fall in turnout since 1992.
  • The Labour Party moved further left under Gordon Brown and then Ed Miliband, making more of a clear distinction between the two main parties.
  • People tend to cast their vote on the one or two issues that mean the most to them, so the fact that there are more issues is not relevant.
  • Scandals and sleaze have both existed in politics for many years. Turnout was not damaged by the scandal of the Profumo affair in the 1960s and was still at 71.4% in 1997, after 5 years of sleaze reporting.
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57
Q

Are politicians to blame for declining turnout? YES

A
  • They have failed to inspire the public.
  • Scandals and corruption have turned people away from politics.
  • Negative campaigning and adversarial politics have alienated many people
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58
Q

Are politicians to blame for declining turnout? NO

A
  • If the public are not happy with what is on offer, they need to make their voices heard, not stay silent.
  • The media are responsible for undermining respect for politics in the UK.
  • Low turnout reflects social and generational changes that politicians can do little about.
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59
Q

Labour’s voting problem

A

The D and E social classes, young voters and ethnic minorities tend to vote in favour of Labour by substantial margins. However, these groups are the smallest and least likely to vote. Having lost its formerly dominant position in Scotland, as well as hundreds of thousands of votes across England and Wales to UKIP, the party needs to find a way to increase support from other groups without losing the support it currently holds.

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60
Q

three key theories which explain how individuals make their electoral choices:

A
  • rational choice theory
  • issue voting
  • economic or valence issues
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61
Q

Rational choice theory

A

Rational choice theory assumes that voters will make a rational, or logical, judgement based on what is in their own best interests. In an ideal version, voters will be fully informed about the various options and will choose the option that is best for them. By aggregating these views, the winning verdict will reflect what is best for society as a whole. The assumption here is that a voter will conduct a cost/benefit analysis of all options and make their choice accordingly.

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62
Q

Issue voting

A

Where issue voting takes place, voters place one issue above all others and cast their vote based on that issue. They judge a party or candidate by their position on the issue and choose the one that most closely reflects their own opinion. This can mean they vote for a candidate whose other policies would be to their detriment.

63
Q

Economic or valence issues

A

A valence issue is one where voters share a common preference (i.e. the desire for the country to be economically prosperous). In this theory, everyone wants a prosperous and successful economy, so no one will vote against a candidate who promises to improve the economy. Instead, they cast their vote based on who they believe is best placed to deliver a strong and successful economy. This idea is known as governing competency. Politicians will be rewarded if they deliver a strong economy but will be punished at the polls if the economy fails.

64
Q

Governing competency

A

The perceived ability of the government, or opposition, to manage the affairs of the country well.

65
Q

Factors affecting individual voting

A
  • Policies
  • Key issues
  • Performance in offcie
  • Leadership
  • Image
  • Tactical voting
66
Q

What has the rise of partisan dealignment done to voters ?

A

Voters think more individually about their votes

67
Q

Policies

A

Voters consider the policies presented in the party manifestos and make a decision based on which set of policies suits them best. This is rational choice theory in action.

68
Q

Key issues

A

Party campaigns increasingly focus on a clear message about one issue they think will win them the election because voters increasingly cast their vote based on the issue that is most important to them.

69
Q

Performance in office

A

Using the economic and valence issues theory, voters tend to simplify the election into a referendum on the current government. If the economy does well, the government is rewarded with another term; if the economy does badly, the government is removed and the opposition is given a chance to govern.

70
Q

Leadership

A

The role of the leader has become increasingly important since Harold Wilson’s time in office, and voters often take the view that they are selecting a prime minister rather than voting for a party or an MP. As a result, leaders must convince voters that they can be trusted to deliver and are capable of running the country, and they must deliver all this through a likable and engaging media presence.

71
Q

Image

A

Beyond the leadership issues, voters will make their choice based on their perception of the party’s image, which is connected to issue voting.

72
Q

Tactical voting

A

Due to the nature of the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system, many voters use tactical voting to determine their choice. If their preferred candidate is unlikely to win the seat, the voter will vote for their next favoured candidate if they think they have more chance of success. This is often done to try to prevent the candidate of the least favoured party from winning the seat.

73
Q

The role of the party leader is to..

A
  • inspire the party activists
  • appear prime ministerial
  • have a positive media presence
  • appear strong in leading the party and, if elected, the nation
74
Q

Focus on the image of the party leader

A

It was less pronounced back in 1945, when Winston Churchill is reported to have described Clement Attlee as ‘a modest man, [with] so much to be modest about’ while Margaret Thatcher described him as ‘all substance and no show’. Yet, Attlee and Labour won a landslide majority against the more charismatic, and seemingly popular, Churchill. It would seem to suggest that rational choice theory played a role in that election, with voters choosing the manifesto that would provide them with the best quality of life in the postwar world. Since then, the role of the party leader seems to have become far more important in terms of general elections.

75
Q

Spatial leadership

A

A style of leadership where the prime minister relies on his or her own inner circle of advisers, rather than cabinet.

76
Q

With the rise of spatial leadership in the UK…

A

Voters increasingly make their choice based on party leadership and who would be best placed
to be prime minister. As a result, the personality and image of the party leader can play a significant role in determining voting behaviour.

77
Q

The Sean Bean/Mr Bean divide

A

In a 2014 ComRes poll, respondents were asked who would play Nigel Farage in a film. The most popular result was Rowan Atkinson in his Mr Bean persona, with Sean Bean coming in at a mere 8%. However, when the respondents were broken down by party, UKIP voters put Sean Bean top, with Daniel Craig a popular second or third choice. This effectively demonstrates partisan perceptions of party leaders. For non-UKIP supporters, Farage is seen as the buffoonish, selfish and comedic Mr Bean. For UKIP supporters, he is seen as a rugged and heroic English icon, taking on the forces of evil.

78
Q

Are party leaders the main reason for a party’s electoral fortunes? NO

A
  • People vote for their local MP, not for the prime minister.
  • Other factors, such as major events that have affected public opinion (e.g. the Iraq War or the 2008 financial crash), are far more important.
  • Core supporters will remain loyal despite the leadership.
79
Q

Are party leaders the main reason for a party’s electoral fortunes? YES

A
  • A strong leader will inspire confidence from floating voters.
  • A strong performance will motivate the core voters and enthuse activists.
  • A leader can maintain party discipline to ensure a unified party during an election campaign.
80
Q

Background 1979 general election

A

After a narrow victory under Harold Wilson in October 1974, Labour had seen its majority disappear and its leader replaced by James Callaghan. By 1979, a vote of no confidence triggered an early election.
There were a number of other key issues at the time:
- How would the economic decline of the UK affect the vote?
- What impact would growing trade union strife have on the result?
- Would the New Right policies of the Conservatives alienate voters?
- Would the public vote for a party with a female leader?
- How would the Liberals fare after the Lib–Lab pact, agreed in 1977?
- Would the Labour Party be damaged by its extreme left component?

81
Q

1979 General election Key policies

A

The Labour Party focused on its ability to deal with the trade unions and the experience of its leader, James Callaghan. It adopted a moderate financial course and kept the left silent.
The Conservative Party focused on ‘Labour isn’t working’ and insisted that Britain could be better. It proposed the right to buy scheme in housing and promised tax cuts.

82
Q

1979 General election the campaign

A
  • Following polls that showed the public did not like an adversarial model of politics, the leaders of the two main parties avoided making attacks on each other. Callaghan referred to Thatcher simply as ‘the leader of the Conservative Party’ and the Conservatives toned down the insult-laden style of their broadcasts following criticism of the first one.
  • Despite this, the campaign was more presidential than ever, with
    most broadcast media focused on the personalities and attitudes of the two main leaders. This raised the question of the ‘Thatcher factor’ — whether her gender and personality would cause voter resentment under prolonged exposure.
  • The Thatcher factor did seem to be significant, as regular comparisons of the two leaders seemed to show potential voters were put off from voting for the Conservatives and the party lost some of its lead in the polls over the course of the campaign. When compared to Callaghan, Thatcher was considered to be:
  • less experienced
  • less in touch with ordinary people
  • more extreme
  • more condescending
83
Q

Media 1979 generl election

A
  • Press conferences were timed to provide stories for the midday news.
  • Afternoon walkabouts by leaders were designed to coincide with the early evening news.
  • Major speeches were timed to catch the evening news.
84
Q

1979 General Election impact

A
  • The campaign was dull and uninspiring. The fight for the middle ground offered little effective choice and the 1983 election saw both parties, Labour much more so, move further to their extreme wings.
  • The Conservative policies of right to buy and tax cuts were certainly popular ones and may have helped win over the C2 class vote. However, most voters appear not have favoured tax cuts at the expense of cuts to public spending. Policies were generally second to the mood for change following the ‘Winter of Discontent’, a period of widespread strike action during 1978–79.
  • Opinion polls may have played a role in the eventual outcome of the election — the closing gap between the two parties encouraged Labour supporters while the Conservatives became increasingly concerned about their policies. The closing gap may also have helped boost turnout for the Conservatives.
  • By focusing so heavily on the two major party leaders, 1979 set the trend by which future general elections would be judged as presidential- style contests rather than a choice between parties. The orchestration of the media and the focus on media image set the standard for future elections.
85
Q

How did people vote? geography 1979

A

All areas swung towards the Conservatives, but the swing was much more pronounced in southern Britain.

86
Q

How did people vote? class 1979

A

The Conservatives remained dominant with the AB and C1 voters. Labour won the C2 and DE vote but the Conservatives gained swings of 11% and 9% with these groups.

87
Q

How did people vote? gender 1979

A

Men were evenly split between the two main parties. Women showed a slight preference for the Conservatives.

88
Q

How did people vote? age 1979

A

Labour won the 18–24 age group.
The Conservatives won across all other groups.
Labour’s support declined most among voters aged 35–54.
The majority of Liberal support came from the 35–54 age group.

89
Q

How did people vote? race 1979

A

Lack of data for black and minority ethnic (BME) voting in 1979 (under 5% of the population and not considered by parties or polling organisations).

90
Q

1997 general election background

A

After a surprise victory in 1992, John Major’s Conservative Party became intensely divided by the issue of the European Union. The Labour Party had seen leader Neil Kinnock replaced by John Smith in 1992. Smith died in office in 1994 and was replaced by Tony Blair, as Labour shifted to the right.
There were a number of other key issues at the time:
- How would the economic crisis and being ejected from the European Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) affect the economic reputation of the Conservatives?
- Would Blair’s ‘Third Way’ appeal to enough moderate voters while still enthusing the traditional left?
- What impact would the legacy of sleaze have on the election?
- Would the Liberal Democrats make a breakthrough to become a major party?
- How might tensions over Europe affect Conservative voters?

91
Q

Key policies

A
  • Leading Conservatives wanted to focus on economic recovery, but internal divisions and the presence of the Referendum Party meant the issue of Europe dominated the Conservative campaign, leaving Labour free to present its ‘Third Way’ economic policy.
  • Labour focused on reassurances about the economy and five specific pledges: to cut class sizes, to introduce a fast-track punishment system for young offenders, to cut NHS waiting lists, to get 250,000 unemployed under 25-year-olds into work, and to cut VAT on heating and not raise income tax.
  • The Liberal Democrats focused on democratic reforms to create greater equality.
92
Q

1997 general election the campaign

A

The 1997 campaign was to be a 6-week ordeal, longer than the 31-day average of campaigns since 1959. John Major hoped this would put pressure on Tony Blair and expose divisions within the Labour Party.
The campaigns of the two major parties focused on the leaders, touring marginal seats on campaign buses and planes. The manifestos reflected the themes of the parties:
- Conservatives ‘You can only be sure with the Conservatives’
- Labour ‘Because Britain deserves better’
- Liberal Democrats ‘Make the difference’
Labour ran a strict, disciplined campaign from Millbank Media Centre, run by Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Peter Mandelson, Alistair Campbell and Philip Gould. The Conservatives highlighted the dangers of Blair and the Labour Party restoring power and influence to the trade unions and Blair not being trustworthy.
Sleaze, referring to the record of sex scandals and financial corruption among Conservative MPs, became a dominant issue in the campaign.
The issues of devolution and the Northern Ireland peace process also played a minor role in the campaign, with Labour promising to promote decentralisation and make the UK more democratic, while
the Conservatives warned that these reforms, particularly devolution, would be a disaster for the UK. With 3 days to go in the campaign, they announced they had ’72 hours to save the Union’.

93
Q

1997 general election the impact

A
  • The 1997 election marked a turning point in British elections and in British politics as a whole. After years of sleaze, a generally negative campaign drew high levels of cynicism towards politicians of all parties.
  • People saw little difference between the main parties on policies, leading to a rise in disillusion and apathy. A drawn-out campaign and opinion polls relentlessly pointing towards a substantial Labour win also engendered a sense of apathy.
    The media focus on sleaze contributed to the rise in apathy, while the disciplined messages meant popular party figures sounded like robots.
  • Ultimately, the election campaign did little to change the result as there is widespread belief that the financial recession of 1992 guaranteed that the Conservatives would not be returned to power. However, 1997 saw an enormous leap in disciplined, media-focused electioneering
    and a rise in US-style partisan claim and counter-claim advertising, which brought a more negative and confrontational style of campaigning to the UK.
94
Q

Disillusion and apathy

A

A process of disengagement with politics, leading to a decline in political activity, particularly in voting.

95
Q

How did people vote? 1997 age

A

The Conservatives remained dominant among the voters aged 65+, but Labour won decisively among all other age groups.

96
Q

How did people vote? 1997 geography

A

Labour gained votes across all regions, bucking the trend towards a Conservative south and Labour north. The Conservatives were wiped out in Scotland and Wales and reduced to 11 in London, becoming a party of the English suburbs and shires.
The Liberal Democrats were evenly spread, but established a stronghold in the southwest.

97
Q

How did people vote? 1997 class

A

Labour gained support across all classes, with the largest gains being in the C1 (+19%) and C2 (+15%) groups.

98
Q

How did people vote? 1997 gender

A

Labour closed the gender gap with men and women equally likely to support them. There were only minimal differences between gender votes for any party.

99
Q

How did people vote? 1997 race

A

Labour beat the Conservatives among white voters, gaining 43% of the white vote, along with 70% of BME votes.
The Conservatives won 32% of the white vote and 18% of BME votes.
The Liberal Democrats received greater support from white voters, with 18% of the white vote and 9% of BME votes.

100
Q

2010 general election background

A

Gordon Brown had inherited the office of prime minister in 2007, but decided against calling a snap election. He may well have won in 2007, but 2008 saw the greatest financial recession since the Great Depression of the 1930s.
There were a number of key issues at the time:
- How damaging would the recession be to the Labour Party?
- Had David Cameron done enough to detoxify the Conservatives?
- What role would the first-ever UK leaders’ debates have in the campaign?
- What role would UKIP and other minor parties play in the election?

101
Q

2010 general election key policies

A
  • The Conservatives focused on saving the NHS and on the need to save the economy through better management and efficiency savings.
  • Labour focused on Gordon Brown’s economic management and action in preventing a worse economic collapse.
  • The Liberal Democrats focused on striking a compromise between the two main parties.
102
Q

2010 general election the campaign

A
  • This general election campaign saw the introduction of the first televised leaders’ debates in the UK. The performance of Nick Clegg in the first debate raised his personal profile and led to genuine three-party reporting across the press, as well as the catchphrase ‘I agree with Nick’, from Gordon Brown. The debates continued the growing presidential-style contest of recent election campaigns.
  • Other traditional aspects of campaigning, including early-morning press conferences, launch initiatives, challenges to other parties, set-piece broadcast interviews and party political broadcasts, were marginalised as the media focus concentrated on the leaders and the debates.
103
Q

2010 - media campaign

A
  • The financial crisis meant there was little any party could do in terms of eye-catching policies, as all acknowledged cuts would need to be made and there was little money to spend.
    Media support swung decisively behind the Conservatives, with only the Mirror and Sunday Mirror backing Labour.
  • The Conservatives benefited from greater financial resources, spending more than four times as much as Labour during the campaign. Labour had to cut its spending by two-thirds from 2005, so was less able to carry out polling and advertising. Instead, it relied on a larger number of committed activists and a grassroots campaign.
  • The campaign saw the first major use of the internet, with online reactions to debates, a clear web presence, online fundraising and independent viral campaigns. Social media played a clear role in the campaign, though not necessarily a decisive one. It made it more difficult for the parties to control the message being delivered and reported.
104
Q

Were the televised leaders’ debates important in the 2010 election campaign? YES

A
  • They raised the profile of Nick Clegg.
  • David Cameron lost vital support.
  • They became the main ‘event’ of the
    election campaign and concentrated media attention.
105
Q

Were the televised leaders’ debates important in the 2010 election campaign? NO

A
  • Shifts in the polls were marginal after the debates.
  • They do not appear to have altered the result of the election.
  • The second and third debates made little impact and few headlines.
106
Q

Impact of 2010 general election

A
  • The prominence of the television debates during the campaign meant it would be difficult to avoid holding them in the future.
  • Unlike in previous elections, the campaign played an important role in the eventual outcome. Liberal Democrat support rose by 3–4% while Conservative support fell by 2–3%. This was enough to prevent the Conservatives from gaining a clear majority.
  • Nick Clegg’s increased media presence meant he was seen as a credible deputy prime minister and that the Liberal Democrats were a viable party of government, leading to acceptance of the UK’s first peacetime coalition in 70 years.
107
Q

How did people vote? Geography 2010

A

Labour gained votes in Scotland, but lost them across England and Wales.
The Conservatives gained votes in southern England, mainly those lost in 1997.

108
Q

How did people vote? class 2010

A

The Conservatives saw strong swings from the C1 and C2 class categories. Labour gained a 10% swing from the DE category.

109
Q

How did people vote? gender 2010

A

Men showed a slight preference for the Conservatives. Women tended to favour Labour and the Liberal Democrats.

110
Q

How did people vote? age 2010

A

Labour narrowly won the 18–24 age group, though support was evenly divided across all three parties. The Conservatives won all other age groups, most decisively with voters aged 65+.

111
Q

How did people vote? race 2010

A

The Conservatives mostly won among white voters, with 38% of the white vote and 16% of the BME vote. Labour was heavily supported by BME voters, with 68% of the BME vote, but only 28% of the white vote. The Liberal Democrats were the most equal party, with 24% of white votes and 20% of BME votes.

112
Q

2015 general election background

A

After 5 years of coalition and austerity, a generally unpopular government was coming to an end, with a number of issues up for consideration:
- Had the economy recovered enough to help the Conservatives win?
- Had Ed Miliband done enough to convince the UK that he and Labour could be trusted with power and the economy?
- How would the public react to the Liberal Democrat decision to join the coalition?
- How would the Scottish independence referendum affect the vote in
Scotland?
- What role would an inspired UKIP play?
- Would there be another hung parliament and what might a new coalition look like?

113
Q

2015 general election key policies

A
  • The Conservatives pledged to continue with austerity, ring-fence NHS spending, maintain pension provision and hold an in/out referendum on membership of the EU by the end of 2017.
  • Labour focused on ‘saving’ the NHS, reducing university tuition fees, freezing energy bills and reducing pension provision.
  • The Liberal Democrats tried to emphasise the work they had done in government and promoting social equality.
  • The SNP focused on ending austerity in Scotland and ensuring Scottish concerns would be addressed in Westminster.
  • UKIP focused mainly on the immigration crisis in Calais, linking it to the issue of the EU. They promised an immediate in/out referendum on membership of the EU, as well as tougher immigration controls.
  • The Greens focused on the provision of environmentally sound and affordable housing.
114
Q

2015 general election the campaign

A

The Conservatives focused on the choice between Ed Miliband and David Cameron, with Cameron declaring ‘I know what this role needs — and frankly, I don’t think Ed Miliband has it.’
The Labour campaign focused on the NHS from the start, but specifically on introducing a profit cap on NHS contracts as a means to end privatisation, rather than on waiting times or quality of care. This made the issue less relevant to voters.
The polls seemed to indicate a very close contest and a likely hung parliament. All parties used these data to inform their strategies:
- The Conservatives urged UKIP and Liberal Democrat voters to vote for them tactically to avoid a Labour/SNP coalition.
- Labour urged Scottish and Liberal Democrat voters to support them to keep the Conservatives out of office.
- The Liberal Democrats fought a strategy based on being the party of coalition that could give heart to the Conservatives or a head to Labour.
- UKIP also played on the belief that they could form a coalition with the Conservatives in order to ensure an in/out referendum and that a vote for them would not be wasted.

115
Q

Televised leaders debate 2015

A

Incumbent leaders and opinion poll frontrunners tend to lose out in leadership debates. David Cameron wanted to avoid giving Ed Miliband a clear opportunity to target him and make himself appear more presidential. Labour were keen for a two-way debate, while all the other leaders argued that they deserved to have a stand on the podium. With no legal obligation to have a debate and the Electoral Commission overseeing proceedings, David Cameron would only agree to a seven-way debate that included the Greens. While the eventual series of debates did expose Cameron to attacks from the smaller parties, it also made it difficult for Miliband to focus on Cameron, as he also had to defend himself from attacks, particularly from the SNP.

116
Q

2015 general election impact

A

The political and geographic divisions of the UK were made clear, with Scotland being very different from the rest of the UK, the Conservatives dominant in rural and suburban England, and Labour winning in urban areas.
With a clear majority, the Conservatives could rule independently.
Ed Miliband resigned the Labour leadership, resulting in the election of Jeremy Corbyn.
The Liberal Democrats were reduced to a fringe party. Nick Clegg resigned as leader and was replaced by Tim Farron. The SNP replaced the Liberal Democrats as the official third party in Westminster.
Tensions emerged in the Green Party, with Natalie Bennett eventually standing down, to be replaced by the joint leadership team of Caroline Lucas and Jonathan Bartley.

117
Q

How did people vote? Geography 2015

A

Labour were wiped out in Scotland, which was dominated by the SNP.
Liberal Democrat support collapsed across the whole of the UK.
Conservative gains came in rural areas and the southwest.
Labour lost voter share in northern towns and the southeast to UKIP, but increased support in London and in major northern cities.
UKIP were predominantly an English party and their support was evenly spread across England.

118
Q

How did people vote? Class 2015

A

The Conservatives increased support from the AB class.
Labour remained strongest with the DE class but this group saw an 18% swing to UKIP. Labour lost C1 votes to the Conservatives.
Labour and the Conservatives lost C2 votes to UKIP.

119
Q

How did people vote? Gender 2015

A

Men and women showed an equal preference for the Conservatives.
The gap between the Conservatives and Labour was larger, with a slightly higher percentage of women favouring Labour over the Conservatives.

120
Q

How did people vote? Age 2015

A

The Conservatives remained dominant with the over 60s, winning 45% of the vote.
Labour won with the 18–29 age group, but support declined across the age groups — the older the group, the less likely to support Labour.
In the 40–49 age group, the vote for Labour and the Conservatives was evenly split.

121
Q

How did people vote? Race 2015

A

Conservatives won 39% of the white vote and 23% of BME votes.
Labour won 65% of BME votes, particularly among Muslim voters, and 28% of white voters. The Greens had the most equal support, gaining 4% of white votes and 3% of BME votes. UKIP was the least diverse, with 14% of the white vote, but only 2% of the BME vote.

122
Q

Print media

A
  • Broadsheet media
  • Tabloid media
  • Magazines
123
Q

Broadsheet media

A

Usually seen as ‘highbrow’, these deal with weighty political debates and present information in a measured, if partisan, way.

124
Q

Tabloid media

A

These are populist newspapers which focus more on sensation and entertainment.

125
Q

Magazines

A

These can provide an important check and help to inform high-level debates as political and satirical magazines produce detailed reports on political activity and scrutinise the work of politicians.

126
Q

TV media

A
  • News broadcasts
  • Party political broadcasts
  • News channels
  • Political programming
127
Q

Online media

A
  • Opinion polls
  • Blogs
  • Twitter
  • Campaigning
  • Websites
128
Q

Radio media

A
  • News headlines
  • Commercial radio
  • BBC radio
129
Q

News headlines

A

Every radio station has to give regular news broadcasts, usually on the hour. These are basic, informative headlines that present information without analysis or bias.

130
Q

Commercial radio

A

There are a number of talk radio stations designed to engage in political discussion and debate.

131
Q

BBC radio

A

This has many platforms for political discussion, with a number of flagship political programmes which interview and challenge politicians and public perceptions, as well as phone-in shows to encourage political debate.

132
Q

News broadcasts

A

All terrestrial channels are obliged to have regular and impartial news broadcasts, which occur at set times and for a set duration.

133
Q

Party political broadcasts

A

These are 5-minute broadcasts that occur at set times, usually after a news broadcast, across the channels. There are regulations to ensure that all parties are given a fair and equal chance to influence public opinion.

134
Q

News channels

A

These provide 24-hour news coverage which can drive political events by raising public awareness and ‘hyping’ events to make them appear more serious than they are.

135
Q

Political programming

A

This involves extended interviews and discussion of political issues, allowing the public to engage and sometimes participate.

136
Q

Opinon polls

A

Online polls are conducted online with greater frequency and they are cheaper to run than traditional polls.

137
Q

Blogs

A

These provide sources of information and a forum for discussion about political issues.

138
Q

Twitter

A

The platform can provide an informal poll to assess the popularity of an issue or the performance of politicians. It can also provide a forum for political debate.

139
Q

Campaigning

A

Parties will use viral videos, social media and other tools to test ideas and messages before committing to traditional media. They might also use it as a source of unregulated campaigning.

140
Q

Websites

A

Parties and politicians have their own websites which provide a means to find out about policies, raise issues and donate to the party.

141
Q

Opinon polls definition

A

A survey of public opinion from a sample
of the population at a given moment. They are often used to determine the expected results of an election.

142
Q

Role of opinon polls

A

The role of opinion polls has increased considerably since the 1970s. Parties, think-tanks, interested individuals and the media all commission a variety of opinion polls to try to work out how the respective parties are faring. These polls are often used to test key policies, leadership performance and the success of a campaign. Opinion polls are also used by the media as a starting point for political discussion and reporting.
When they are done well, polls can be a useful tool to help parties tailor their policies and messages to target key demographics and ensure they appeal to voters’ concerns. When they are done badly, polls can misrepresent public opinion and affect the way in which people vote.

143
Q

The role of the polls in the 2015 general election

A
  • In 2015, opinion polls tended to show Labour and the Conservatives in a tight race. This drove media speculation about the possibility of a Miliband government and greater scrutiny of Labour as a possible party of government, rather than focusing on the track record of the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government. The polls also suggested a hung parliament, with speculation that a Miliband government might form a coalition with the SNP or that a Conservative government might form a coalition with UKIP.
  • The polls certainly got the predictions wrong, overestimating the Labour vote and underestimating the Conservative vote. This was thought to be due to a reliance on online polling, which tends to be done by younger voters, who favour Labour, at the expense of traditional polling, which would have been more representative of the population.
144
Q

The role of the media traditionally

A
  • report accurately on political events
  • provide a commentary on political events and policies
  • act as a check and scrutinise the government of the day
  • investigate controversies and bring them to public attention
  • educate the public on major issues and explain the potential impact of the various options available
  • provide a forum for public debate and discussion, and act as a bridge between the electorate and the elected
145
Q

Critiscms of the changes in the role of the media

A
  • The press and online sources have become overly partisan and mock and ridicule rather than providing informed debate.
  • They have created a national mood of cynicism towards politics and politicians by their focus on scandal and corruption.
  • The focus on leaders and personalities has turned politicians into celebrities, instead of focusing on their roles as public servants with a job to do.
  • The media have made entertainment out of politics.
  • The focus on crises rather than concerns has led to sensationalism and helped create a negative public view of the world.
  • The relentless pressure of 24-hour news means the media create stories and issues, and give minor issues more prominence than they
    warrant.
  • The rise of online media platforms has led to to partisan and uninformed debate being presented as fact, causing the parties and the mainstream media to lose control of the agenda. This has resulted in a more partisan, opinion-orientated and susceptible electorate who are more superficially aware, but less engaged in the issues.
146
Q

What role have the media played between
elections?

A
  • War reporting
  • Sleaze
  • Bliar
  • Expenses
  • The EU
  • Satire
147
Q

War reporting

A

The jingoistic and patriotic reporting of the Falklands War helped create the impression of Thatcher as the ‘Iron Lady’ and helped swing public opinion towards her.

148
Q

Sleaze

A

During the 1992 parliament, the media reported on a number of sex and corruption scandals that afflicted the Conservative Party. This led to the party being associated with the term ‘sleaze’ and fed an impression of the Conservatives as ‘the nasty party’ and one that had abused its time in power. This helped swing public opinion toward the anti-sleaze Tony Blair and his 1997 campaign that ‘things can only get better’.

149
Q

Bliar

A

The BBC reporting and resulting press coverage about a ‘dodgy dossier’ and ‘sexing up’ the case for war in Iraq became a political scandal and resulted in the death of weapons inspector David Kelly. Although the Hutton Inquiry exonerated the government, it fed the impression of Blair as a liar and a ‘poodle’ of President Bush, fundamentally damaging his reputation.

150
Q

Expenses

A

In 2009, the Daily Telegraph used a freedom of information request to obtain the records of MPs’ expenses. The newspaper then revealed details of wrongful claims and outright abuses by MPs and peers, including a £1,645 claim for a duck house in a garden. This created a mood of cynicism and distrust in politics and all politicians.

151
Q

The EU

A

The EU usually ranks fairly low down their list of priorities whenever voters have been surveyed. However, press reporting (usually against the EU) has made the issue more prominent with politicians than it needed to be. Furthermore, the press successfully began to link the issue of the EU to immigration, an issue that did rank highly with many voters. UKIP adopted this strategy and it explains why pressure to hold an in/out referendum mounted under media pressure.

152
Q

Satire

A
  • Perhaps more than anything, the rise in political satire since the 1960s has coincided with a decline in the reputation of politicians. Programmes like That Was The Week That Was began openly mocking politicians and stage shows like Beyond the Fringe presented mocking impressions of prime minister Harold Macmillan. This began to undermine the prestige with which politicians were regarded.
  • Into the twenty-first century, shows like Have I Got News For You, Mock the Week and The Thick of It have continued to parody politics and politicians, at their best providing scrutiny and checks on politicians, at their worst feeding a mood of cynicism towards politics. Politicians themselves have tried to engage with these developing media formats, with many politicians appearing on shows like Have I Got News for You in order to raise their public profile and engage with the electorate.
  • Other politicians have tried to use the appeal of social media in the same way, with Ed Miliband being interviewed by Russell Brand on his YouTube channel ‘The Trews’. While this may have raised Miliband’s profile with younger voters and those who follow Brand, it caused some loss of credibility and was mocked on more traditional media programmes. With the young being less likely to turn out to vote, social media has so far only provided limited success for politicians hoping to increase electoral support.
153
Q

UK/US comparisons

A
  • US politics is broken down into similar groups of class, race and gender, with those from poorer backgrounds, racial minorities and women tending to favour the Democrats in recent years, while poorer, white and male voters tend to vote Republican. Geography is a more prominent factor, owing to the federal nature of elections, the existence of the Electoral College and the fact that regions tend to be more homogeneous within themselves and distinct from other areas.
  • The US president has always been elected separately to Congress, so considerations of presidentialism have existed for many years. The fact that the president is elected separately means voters have the option to ‘split their ticket’, i.e. vote for one party for the president and another for the legislature.
  • The USA has a formal electoral cycle over a2 -year period, which means people are always campaigning, and this is exploited by the media. There are few national newspapers and most news is local in focus, with party conventions and presidential debates being exceptional as genuinely national political events. Politicians are also free to purchase political advertising, leading to rising costs in electoral cycles.
  • Opinion polls are used extensively in the USA to test policies and to move public opinion. Their use and sophistication is far beyond that in the UK and politicians will coordinate events and announcements in order to gain a ‘bounce’ in the polls.