Accountability Flashcards

1
Q

Define Vertical accountability

A

the role of voters in holding public officials accountable via elections

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2
Q

Define Horizontal accountability

A

the role of public institutions in holding public officials accountable e.g. court systems which can overrule corrupt decisions

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3
Q

Define Social accountability

A

communities and civic groups can act as a intermediary of voters and solve collective issues

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4
Q

Explain the principle agent model of vertical accountability

A
  • A politician (agents) would like to be able to make credible promises to voters (principles) in exchange for votes
  • Problem with this contract is that it is not credible, as once voted for candidates don’t have to fulfil promises
  • These electoral “contracts” are not credible for two reasons
     Misaligned incentives – Politicians and voters have different preferences
     Incomplete Information – The Politicians performance was not fully known
  • These reasons lead to the outcomes which differs from those of the voters (agency slack) which results in a commitment problem
  • This reverse equilibrium leads to voters now having no incentive to believe promises and politicians have no incentive to keep promises
  • So voters never re-elect politicians and politicians steal as much as they can
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5
Q

Outline 2 ways in which we can address agency shock

A
  • Selection process – finding politicians with aligned incentive
  • Sanctioning – voting for politicians that keep their promises
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6
Q

How does strong and weak selection mechanisms impact voters and politicians behaviour

A
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7
Q

What did Ferraz & Finan (2008, 2011) find out about the effectiveness of sanctioning measures in dealing with agency shift. READING

A
  • All municipalities of Brazil are audited and are done so randomly
  • Searching if expenditure is accurate, a reasonable measure of corruption
  • Looked at how these audits impacted how people vote for corrupt politicians or not
  • Corrupt mayors are no less likely to be re-elected than non-corrupt mayors
  • Which shows that the misaligned incentives and information’s are a problem as people are unaware that their politicians are corrupt
  • Very corrupt mayors are more likely to not get re-elected if they had the pre-election audits
  • A politician who is term limited does not seem to care about them being corrupt as not a lot can happen to them
  • However the sanctioning measures do seem to work for first term mayors who are on average less corrupt than second term mayors
  • Sanctioning measures shift corruption and selection measures also work as when transparency increase less likely to get corrupt politicians elected
  • Politicians tend to spend the most money right before an election, this is a logic of low information
  • As the politicians want everyone to know that you have done something
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8
Q

Explain how Klasnja (2005) supports the idea of an incumbency disadvantage

A
  • Mayors salary in Romania is dependent on the population of the towns
  • So those who have a higher salary are less likely to commit corruption as they do not need to the extra money
  • However there is a visible incumbent disadvantage for the mayors who don’t earn that much, as they are more likley to be corrupt in order to earn more but this would come at a cost of not being re-elected
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9
Q

What explains strong and weak accountability mechanisms?

A
  • Information Problems: when voters are poorly informed about politicians behaviour or qualification, sanctioning and selection mechanisms become weaker
  • Open and competitive elections; when politicians can limit competition or voting, both sanctioning and selection are ineffective
  • Demographic diversity; If there are strong ethnic and religious lines within voting with party and identity being closely aligned people find it difficult to vote
  • Credibility; When politicians have a reputation for credible promises sanctioning measures are the most effective
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10
Q

What did Ofosu (2019) find out about how a competitive election impacts politicians performance

A
  • Found that 20% more of constituency development funds were used in high observation areas
  • Strong evidence that competitive elections are better for policy
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11
Q

What did Feyzioglu et al (1998) find about government spending

A

governments receiving foreign aid targeted for education are likely to offset the funds by reducing their own financing of education

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12
Q

What does Keefer & Khemai (2005) find about accountabilty - Information
READING

A
  • Information constraints reduce citizens ability to hold politicians accountable and encourage politicians to cater to special interests
  • Imperfect information about individual politicians’ contributions to social service improvements can distort incentives
    o Because of the poor populations disadvantage in terms of limited mobility, illiteracy and underdeveloped media for mass communication more likely to suffer from a lack of information
  • Politicians get some credit for easy-to-observe buildings and take jobs but little to no credit for the quality of services available
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13
Q

What does Keefer & Khemai (2005) find about accountabilty - Clientilist Governments
READING

A
  • Clientist Governments – in low credibility environments, elections would thus have little meaning and politicians would never authorise narrow targeted expenditures
  • Evidence supports the notion that clientelist governments have a stringer than average preference for targeted infrastructure provides, are more corrupt than average and underprovide education
    o Keefer (2000a) – in young democracies political competitors, especially political parties are less likely to have built up reputations through repeated electoral cycles
    o Therefore, political competitors in young democracies are therefore less likely to be able to make credible promises to all their voters and are more likely to rely on clientelist promises
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14
Q

What does Keefer & Khemai (2005) find about accountability - Decentralisation
READING

A
  • Two types of decentralisations are often seen as responses to inadequate central governments
    o Decentralisation of responsibilities for the provision of local public goods, to locally elected village and municipal governments
    o Greater autonomy of decision-making for service providers, combined with greater participations of citizens through community-based organisations
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