Attempt at a Constitutional Monarchy 1789-91 Flashcards
(33 cards)
1
Q
Debates on the King’s right to veto in the new constitution
A
- There is extensive debate over whether Louis should have a suspensory veto (meaning that he could delay, but not prevent the making of legislation) or an absolute veto
- Henri Gregoire argued that the King shouldn’t be given an absolute veto for the following reasons…
a) If the king had an absolute veto, then ‘the will of the entire Nation would be sacrificed to the will of one man’
b) He also argued that having only a suspensory veto should be in the king’s interest anyways, as his ‘true happiness is inseparable from that of the Nation’ – very well constructed argument which basically forces Louis to accept the decision otherwise he is seen as despotic – could argue that Louis’ downfall wasn’t really caused by his own mistakes because he couldn’t really do anything in this situation (either enforce his absolute power and look despotic, or agree to such political concessions and by doing so encourage the Assembly’s radicalism, making his complete removal from power pretty much still inevitable)
2
Q
Patriotic contribution
A
- Louis summoned more troops to Paris and held a banquet to celebrate the returning of the King’s Flanders regiment in late September, 1789
- The soldier’s toasts and oaths of loyalty to the king, along with reports that they had desecrated the revolutionary tricolore, enraged the public (further evidence that the king wasn’t sincere in his support of the NA).
- Marat’s L’Ami du Peuple reported that drunken officers had stamped on the tricolore cockade and sworn allegiance solely to the royal family.
3
Q
Summarise events of October Days (how many people and date)
A
5th October: 6000-7000 people (mostly women) set out from Paris to Versailles, followed by Lafayette and 20,000 National Guardsmen to ensure Louis wasn’t harmed and order was maintained.
4
Q
Ways in which October Days helped to dismantle Constitutional Monarchy
A
- The king agreed to accept the August Decrees and Declaration of the Right of Man (accepting limited political power)
- Violence of crowd: they took hundreds of weapons and 2 cannons from the Hôtel de Ville. Several bodyguards killed and their heads impaled on spikes. A guard later reported that the mob were shouting that they wished to “tear out [Marie Antionette’s] heart” and “cut of her head”. This demonstrates increasing frustration with the constitutional government and the monarchy, with French citizens no longer perceiving Louis as a divine father figure who would bring salvation.
- Louis is forced to move to Paris, the radical hub of the revolution, essentially as a prisoner of the Tuileries Palace. He is escorted back to Paris on 6th October and taken to the Tuileries palace.
- Two weeks later, the Assembly also move back to Paris, since business was essentially impossible without the king.
5
Q
Ways in which October Days wasn’t problematic
A
- March was triggered by hunger, not a desire for constitutional change. The women were reportedly shouting “when will we have bread?”
- The crowd still had faith in Louis to respond to their demands and bring peace. They were reportedly shouting that they were coming for “le bon papa” King Louis.
- The crowd was happy when Louis agreed to come to Paris (a massive procession of around 60,000 accompanied him outside his carriage). They didn’t want to overthrow the constitutional monarchy, just ‘check’ it.
- The mob was essentially just women from Paris – doesn’t represent attitudes across the whole population and across all of France
6
Q
Early church reforms
A
- Pluralism was abolished (preventing the holding of more than one ecclesial office at a time so as to receive an income in excess of 3000 livres)
- The tithe, the Church tax and the right of the clergy to decide its own taxation in the don gratuit were abolished
- All church property was nationalised on the 2nd of November 1789
- Full citizenship was granted to Protestants in December 1789, and this was extended to some Jews (though only a minority of them) in January 1790.
- From February 1790, the state begun to sell of monastic wealth and property – became the main means by which the economy of the revolutionary state was kept afloat
7
Q
Terms of the Civil Constitution of Clergy
A
- The decree was made on 12th July 1790
- The administrative structure of the Church was redrawn to fit the new divisons of the state; every departament was to have a bishop, replacing the old 135 with 83 bishoprics.
- Clergymen would become salaried state officials
- Bishops and priests were to be elected, giving French citizens control over their spiritual (as well as political) leaders – in line with revolutionary principles
- Formalised the abolishment of pluralism/absenteeism – no bishop could be away from his diocese for more than 15 days
- Made the clergy subservient to the state, with a part of their job requirement meaning supporting the revolution: members of the clergy must ‘support with all his power the constitution decreed by the National Assembly and accepted by the King’
- Undermined the authority of the Pope through asserting that no one can ‘acknowledge’ the ‘authority’ of a bishop or archbishop whose is under ‘supremacy of a foreign power’ – means that the way in which Catholicism is practiced in Italy/Rome under the rule of the Pope has little relevance
8
Q
Oath to the Civil Constitution of Clergy
A
- Following doubts about the Civil Constitution of Clergy, on 27th November 1790 a decree was issued which required all clergy to wear their loyalty to the revolutionary government, vowing to support ‘with all their power the constitution decreed by the National Assembly’
- Unless clerics agreed to swear this oath, they were to deprived of their offices and salaries.
9
Q
Ways in which the CCofC was problematic
A
- Divided the privileged and unprivileged
In the Assembly, only 4.45% of bishops took the oath whereas 33% of the other clergy did. Gave a salary of 12,000 to ordinary priests which was generally an improvement. (wealthy member of clergy don’t support CCofC but poorer members did)
- Polarised France more firmly into pro-revolution and counter-revolution
The ratio of juring to non-juring priests was 55:45% (split the clergy because it sidelined the role of the Pope)
The Pope, in a letter to the French bishops, claimed that accepting the CCofC would lead people into ‘error and schism’.
In November 1790, the Assembly declared that all non-juring priests were ‘counter-revolutionaries’
10
Q
Ways in which the CCofC wasn’t problematic
A
- Aiming to nationalise, not destroy the existence of the Church. The CCofC writes that bishops will still write to the Pope ‘as a testimony to the unity of faith and communion maintained within him’.
- First Estate only represented 0.5% of the French population, so it didn’t significantly affect the majority of the population (though this argument is limited as most were Catholics)
11
Q
In what ways were the political reforms of 1789-1791 revolutionary? (excluding elections)
A
- The King’s absolute power was destroyed, and the constitution was influenced by Montesquieu’s ideas of a separation of powers: there was an elected governing body acting as the legislative, an executive comprised of the King and his royal minsters, and then a separate judiciary.
- The governing body was to have just one chamber, as supposed to do; this was the National Assembly. This was decided back in September 1789.
- The King’s cabinet ministers weren’t allowed to sit in the Assembly (as powers needed to be separated).
- The king was to have a suspensory veto only, meaning that after three consecutive legislatures (4 years), a measure would automatically become law.
- Louis XVI became called ‘King of the French’ as supposed to ‘King of France’ to deconstruct ideas of divine right and emphasise how his power was derived from the people, who held the real sovereignty.
- The King’s private income was cut by almost a half.
12
Q
How was the system of elections revolutionary?
A
- Elections would be held once every two years through an indirect system of electoral colleges. France now held to widest franchise in Europe, with 61% of adult males qualifying to be ‘active’ citizens and thus being eligible to vote in ‘primary elections.’
13
Q
How were the political reforms of 1789-1791 not revolutionary? How did they preserve imbalances in power? (not elections)
A
- The King and his royal ministers formed the executive power, and he retained the right to select and appoint ministers in his cabinet (and could do so based on loyalty to him)
- The King’s suspensory veto still meant that he was able to delay legislation by four years. He could still, therefore, significantly disrupt the process of revolutionary law making (and he does abuse this right by excessively using this right)
14
Q
How was the system of indirect elections not revolutionary? What financial requirements were there?
A
- There were lots of requirements which restricted who could be an ‘active’ citizen: you had to be male, over 25, have lived in one place for a year, and pay direct taxes equivalent to 3 days’ labour. Additionally, ‘active’ citizens didn’t actually hold much power as they could only nominate electors and officials for their local councils (but further requirements were needed for the second stage of elections)
- There were further financial restrictions which limited the number of people who could actually become an ‘elector’ to one in every 100 active citizens. These electors were the one possessing real power, as they met in assemblies and nominated deputies, judges and other officials.
- Additionally, in order to become a deputy oneself, you had to pay direct taxes equivalent to 50 days labour. Only 50,000 Frenchmen out of a 27 million strong total population were eligible for such a position, demonstrating how in practice, the 1791 constitution didn’t give every subject equal rights (as promised in the Declaration of Rights of Man)
15
Q
Describe the administrative reforms of 1789-1791
A
- A resolution carried in November 1789 abolished the old provinces and allowed for the creation of 83 departements of roughly equal size over the next three months. Each of these was to be divided into districts, and each of these into communes which formed the basic unit of local government and represented a single town, parish or community.
- Each department was to have its own elected council of 36 which would, in turn, appoint a directorate of eight to oversee the area’s administration. This system was not only uniform, but also very much in line with revolutionary principles as these ruling councils were elected by ‘active citizens’ in the area and were thus accountable to their communities.
- Additionally, theses councils had no central government representation on them. Decentralisation was a key revolutionary policy.
- These councils were responsible for a number of duties, including tax collection, the construction of roads, and legislative matters.
16
Q
Describe the judiciary reforms of 1789-1791
A
- Justices of the Peace (JPs) were to hear minor cases in each canton (the name for a group of communes). Then you had district courts which were to deal with more severe civil cases.
- Then you have a court in each departament to hear criminal cases. This court would operate with a dual 12-citizen jury system, with one jury for investigation (deciding whether a prosecution should take place) and another for judgement. This dual system links to ideas of the separation of powers and was therefore in line with revolutionary values of the period, furthers by the fact that jurors were to be drawn by lot (i.e., randomly)
- Judges were to be paid salaries and not rely on fees from those whom they served in order to eradicate judiciary bias and corruption.
17
Q
How were the legal rights of citizens changed under the constitutional monarchy?
A
The following legal rights were incredibly enlightened, aiming to offer cheaper and more accessible justice as well as fairer judgement…
* Every accused person was to be brought before a judge within 24 hours
* Accusations, proceedings and judgements were all to be open to the public
* Sentences were to be fair, proportionate, and equal to all, with no further consequences for a convict’s family
* Torture and hanging were abolished, and by 1792 the only legal form of capital punishment was the ‘humane’ method of by guillotine.
18
Q
Describe the changes in fiscal policy
A
- From December 1789, the Assembly begun issuing assignats, which were government bonds initially used to aid the purchase of Church land. Soon they started being used like paper money for ordinary business transactions. This was a less successful policy as the excessive printing of assignats only led to inflation which worsened France’s economic problems.
- In the later months of 1790, an economic restructuring programme was put forward because of the still poor financial situation. It became operational in 1791 and was based upon three key principles of taxation (very similar to Calonne’s proposals):
a) A land tax (contribution fonciere)
b) A poll or property tax (contribution personelle et mobiliere)
c) A limited tax on commercial activity (patente) - Overall, the taxation system was fairer and provided the bases for further reform, despite the fact that it proved difficult to assess these taxes fairly in practice and that for many their tax burden was no lighter, just differently assessed.
19
Q
Describe the changes in economic policy and their limited benefits
A
- Economically, French trade and industry was freed from restrictive controls and boosted by a new entrepreneurial activity…
a) Internal tariffs disappeared: for instance, trade in grain was deregulated in August 1789.
b) All corporate bodies were abolished in 1791
c) The emergence of a new land-owning bourgeoisie helped agriculture - In practice, though, these economic reforms weren’t always beneficial for all sectors of society. Whilst internal tariffs were removed so there were no tolls at the city gates anymore, there was no corresponding drop in the prices of food and other goods as the emerging merchant class in urban centres sought to maximise personal profit through setting high prices. This meant that life for poor rural populations remained very financially difficult. The main consequence of these economic reforms was replacing the class of wealthy, second estate nobility with a new bourgeois class of ‘capitalists’
20
Q
How were the changes in social policy beneficial to citizens?
A
- In theory, and at a very superficial level, there was social equality. For instance, the use of ‘mistress’ and ‘master’ to denote class within a trade disappeared, and everyone became called a ‘citizen’.
- There were new opportunities for social mobility
- There was much more religious toleration, improving the quality of life for Protestants and some Jews
21
Q
How were the changes in social policy not beneficial to citizens?
A
- Carrying a livret on your person became compulsory at all times
- The Le Chapelier law of June 1791 limited freedom of association and forbade workers from conducting strikes or even forming trade unions to protect themselves. So, there was actually limited social equality and protection for the poor.
22
Q
Details of the more moderate societies
A
- The noble faction met at the ‘Salon Francais’. They produced the satirical pamphlet ‘Les Actes des Apotres’ which took up the defence of the monarchy, and, from November 1789 produced three issues a week.
- The Society of Eighty-Nine, founded by Sieyes, wad the meeting place of the supporters of the constitutional monarchy. It met at the Palais-Royal and charged a high entry fee, excluding the poorer classes from its membership, and being made up of wealthy moderates such as Lafayette, Mirabeau and Bailly.
23
Q
How did the Jacobin club originate and what was it initially called?
A
- The club originated in meetings of radical Breton deputies with other of similar views. When the Assembly moved to Paris after the October Days, these deputies and their supporters rented a room from the monks of a Jacobin convent, hence the name by which they became called.
- From January 1790 their official name was ‘Society of the Friends of the Constitution’, as they were initially accepting of the government, supporting the move to taxing landowners more heavily, for instance.
24
Q
How did the political stance of the Jacobin club develop? How did its membership change?
A
- The club initially had quite a high entry free, preventing the poorer sectors of society from being politicised and restricting the reach of the club. However, its membership still ended up expanding quite dramatically (despite initially being comprised only of deputies) and ended up reaching over 1000 by the end of 1790.
- The club began to adopt a more radical stance from 1791 (leading some of its members to break away and form the Feuillant Club in July of that year), supporting a more controlled economy and favouring centralisation as a means of coping with war etc.
- Fees were reduced from October 1791, extending the club’s membership to artisans and shop keepers etc.
25
What was the Feuillant club and when did it form?
* Responding to the radicalisation of the Jacobin club during 1791, some members broke away to form the more moderate Feuillant Club in July of that year. Could be used to show that not everyone was critical of the Constitutional Monarchy, and that many actually became disillusioned with the kind of radical ideas held by the Jacobin Club.
26
What was the Cordeliers Club? What was its membership like?
* The Cordeliers Club was initially called ‘Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man and the Citizen’ (revealing its initially more radical stance than the Jacobin Club).
* The entry fee was minimal and membership open to all, meaning that even women and passive citizens attended sometimes.
* The club was founded by Danton and Desmoulins, and membership included Jean Paul Marat.
27
How vocal was the Cordeliers Club?
* The club’s radical stance may not have been representative of the views of the entire population, but it was particularly vocal which ended up giving such an impression:
a) Desmoulins was the editor of Les Revolutions de France et de Brabant (late 1789 to mid 1791) which was a fairly low-cost nationwide paper which strongly attacked the monarchy
b) Marat was the author of L’ami du Peuple (late 1789 to mid 1793), which was a very popular and influential paper among the working people of Paris.
28
Causes of the king's escape
* He was essentially a ‘prisoner’ in the Tuileries by this point, trapped in Paris – the hub of the revolution – which was becoming increasingly critical of the constitutional monarchy and of him due to the increasing influence of the political clubs.
* The Civil Constitution of Clergy, though he reluctantly accepted it, challenged his deepest convictions
* Louis’ courtier, Mirabeau, had died on 2nd April. He was also a member of the National Assembly, favouring a constitutional monarchy, so had acted as a ‘go-between’. His death meant that Louis was feeling increasingly isolated in an increasingly radical and hostile Paris.
* On 18th April, Louis and his family had planned to spent Easter at their nearby Palace of Saint-Cloud, where they would have taken Mass, given by a refractory (non-juring) priest. However, they were stopped by a mob flanked by radical National Guardsmen (who were acting in defiance of Lafayette). This increased Louis’ impression that he was a prisoner of the revolution rather than a key respected part of it.
29
Events of the Flight to Varennes
* On the night of 20/21 June, Louis leaves with his family to try and escape to Austria. Marie Antoinette had been in correspondence with her brother who promised Austrian troops if Louis could reach Montmedy, where a loyalist army of 10,000 troops was waiting.
* One of Louis’ errors was to reject his advisors’ choice of route (choosing a route which involved passing through quite a lot of small towns instead) as well as his suggestion that the royal family should travel separately. Instead, Louis insisted that the royal family plus Marie-Antoinette’s sister Elizabeth and the children’s nanny etc. all travelled in one large six-horse ‘berline’. This was far less discreet so led to them being spotted.
* Louis was also summoned into a last-minute meeting late at night just when he was planning to get into the coach, which ended up delaying their departure by around one and a half hours. The royal troops waiting at Challons ended up leaving half an hour before the royal family arrived because they were so late, so this delayed departure was significant as it meant the royal family then had to travel without protection.
* Louis ended up being recognised by an old soldier-turned-postmaster called Jean-Baptiste Drouet, who then rode onwards to the next town, Varennes, and was able to stop the coach. Representatives from the National Assembly then arrived to escort the royal family back to Paris. On his return to Paris, according to the Courrier newspaper, the citizens who went onto the streets as the royal family were being escorted back kept their hats on in disgrace, revealing their complete loss of respect for Louis XVI.
30
How was the Flight to Varennes problematic
* Louis is found 13 miles from the Austrian border, during the middle of the night, with him and his family in disguise, using a fake passport. Therefore, Louis’ story, claiming that he was merely assessing the general attitude of the population towards the constitution, is not very plausible at all. Even those who continue to support a constitutional monarchy will doubt his sincerity and competency as a leader.
* Louis also left a statement to a committee of the National Assembly which explained very frankly that the reason for his escape was a complete disillusionment with the actions of the National Assembly and revolutionaries of Paris; he questions whether the ‘anarchy and despotism’ of the political clubs in Paris should really replace monarchical government. This note was not made officially public, but many of the deputies and more educated people of Paris would probably be aware of its existence.
* The increase in anti-monarchist sentiment is evident in the fact that newspapers such as Marat’s L’ami du Peuple were calling for mob action ever since Louis’ attempted flight.
* Louis’ attempted flight arguably caused/catalysed the demonstration on 24th June (3 days after the flight), where 30,000 marched on the National Assembly in response to a petition from the Cordeliers Club demanding a republic (i.e., a complete departure from monarchy). Shows how the criticism is becoming much more pointed and specifically about Louis.
31
How was the Flight to Varennes not that problematic?
* Arguably Louis covered his tracks with the public story of events which he produced, claiming that ‘I had no intention at any time of leaving the kingdom’, and that he was merely checking out the ‘general will’ of the people in areas outside Paris.
* Additionally, Louis largely maintained the support of the National Assembly. On 16th July, for instance, the Assembly voted in favour of temporary suspension until the new constitution was ready and he had sworn to uphold it, which was an extremely moderate punishment given the circumstances.
* Also, 290 deputies abstained from voting to suspend Louis’ powers as they believed the measure was too radical, revealing how support for Louis XVI was still very strong in Assembly which led the revolutionary process.
* Continued loyalty towards the king was evident in the fact that the National Guard forced back the demonstration of 30,000 on 24th June.
32
Events of the Champ de Mars massacre
* The Cordeliers Club and other more extreme societies decided to organise a meeting at Champ de Mars on 17th July, where people could sign a petition calling for the establishment of a republic.
* The crown which emerges on the day is 6000 strong, sparking fears amongst the Assembly which then send Lafayette and the National Guard to ensure order. This had the reverse effect, however, and the crowd started throwing stones at the National Guard.
* When warning shots produced no result, the National Guardsmen then started firing directly at the crowd, causing somewhere around 50 deaths (the exact number isn’t known).
33
Consequences of the Champ de Mars massacre
* The massacre by the National Guardsmen was considered a betrayal of the people by the moderates, and further alienated the sans-culottes from the constitutional government which they no longer believed was protecting their interests.
* The effect of the massacre wasn’t as simple as just increasing anti-monarchist sentiment, however, as it actually ended up polarising society. Some people’s radical views were merely heightened and confirmed, but others decided that they needed to prevent the revolution from getting to extreme and curb the influence of the violent sans-culottes. For instance, more moderate members of the Jacobin Club, including Lafayette, broke off and formed their own Feuillants Club which was much more supportive of the constitutional government.
