Communist Government in the USSR (1917-85) Flashcards

Question

What factors contributed to the increasing criticism of Stalin’s policies by 1932?

Answer 1

By 1932, the Soviet Union was no longer in a state of crisis, which had previously justified the use of terror. Increasing criticism of Stalin's policies was evident by this time. In 1932, Ryutin, a former Party secretary, issued a document criticizing Stalin for building a personal dictatorship and calling for his removal from power. The brutality of collectivisation and peasant resistance, especially in Ukraine and the Caucasus, contributed to this growing discontent. Stalin’s wife, Nadezhda Aliluyeva, had also raised concerns about the policies before her suicide in 1932. Party officials were critical of unrealistic targets under the Five-Year Plans, recognizing that they were impossible to achieve.

Answer 2

The Seventeenth Party Congress of 1934 was supposed to be a "Congress of Victors," celebrating the successes of the First Five-Year Plan. However, moderates within the Party used the Congress to voice criticism of Stalin’s policies. Kirov, the Leningrad Party Secretary, received widespread support for advocating a slower pace of change. He was even greeted with standing ovations that matched those for Stalin. This growing criticism, particularly from Kirov’s supporters, set the stage for the Great Purge of the 1930s. The Congress highlighted the increasing discontent within the Party, which became a catalyst for Stalin’s violent crackdown.

Answer 3

The murder of Kirov on 1 December 1934 became the catalyst for the Great Purge. Kirov was assassinated by Leonid Nikolayev, a Party member with a personal grudge against both the Party and Kirov. Nikolayev felt that the Party had not appreciated his talents, and rumors suggested an affair between Kirov and Nikolayev's wife. Despite this, there were suspicious circumstances surrounding the murder, such as Kirov being without his bodyguard and members of the NKVD training Nikolayev to use a pistol. These circumstances led some to suggest that the murder was carried out on Stalin’s orders. The official explanation was that Kirov was part of an opposition group led by Zinoviev and Kamenev, and arrests followed, with both Zinoviev and Kamenev sentenced to long terms of imprisonment in January 1935. The murder of Kirov triggered mass arrests, purges, and the implementation of Stalin's repressive policies against large sections of the Communist Party.

Answer 4

As the 1930s progressed, Stalin extended the purges to strengthen his control over organizations that posed a threat to the Party's dominance. In 1937-1938, the Red Army underwent extensive purges, with three out of five marshals, 14 out of 16 army commanders, and 35,000 officers either shot or imprisoned. The purge also affected the navy, which lost all of its admirals. The military had criticized the demoralizing impact of collectivization on the peasantry, the bulk of which made up the soldiers. Stalin saw these criticisms as a threat, particularly with the army's growing importance and increased defense resources in the 1930s. As a result, Stalin needed to reduce the power of military leaders and ensure their loyalty.

Answer 5

The purges created more work for the secret police, and to ensure that the NKVD posed no threat to Stalin, the secret police itself underwent purges. In 1936, Yagoda, the head of the NKVD, was replaced by Nikolai Yezhov, known as the "bloody dwarf." Yezhov oversaw the most intense phase of the purges, including purging over 3,000 of his own personnel in the first six months of his leadership. The purges under Yezhov became known as the "Yezhovschina," but this phase ended when Yezhov was dismissed in 1938. His arrest in early 1939 was partly due to Stalin’s need for a scapegoat for the excesses of the purges, which were beginning to wind down.

Answer 6

While higher-level Party members were the primary targets of the purges, local Party branches were also heavily affected. Stalin personally reviewed lists of those to be arrested, sometimes adding names or commenting that more victims were needed. A quota system was used, with each Party branch having its own target for purges. Denunciations of Communist officials were partly driven by a sense of justice, personal hatred, or other motivations. This created tensions within the Party, leading to the purging of large numbers of Party members, and at times Stalin and the leadership struggled to assert their authority over the process.

Answer 7

The purges played a key role in Stalin’s strategy to remove political opponents and anyone he perceived as a threat. In 1940, Stalin’s agents tracked down Trotsky in Mexico, where he was assassinated with an ice pick. Trotsky viewed this as Stalin’s betrayal of the Revolution, as Stalin's rule became a personal dictatorship rather than a dictatorship of the proletariat. However, Stalin argued that the use of terror was necessary to prevent a conservative reaction and to keep the revolutionary spirit alive. The purges were not only about consolidating Stalin’s power but also safeguarding the Communist Party, which needed terror to maintain control over the Soviet state.

Answer 8

The Great Terror of the late 1930s occurred at a time when the Party's position appeared relatively secure, indicating that Stalin was primarily working to secure his personal position rather than the Party’s. Stalin’s use of terror was different from Lenin’s in that it seemed more focused on personal power rather than the Party's survival. However, Stalin’s use of terror did borrow from Lenin’s methods, as many Party members had come to view terror as an acceptable method for dealing with opponents during the civil war. Stalin’s terror was more personal and self-serving, reflecting his desire for control, while Lenin’s terror was more focused on maintaining Party power in the face of external threats.

Answer 9

Stalin's control over the Communist Party grew steadily after Lenin's death, with evidence supporting Trotsky’s accusation that Stalin's rule became a personal dictatorship. In 1924, the Politburo included Bukharin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Tomsky, Trotsky, and Stalin. By the end of 1930, Stalin was the only surviving member from this group, with the others removed during disputes over economic policies. Stalin replaced them with loyal supporters such as Molotov, Voroshilov, Kalinin, and Lazar Kaganovich, ensuring the Politburo supported his policies. The use of terror against previous opponents sent clear messages to the Politburo about the consequences of opposing Stalin’s wishes.

Answer 10

Stalin's growing control led to the failure of political institutions within the Soviet Union, as they became mechanisms for rubber-stamping policies decided by him. Party and State institutions lacked any real power, and Stalin’s control ensured all decisions were in his hands. By the mid-1930s, these institutions, including the Politburo, met less frequently. Initially meeting weekly, the Politburo met only about nine times a year by the mid-1930s. Power shifted to smaller subgroups outside the Politburo, allowing Stalin to exercise more direct control. Stalin's intimidating tactics, including walking around the room while others spoke, ensured complete fear and compliance, with members fearing execution for disagreement.

Answer 11

Stalin’s leadership style was highly intimidating and forceful. He would walk around the room while others spoke during meetings, creating an atmosphere of fear. Party members feared that saying something contrary to Stalin's views would result in their execution, as exemplified by the fate of Pavel Rychagov, the commander of the Soviet Air Force, who was executed for complaining about Soviet aircraft quality. Unlike Lenin, who could be forceful, Stalin’s intimidation tactics were unique and central to his rule, further consolidating his power over the Party.

Answer 12

On paper, the Soviet Constitution of 1936 seemed highly democratic. It granted every citizen the right to vote, a significant change from previous practices where the ‘bourgeois’ classes, like kulaks and priests, were denied the vote. Civil rights such as freedom of the press, religion, and organization were also guaranteed under the Constitution, along with a promise of employment. However, in practice, the Constitution was a fraud. It listed restrictions on citizens' rights, and it was clear that nothing could challenge the dominance of the Communist Party. Only Communist Party candidates could stand in elections, and political parties in the democratic sense were not allowed, as the government claimed that such parties were unnecessary due to the absence of class conflicts in the USSR. The Constitution was also aimed at foreign governments, particularly Britain and France, to present the USSR as having democratic credentials in the fight against Nazi Germany.

Answer 13

The reality of the Great Purge, where many individuals within the Party were arrested, executed, or sent to labor camps, directly contradicted the claims of democracy made by the Constitution. The terror and repression of Stalin's rule made it difficult for foreign observers and citizens alike to believe that the Constitution genuinely reflected democratic practices. Despite the claims of the Constitution, Stalin's regime was characterized by absolute control, lack of political pluralism, and widespread persecution of perceived enemies.

Answer 14

Stalin, despite his authority, could not control every aspect of the Soviet Union. The size of the country and the complexity of issues required Stalin to prioritize and focus on the issues he was most concerned about. Although he may have read extensively, it was impossible for Stalin to keep track of all the material necessary to manage such a vast country. Stalin’s control was therefore not absolute, and he was limited by the demands of managing such a large and complex state.

Answer 15

The Politburo of the 1930s, while largely loyal to Stalin, did not always support his decisions. For example, in 1932, when Stalin wanted to execute Ryutin, who had denounced him, the Politburo opposed the idea, and Ryutin was instead sentenced to a labor camp for ten years. Stalin’s ambitious targets for the Second Five-Year Plan were considered unrealistic by many, including members of the Politburo, and he was forced to revise the plan with lower targets. Kirov, the popular leader of the Leningrad Party and a member of the Politburo, garnered more votes than Stalin in the 1934 elections, which may have signified growing opposition to Stalin’s policies. Some Politburo members, like Ordzhonikidze and Kuibyshev, expressed concerns over Stalin’s brutal tactics. These concerns were often suppressed through intimidation or even death. Ordzhonikidze’s objections to the use of terror were met with Stalin’s arrest and execution of his deputy, and Ordzhonikidze himself died in 1937 under mysterious circumstances, with many believing it was suicide. Over time, Stalin’s control grew stronger, and the Politburo became less resistant to his decisions.

Answer 16

Stalin surrounded himself with loyal supporters, ensuring the Politburo was largely composed of his cronies. These cronies, like Molotov, Voroshilov, and Kaganovich, were expected to carry out Stalin’s wishes. To serve Stalin’s purposes, these members were granted the power to act on his behalf, but this sometimes allowed them to develop their own agendas. For example, Yezhov, the head of the secret police, used his power during the Great Terror, suggesting that even Stalin's closest allies could exercise a degree of autonomy in implementing the purges.

Answer 17

Stalin's policies were not always imposed against the will of Party members. Many Party members pushed for policies to strengthen socialism, particularly rapid industrialization. Stalin was, in some cases, simply following the wishes of Party members, such as in the implementation of the Five-Year Plans. Overenthusiastic Party members sometimes pushed Stalin’s policies further than he intended, especially in collectivization. Stalin was known to criticize such members in 1930 for being "dizzy with success" and overzealous in their implementation of collectivization. At the local level, purges often arose from conflicts between local Party members and regional authorities, with local pressures dictating the scale of purges. Stalin had limited control over these regional dynamics.

Answer 18

Despite the limits on Stalin’s power, it is clear that his control over the government was significant. Key trends from Lenin's era, such as the growth of bureaucracy, the failure of political institutions to develop, and the use of terror, contributed to the consolidation of Stalin's power. While Stalinism may have seemed like an inevitable consequence of Leninism, there were important differences between the two. The most significant difference was the shift from a dictatorship of the proletariat to a personal dictatorship that served Stalin’s interests. Stalin utilized the opportunities provided by Lenin’s structures to strengthen his own position, consolidating power for his personal advantage.

Answer 19

The German invasion in 1941 required effective coordination of military and civilian resources to meet the German threat. Stalin's power during this period was reinforced by the State Defence Committee (GKO) and the Supreme Command (Stauka), which managed wartime administration and military coordination. During the war, Stalin reduced the use of terror, releasing some generals and former Party officials from labor camps to contribute to the war effort. Propaganda, often invoking Russian nationalism, played a key role in mobilizing the Soviet people for the war, further boosting Stalin's image as a unifying figure. Despite initial shock and a temporary breakdown when the Germans invaded in June 1941, Stalin emerged from the war as a hero, with Soviet victory often attributed to his firm leadership.

Answer 20

After the war, Stalin focused on the reconstruction of the Soviet Union, and the Party leadership quickly reasserted its authority, reintroducing terror to reinforce control. Concessions made during the war, such as those granted to the Orthodox Church, were reversed. Stalin celebrated his 70th birthday in 1949, during which there was an outpouring of admiration, reinforcing his cult of personality and façade of immense power. Despite his declining health since the war, Stalin increasingly relied on political maneuvering to divide potential rivals and minimize threats to his power. His political scheming allowed him to neutralize opponents and maintain his position despite weakening health.

Answer 21

After the war, a younger generation of Party leaders began to rise, eclipsing the old guard of Stalin’s associates, such as Molotov and Kaganovich. Among the new generation of Politburo members, the chief rivals were Andrei Zhdanov, Georgy Malenkov, and Lavrenti Beria. Stalin used strategic purges, such as the Mingrelian Affair of 1951, which targeted Beria’s allies, particularly those of Mingrelian nationality, to maintain his control over the Party. At the Party Congress of 1952, Stalin enlarged the Politburo (renamed the Presidium) from 10 to 36 members, bringing in newcomers like Leonid Brezhnev and Nikolai Ignatev, who had no ties to Malenkov or Beria. However, Stalin’s power was waning as he struggled to remove those loyal to his rivals. Some of these rivals were even promoted, highlighting Stalin’s weakening authority.

Answer 22

Evidence suggests Stalin was planning another purge in 1953, shortly before his death. In January 1953, a group of doctors was arrested on accusations of attempting to assassinate the leadership, an event known as the "Doctors' Plot." The “Doctors' Plot” may have been a precursor to a wider campaign of terror against Soviet Jews, but it was more likely an early step towards eliminating Beria and possibly other leadership figures. Some statements from Stalin accused the secret police of failing in its vigilance, which likely concerned Beria, the head of the secret police. Stalin’s death prevented the planned purge from occurring.

Answer 23

Stalin's power had begun to decline after 1945, and he could no longer effectively command his subordinates. By this point, he had to rely on intrigue and terror to maintain his position, indicating a loss of direct control over the Party leadership. Stalin’s weakening health and increasing dependence on political scheming showed that his power was not as absolute as it had been earlier in his rule.

Answer 24

After Stalin's death in 1953, a collective leadership emerged within the Politburo (renamed the Presidium in 1952), with Beria, Malenkov, and Khrushchev as the main players. Initially, Beria appeared to be leading developments, but his control over the secret police made him a threat to his rivals. Beria took immediate steps to reduce terror, including issuing an amnesty that released a million prisoners and denouncing the Doctors' Plot. However, Khrushchev and Malenkov feared Beria’s power and, in June 1953, Beria was arrested, accused of being a British spy, and executed. This act was illegal, but seen as necessary to restore socialist legality. In September 1953, Khrushchev became the First Secretary of the Communist Party, using the position to place his allies in the Presidium and the Central Committee, solidifying his control by 1956.

Answer 25

In 1956, at the Twentieth Party Congress, Khrushchev gave a speech criticizing Stalin, accusing him of creating a cult of personality, acting as a tyrant, using unnecessary terror, and making economic mistakes. Khrushchev’s reforms were aimed at rejuvenating the Soviet system by returning to the legality of Leninism, which became known as de-Stalinisation. Key features of de-Stalinisation included: Resumption of regular meetings of the Presidium and Central Committee. Moves towards decentralisation of decision-making, transferring power from central ministries to regional councils. Party and government officials were no longer imprisoned for failing to meet targets. The secret police were brought under Party control and could no longer be used to advance personal interests. Two million political prisoners were released from camps between 1953 and 1960. Despite these changes, fear remained, with heavy punishments for corruption and potential exile or psychiatric internment for criticism. The secret police also had increasingly sophisticated surveillance methods.

Answer 26

The most contentious aspect of de-Stalinisation was Khrushchev’s decentralisation of decision-making, transferring powers from central ministries to regional councils. This threatened the power of Party leaders and led to the 'Anti-Party Group' opposition in 1957. The opposition, led by Malenkov and Molotov, persuaded the Presidium to request Khrushchev’s resignation. Khrushchev cleverly demanded that the issue be put before the Central Committee, as they had appointed him and could only remove him. With his allies dominating the Central Committee, the move to remove him was rejected. Khrushchev’s handling of the crisis mirrored Stalin’s tactics, but there were significant differences: his rivals were not arrested or executed. Molotov was made ambassador to Mongolia, and Malenkov was put in charge of electricity.

Answer 27

In March 1958, Khrushchev’s power was enhanced when he became both Prime Minister and First Secretary, thus heading both the Party and the government. However, Khrushchev’s power was not absolute like Stalin's. He remained subject to the authority of the Central Committee, and internal debate within the Party was common. While Khrushchev had consolidated his position, he was not the all-powerful dictator Stalin had been.

Answer 28

After surviving the 1957 attempt to remove him, Khrushchev gained confidence and pushed forward with further de-Stalinisation reforms, which were formalized at the Twenty-Second Party Congress in 1961. Key reforms included: The removal of Stalin’s body from Lenin's mausoleum in Red Square. A major purge of local Party secretaries. In 1962, the Party was divided into agricultural and industrial departments, reducing the power of Party officials. A limit of three years for Party officials to serve in a post, which could have made the Party more responsive but also threatened the power and privileges of Party members, leading to resentment.

Answer 29

Khrushchev's growing unpopularity stemmed from several factors: Economic mistakes, such as failures in agricultural policy, most notably a disastrous harvest in 1963. The humiliating back-down during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, which damaged his standing. His erratic and unpredictable behavior, including a famous incident in 1960 when he banged his shoe on a desk during a debate at the United Nations. The Party's bureaucrats, who felt threatened by Khrushchev’s reforms, were particularly uneasy with his changes. In 1964, the Central Committee decided to dismiss Khrushchev from his posts, marking the end of his rule. The fact that Khrushchev could be dismissed and retired was considered a significant achievement of his reforms, as it showed that the Party had become more institutionalized and less dependent on one man's control. Khrushchev himself noted, "Stalin would have had them shot."

Answer 30

After replacing Khrushchev in 1964, Brezhnev initially shared leadership with other members of the Politburo but gradually consolidated his power. Brezhnev was cautious, aware that Khrushchev had been removed for losing the trust of his colleagues, so he avoided making the same mistakes. Potential rivals in the Politburo were sidelined: Nikolai Podgory was given the largely ceremonial role of Head of State. Alexander Shelepin was tasked with foreign affairs. Brezhnev’s affable personality and his skills at placating rivals helped create a sense of unity within the Politburo. His cautious and organisational style allowed him to maintain control without causing significant conflict

Answer 31

Brezhnev reversed many of Khrushchev’s de-Stalinisation reforms, which had upset the Party. Many of Khrushchev's reforms were labelled “hare-brained schemes” and abolished. The Party's membership grew significantly from 6.9 million in 1953 to 17 million by 1980, widening mass participation in politics. Brezhnev ended the era of subjectivism by ensuring decisions were made through consultation with the Party, rather than relying on the leader's personal decisions alone. By 1966, Brezhnev had emerged as first among equals, frequently consulting colleagues and using his position to manage divisions within the Politburo. He retained some potential rivals, such as Kosygin, despite personal animosities.

Answer 32

The Soviet Constitution of 1977 enshrined citizens' right to criticise incompetent and ineffective Party secretaries, but posts were still filled by appointment rather than genuine election. Article 6 of the Constitution asserted the primacy of the Communist Party over the state, stating that this system represented "mature socialism."

Answer 33

Brezhnev’s leadership was marked by a collective approach, with trust in Party cadres. This allowed for long, unbroken tenures for most Party officials, including those at the top. The system's focus on stability ended the more radical elements of de-Stalinisation, though it avoided a full return to Stalin’s terror. The Twenty-Third Party Congress of 1966 was notably quiet, often referred to as "the congress of silences," with minimal discussion and only one change: renaming the presidium to the Politburo and the First Secretary to the General Secretary. Brezhnev’s taste for symbols of power, like medals and luxurious living, did not translate into personal power at the level of Stalin or Khrushchev. He preferred to delegate detail work to others and trusted Party comrades to carry out their duties, resulting in stability but also stagnation, as innovation and progress slowed under his rule.

Answer 34

By 1960, the Party structures that had developed under Stalin were deeply entrenched, making the system resistant to change even when there was a desire to reform. Under Brezhnev, the Party leadership became an oligarchy, with Brezhnev at the top as the most powerful oligarch. Brezhnev promoted many of his old colleagues from his time as Party boss in Ukraine, leading to the development of a "Dnepropetrovsk mafia," a group of Brezhnev's old cronies who held powerful positions. Other powerful figures in the Politburo, like Kosygin (Chairman of the Council of Ministers), Sulov (Party ideology chief), and Shelepin (former head of the KGB), controlled ministries and had their own networks within the Party. The system was a coalition of Politburo oligarchs, united by a common interest in preserving the status quo.

Answer 35

Under Brezhnev, promotions within the Party were typically made from within the ranks of local Party members who had served in junior positions. This system severely limited innovation and change, as it prioritized loyalty and experience over fresh ideas or regional diversity. Before the 1970s, Party promotions usually involved moving to different regions of the Soviet Union to spread new ideas, but under Brezhnev, the process became more insular. The lack of innovation was also compounded by widespread corruption, especially in more remote areas of the USSR, such as the 'cotton affair,' where millions of roubles were claimed for non-existent cotton. Nepotism was also prevalent, with Party officials appointing family members to positions of power.

Answer 36

By the early 1980s, the Soviet Union appeared to be grinding to a halt, mirroring the physical decline of Brezhnev himself. The Soviet leadership became a "gerontocracy," with increasing rule by an elderly group of leaders. Membership of the Central Committee showed this trend: in Stalin's last Party Congress, only 56% of the Central Committee remained in office, while by 1976, 79% of the Central Committee members were retained, many of whom had died by old age. By 1984, seven of the 11 members of the Politburo were over 70 years old, and meetings of the Politburo now lasted less than 40 minutes due to the leadership’s declining vitality.

Answer 37

Brezhnev's final years were marked by a loss of control, symbolized by his inability to manage even his own family. His daughter, Galina, was involved in an affair with Boris "the Gypsy," a man with connections to diamond smuggling, which raised concerns about corruption. The head of the KGB, Yuri Andropov, had a large file on Brezhnev and was becoming increasingly influential. When Brezhnev died in 1982, the Politburo selected Andropov as his successor, seeing his potential for reform.

Answer 38

Andropov, who rose through the Party during Stalin's years, recognized the need for reform, particularly focusing on corruption within the Party. However, his attempts to tackle corruption were hindered by his lack of charm and his declining health. After mid-1983, Andropov relied on a kidney dialysis machine and was unable to carry out his reform plans. Although Andropov was an advocate for reform, his premature death in February 1984 meant that his ideas could not be fully implemented. Despite this, Andropov promoted a younger generation of Party members, including Mikhail Gorbachev, who saw reform as essential.

Answer 39

After Andropov’s death in February 1984, the Politburo, in a desperate attempt to preserve the status quo, elected Konstantin Chernenko as General Secretary. Chernenko was a Brezhnev loyalist, in his mid-70s, and suffering from emphysema when he was elected. Chernenko made no significant changes during his short leadership, as he was too ill to take effective action. Chernenko died in March 1985, leaving the Soviet leadership in a continued state of uncertainty and stagnation.

Communist Government in the USSR (1917-85) Flashcards

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