Stereotypes I: stereotypes as expectancies - research Flashcards
(34 cards)
Selimbegovic et al. (2019)
Stereotype endorsement and gender identification separately interacted with gender to predict expectancies for success in STEM‐related professions.
Higher levels of stereotype endorsement and gender identification fostered stereotype‐consistent expectancies for success in STEM fields - higher for boys than girls
Cadinu et al. (2003)
The goal of this study, was to investigate to role of expectancy as a potential mediator of performance deficits under stereotype threat. In Experiment 1, female students were assigned to one of three experimental conditions in which they were told that women perform worse (Negative information), equally (Control) or better (Positive information) than men in logical-mathematical tests, Later: they were given a difficult math test and asked to estimate their performance prior to taking the test. Consistent with predictions, participants who considered logical-mathematical abilities important and received negative information regarding the ingroup showed lower levels of expectations and a sharp decrease in performance compared to women in the positive and control conditions. Moreover, expectancy, was found to partially, mediate the effect of stereotype threat on performance. In Experiment 2, we tested the generalizability, of these results to non-stigmatized groups. A group of Black Americans living in Italy were provided with favorable or unfavorable information about either their minority, (Blacks) or their majority (Americans) ingroup. Consistent with predictions, participants both in the minority, and in the majority condition had lower expectations and under-performed after negative information about the ingroup. However the level of expectancy was found to mediate the decrease in performance for participants in the Black but not in the American condition. In the discussion of these results it is suggested that, although comparable performance deficits are found for minority and majority, members, the underlying processes may, be different.
Rattan et al. (2017)
evaluations of job candidates can depend on what social group is more salient
more likely to hire woman when race rather than gender is salient
Heilman and Caleo (2018)
Gender inequalities in the workplace persist, and scholars point to gender discrimination as a significant contributor. As organizations attempt to address this problem, we argue that theory can help shed light on potential solutions. This paper discusses how the lack of fit model can be used by organizations as a framework to understand the process that facilitates gender discrimination in employment decisions and to identify intervention strategies to combat it. We describe two sets of strategies. The first is aimed at reducing the perception that women are not suited for male-typed positions. The second is aimed at preventing the negative performance expectations that derive from this perception of unsuitability from influencing evaluative judgments. Also included is a discussion of several unintentional consequences that may follow from enacting these strategies. We conclude by arguing for the importance of the interplay between theory and practice in targeting gender discrimination in the workplace.
Bargh and Ferguson (2000)
The first 100 years of experimental psychology were dominated by 2 major schools of thought: behaviorism and cognitive science. Here the authors consider the common philosophical commitment to determinism by both schools, and how the radical behaviorists’ thesis of the determined nature of higher mental processes is being pursued today in social cognition research on automaticity. In harmony with “dual process” models in contemporary cognitive science, which equate determined processes with those that are automatic and which require no intervening conscious choice or guidance, as opposed to “controlled” processes which do, the social cognition research on the automaticity of higher mental processes provides compelling evidence for the determinism of those processes. This research has revealed that social interaction, evaluation and judgment, and the operation of internal goal structures can all proceed without the intervention of conscious acts of will and guidance of the process.
Cote-Lussier (2016)
The public’s “appetite” for punishment of crime has led some to compare support for harsh criminal justice policies to a practice of excess, much like craving ice cream. But what drives this appetite for punishment? This study investigates the functional relation between social structural factors of competition and social status, the endorsement of criminal stereotypes, and affective, behavioral and punitive responses to criminals. Results suggest, first, that perceiving criminals as competing against society for resources and power and as having a low social status (e.g., in terms of economic and educational attainment) is associated with perceiving criminals as being cold and untrustworthy, but somewhat competent and efficient. These perceptions are associated with feeling more anger and uneasiness, and less compassion toward criminals. Finally, feeling angry toward criminals is associated with supporting harsh criminal justice policies (e.g., giving law breakers stiffer sentences). The findings suggest that perceptions related to increasing social inequality could engender shifts in the endorsement of criminal stereotypes that are associated with public punitiveness
Quinn et al. (2004)
We employed the retrieval-practice paradigm to test the hypothesis that stereotypes are organized in a meaningful, valence-based way that promotes evaluative coherence. Replicating previous research, we demonstrated that the rehearsal of traits known to describe a target person produced enhanced recall of those practiced traits and reduced recall of other known but non-practiced traits, relative to baseline. However, both the availability of a group label that united the traits within a stereotype and the evaluative consistency of the practiced and non-practiced traits moderated the nature of these effects: although recall of non-practiced stereotypic traits that were evaluatively inconsistent with the practiced traits showed the typical pattern of inhibition, recall of nonpracticed stereotypic traits that were evaluatively consistent with the practiced traits was facilitated relative to baseline. We conclude by discussing how the modular representation implied by these findings is functional, potentially fostering the momentary experience of evaluative consistency in person perception
Rothbart et al. (1978)
When subjects are presented with information about the attributes of individuals and are then asked to make judgments about the characteristics of the group composed of those individuals, the group impression may depend on the way in which data on individuals are organized in memory. Experiment 1 demonstrated that under conditions of low memory load (16 instances of person-trait pairings), subjects organize their perceptions of a group around the characteristics of its individual members, whereas under high memory load (64 instances of person-trait pairings), subjects organize trait information in an undifferentiated way around the group as a whole. Under low memory load, subjects distinguish between repeated occurrences of a trait in the same individual and comparable repeated occurrences of that trait in different individuals; under high memory load, subjects do not make such a differentiation. Subjects’ judgments about the frequency of categories of traits were related to the ease of recall of category instances, as predicted by an availability heuristic. Experiments 2 and 3 demonstrated that group members who are most available in memory will be disproportionately represented in the group impression. Specifically, the proportion of extreme individuals in a group was retro-spectively overestimated; this was true for both physical stimuli (height) and social stimuli (criminal acts).
Prati et al. (2015)
One way to promote equality is to encourage people to generate counterstereotypic role models. In two experiments, we demonstrate that such interventions have much broader benefits than previously thoughtreducing a reliance on heuristic thinking and decreasing tendencies to dehumanize outgroups. In Experiment 1, participants who thought about a gender counterstereotype (e.g., a female mechanic) demonstrated a generalized decrease in dehumanization towards a range of unrelated target groups (including asylum seekers and the homeless). In Experiment 2 we replicated these findings using alternative targets and measures of dehumanization. Furthermore, we found the effect was mediated by a reduced reliance on heuristic thinking. The findings suggest educational initiatives that aim to challenge social stereotypes may not only have societal benefits (generalized tolerance), but also tangible benefits for individuals (enhanced cognitive flexibility).
Bigler and Clark (2014)
Prior work has detailed the constructivist processes that lead individuals to categorize others along particular dimensions (e. g., gender) and generate the content (e. g., stereotypes) and affect (e. g., prejudices) associated with social groups. The inherence heuristic is a novel mechanism that appears to shape the content and rigidity of children’s social stereotypes and prejudices.
Park and Banaji (2000)
The influence of mood states on the propensity to use heuristics as expressed in stereotypes was examined using signal detection statistics. Participants experienced happy, neutral, or sad moods and “remembered” whether names connoting race (African American, European American) belonged to social categories (criminal, politician, basketball player). Positive mood increased reliance on heuristics, indexed by higher false identification of members of stereotyped groups. Positive mood lowered sensitivity (d’), even among relative experts, and shifted bias (beta) or criterion to be more lenient for stereotypical names. in contrast, sad mood did not disrupt sensitivity and, in fact, revealed the use of a stricter criterion compared with baseline mood. Results support theories that characterize happy mood as a mental state that predisposes reliance on heuristics and sad mood as dampening such reliance.
Amidu et al. (2019)
Findings
The findings showed that valuers accomplished the valuation task by dividing the overall problem into sub-problems. These sub-problems are thereafter solved by integrating available data with existing knowledge by relying more on forward reasoning than backward reasoning. However, there were effects associated with the level of expertise in the way the processes of forward and backward reasoning are used, with the expert and intermediate valuers being more thorough and comprehensive in their reasoning process than the novices.
Research limitations/implications
This study explores the possibility that forward and backward reasoning play an important role in commercial valuation problem solving using a limited sample of valuers. Given this, data cannot be generalised to all valuation practice settings but may motivate future research that examines the effectiveness of forward and backward reasoning in diverse valuation practice settings and develops a holistic model of valuation reasoning
Bodenhausen and Wyer (1985)
Investigated the effects of stereotyping on reactions to a behavioral transgression and the recall of information bearing on it in 2 experiments with 112 undergraduates. Ss read a case file describing a transgression (a job-related infraction in Exp I, a criminal act in Exp II) committed by a target. In some cases, the target’s transgression was stereotypic of the target’s ethnic group (conveyed through his name), and in other cases it was not. After reading the case file, Ss judged the likelihood that the transgression would recur and recommended punishment for the offense. These judgment data supported the hypothesis that stereotypes function as judgmental heuristics. Ss used a stereotype of the target to infer the reasons for the transgression and based their punishment decisions on the implications of these inferences, considering other relevant information only when a stereotype-based explanation of the behavior was not available. However, recall data suggest that, once a stereotype-based impression of the crime and its determinants was formed, Ss reviewed other available information to confirm the implications of this impression. This led to differential recall of presented information, depending on whether its implications were consistent with, inconsistent with, or irrelevant to those of the stereotype.
Falben et al. (2019)
Stereotypes facilitate the processing of expectancy-consistent (vs expectancy-inconsistent) information, yet the underlying origin of this congruency effect remains unknown. As such, here we sought to identify the cognitive operations through which stereotypes influence decisional processing. In six experiments, participants responded to stimuli that were consistent or inconsistent with respect to prevailing gender stereotypes. To identify the processes underpinning task performance, responses were submitted to a hierarchical drift diffusion model (HDDM) analysis. A consistent pattern of results emerged. Whether manipulated at the level of occupational (Expts. 1, 3, and 5) or trait-based (Expts. 2, 4, and 6) expectancies, stereotypes facilitated task performance and influenced decisional processing via a combination of response and stimulus biases. Specifically, (1) stereotype-consistent stimuli were classified more rapidly than stereotype-inconsistent stimuli; (2) stereotypic responses were favoured over counter-stereotypic responses (i.e., starting-point shift towards stereotypic responses); (3) less evidence was required when responding to stereotypic than counter-stereotypic stimuli (i.e., narrower threshold separation for stereotypic stimuli); and (4) decisional evidence was accumulated more efficiently for stereotype-inconsistent than stereotype-consistent stimuli and when targets had a typical than atypical facial appearance. Collectively, these findings elucidate how stereotypes influence person construal.
Stuart et al. (2016)
Research has consistently shown that jurors are influenced by multiple schemas in cases of alleged sexual assault, including offense stereotypes and victim stereotypes. These schemas appear to be organized in a hierarchy, as victim stereotypicality seems to matter most in acquaintance assaults (counter-stereotypical offense). However, despite numerous studies demonstrating the impact of defendant stereotypes on juror perceptions of guilt for other crimes, to date, the impact of stereotypes about defendants (perpetrators) in cases involving sexual violence have been overlooked. As such, the current research aimed to build on the existing hierarchical schema model by systematically examining the influence of perpetrator stereotypes. Following pilot work, mock jurors’ (N = 163) read a rape scenario that varied in terms of offense stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical), victim stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical), and perpetrator stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical). Broadly consistent effects of offense stereotypicality and victim stereotypicality were observed across the outcome measures, such that the victim was perceived more positively and the perpetrator more negatively when the victim was described as being stereotypical and when the offense was described as stereotypical. However, contrary to past findings, the effect of victim stereotypicality did not differ as a function of offense stereotypicality. Furthermore, perpetrator stereotypicality did not influence perceptions in the stereotypical offense scenario. These findings suggest that contrary to the assertions of previous research, there is not a series of specific, individual stereotypes that impact attributions of blame, rather, there may be one underlying schema about consent that influences perceptions. These findings have important implications for how we address the effect of juror-held schemas on attributions of blame in cases of sexual assault.
Bodenhausen and Lichtenstein (1987)
Subjects read information about a defendant in a criminal trial with initial instructions to judge either his guilt (guilt judgment objective) or his aggressiveness (trait judgment objective). The defendant was either Hispanic or ethnically nondescript. After considering the evidence, subjects made both guilt and aggressiveness judgments (regardless of which type of judgment they were instructed to make at the time they read the information) and then recalled as much of the information they read as they could. Results favored the hypothesis that when subjects face a complex judgmental situation, they use stereotypes (when available and relevant) as a way of simplifying the judgment. Specifically, they use the stereotype as a central theme around which they organize presented evidence that is consistent with it, and they neglect inconsistent information. Subjects with a (complex) guilt judgment objective judged the defendant to be relatively more guilty and aggressive and recalled more negative information about him if he was Hispanic than if he was ethnically nondescript. In contrast, subjects with a (simple) trait judgment objective did not perceive either the guilt or aggressiveness of the two defendants to be appreciably different, and did not display any significant bias in their recall of the evidence. These and other results are discussed in terms of the information-processing strategies subjects are likely to use when they expect to make different types of judgments
Lewis (2019)
The purposes of this study were (a) to develop a model of cognitive task complexity and (b) to test the extent to which four content characteristics in the model represent the complexity of decision-making tasks in the domain of nursing. A model of the defining characteristics of cognitive task complexity constitutes a first step toward understanding the relationship between the task itself and the decision maker’s information processing, and offers direction for the teaching of clinical decision making-skills. The Cognitive Task Complexity Model has its roots in Newell and Simon’s (1972) Information Processing Theory. The Cognitive Task Complexity Model includes two components, content and context, along with characteristics derived from the literature in a number of disciplines. The content component of the model was tested using a single sample repeated measures 2 x 2 x 2 x 2 completely crossed design. The design resulted in sixteen case study examples of a weaning task in critical care. These cases represent all combinations of the four independent variables: irrelevance, ambiguity, conflict, and change. The dependent measure was a seven-point task complexity rating. Subjects included forty-one registered nurses practicing in critical care units in a large metropolitan health care facility. These raters were asked to read the case studies and rate each on a scale from 1 (least complex) to 7 (most complex). The research question was tested using repeated measures ANOVA’s to test for separate effects of content characteristics, level of manipulation, and interaction. Results indicated that when conflict was manipulated the ratings were consistently higher for complexity. Cases with two or more characteristics manipulated were rated higher on the complexity rating scale than cases with only one characteristic manipulated. The development of the model of cognitive task complexity contributes to the understanding of the cognitive task environment. The implications for education include the use of the characteristics to assess the complexity of cognitive tasks presented to students. Educators could facilitate the development of decision-making skills by presenting simple tasks first and adding characteristics from the model of cognitive task complexity to increase the level of complexity.
Read et al. (2018)
The present study investigated how task demand (cognitive load and interactivity) and avatar sexualization in a video game influenced rape myth acceptance (RMA), hostile sexism, and self-objectification. In a between-subjects design, 300 U.S. college students either played or watched someone else play a videogame as either a sexualized or non-sexualized female avatar under high (memorize 7 symbols) or low (memorize 2 symbols) cognitive load. Hypotheses were derived from the limited capacity model of motivated mediated message processing (LC4MP) and perspectives on stereotype processing. Results contradicted hypotheses that greater task demands and sexualization would produce greater RMA, hostile sexism, and self-objectification. Instead, we found that sexualization did not affect these variables. Greater cognitive load reduced rape myth acceptance and hostile sexism for those in the sexualized avatar condition, but it did not affect self-objectification. We discuss these results with respect to the LC4MP and suggest that the processing of stereotype-inconsistent information might be the underlying cause of these unexpected findings. These results provide tentative evidence that cognitively demanding video game environments may prompt players to focus on stereotype-inconsistent, rather than stereotype-consistent, social information.
Hadjimarcou and Hu (1999)
This study examines consumer information processing heuristics in the context of ambient task complexity. Individual consumers are often called upon to make evaluations of product and advertising stimuli while ambient events not directly related to the purchase at hand may enter the evaluative process and influence the way evaluations are made. Subjects facing a more complex task due to ambient events were found to evaluate the target stimulus in a way that was more consistent with category‐based rather than piecemeal processing. Additionally, the findings provide considerable evidence for stereotype‐driven evaluations and processing of attribute information. The theoretical and practical implications of this research are discussed
Macrae et al. (1994)
Three studies (with a total of 92 female undergraduates) investigated the contention that stereotypes function as resource-preserving devices in mental life, using a dual-task paradigm. In Study 1, Ss formed impressions of targets while simultaneously monitoring a prose passage. The results demonstrated a significant enhancement in Ss’ prose-monitoring performance when stereotype labels were present on the impression-formation task. To investigate the intentionality of this effect, in Study 2, the procedures used in Study 1 were repeated using a subliminal priming procedure to activate stereotypes. Subliminal activation of stereotypes produced the same resource-preserving effects as supraliminal activation did. This effect, moreover, was replicated in Study 3 when a probe reaction task was used to measure resource preservation. These findings, which generalized across a range of social stereotypes, are discussed in terms of their implications for contemporary models of stereotyping and social inference.
Johns et al. (2008)
Research shows that stereotype threat reduces performance by diminishing executive resources, but less is known about the psychological processes responsible for these impairments. The authors tested the idea that targets of stereotype threat try to regulate their emotions and that this regulation depletes executive resources, resulting in underperformance. Across 4 experiments, they provide converging evidence that targets of stereotype threat spontaneously attempt to control their expression of anxiety and that such emotion regulation depletes executive resources needed to perform well on tests of cognitive ability. They also demonstrate that providing threatened individuals with a means to effectively cope with negative emotions–by reappraising the situation or the meaning of their anxiety–can restore executive resources and improve test performance. They discuss these results within the framework of an integrated process model of stereotype threat, in which affective and cognitive processes interact to undermine performance
Tyler et al. (2016)
Women are sexually objectified when viewed and treated by others as mere objects. Abundant research has examined the negative consequences of being the target of sexual objectification; however, limited attention has focused on the person doing the objectification. Our focus is on the agent and how self‐regulatory resources influence sexual objectification. Consistent with prior evidence, we reasoned that people have a well‐learned automatic response to objectify sexualized women, and as such, we expected objectifying a sexualized (vs. personalized) woman would deplete fewer regulatory resources than not objectifying her. Findings across three studies confirmed our expectations, demonstrating the extent to which people objectify a sexualized woman or not is influenced by the availability of regulatory resources, a case that heretofore has been absent from the literature. These patterns are discussed in the context of the sexual objectification and self‐regulation literature.
Pendry (1998)
This study investigated the effects of resource depletion on stereotyping. Participants were instructed to form an impression of a target, and whilst performing this task, they overheard a tape‐recorded conversation. The conversation was manipulated so that it was more or less relevant to the participants. Results in general supported the prediction that when participants eavesdrop on a relevant conversation, attentional capacity will be diminished, and target evaluations will be stereotypic in implication. Findings are discussed in terms of contemporary treatments of stereotyping
Sherman et al. (2011)
This paper examines the role of attentional capacity in stereotyping processes. We begin with an overview of different theoretical perspectives on this issue. Then we document how recent research has extended our understanding of the relationship between attention and stereotyping. First, we consider how variations in attentional resources influence social categorization, stereotype activation, stereotype application, and stereotype inhibition. Evidence from each of these domains supports the conclusion that stereotype-based impression formation is less resource-consuming than individuation. Second, we examine the role of attentional capacity in the encoding, retrieval, and meta-cognitive processing of stereotypical and counter-stereotypical information. Recent research extends our understanding of exactly how and why stereotype use is relatively efficient.
Finally, we discuss the need to better specify the conditions under which attention is and is not likely to be impaired. New evidence suggests that such considerations have important implications for understanding stereotyping. We conclude that there is now an abundant variety of evidence underscoring the importance of attentional resources in stereotyping
