Topic 4 - Religion, Renewal and Choice Flashcards

1
Q

How does new forms of religion reject secularisation theory?

A

Some sociologists reject the secularisation thesis that religion is undergoing an inevitable decline in modern Western society. Instead they argue that, while some aspects of traditional religion are in decline, new forms are emerging, often as a result of changes in wider society such as greater individualism, choice and consumerism.

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2
Q

What does Grace Davie (2013) argue about obligation towards religion in modern society?

A

Grace Davie (2013) argues that in today’s late modern society, we are seeing a major change in religion, away from obligation and towards consumption or choice. In the past, churches such as the Church of England and the Catholic Church could ‘oblige people to go to church, to believe certain things and to behave in certain ways.’

This is no longer the case: religion is no longer inherited or imposed, but a matter of personal choice. As Davie puts it, ‘I go to church because I want to.’

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3
Q

Have England and France kept infant baptism as obligatory? What does this say about consumption of religion?

A

For example, in England and France, infant baptism was once seen as an obligatory rite of passage, but now only a minority of babies are baptised. By contrast, there has been an increase in the number of adults making an individual choice to be baptised. Religion is no longer inherited or imposed, but a matter of personal choice.

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4
Q

Davie’s view on believing without belonging

A

In sociology, “believing without belonging” refers to a situation where someone holds certain beliefs or identifies with a particular group, but they don’t actively participate or belong to that group in a formal or organized way.

Davie argues that religion is not declining but simply taking a different, more privatised form. People are increasingly reluctant to belong to organisations, whether these are churches, political parties or trade unions. But despite this, people still hold religious beliefs

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5
Q

Vicarious religion: the Spiritual Health Service - what does this mean

A

The concept of “vicarious religion” by Grace Davie describes a trend in parts of Europe, notably Britain, where a minority of actively religious individuals, including clergy, practice religion on behalf of the majority. This leads to a situation where many people experience religion indirectly, relying on others for religious practices. Despite low church attendance, people identify with churches as a “Spiritual Health Service” for major life events and national occasionsike the public mourning over the death of Princess Diana in 1997. This signifies “believing without belonging,” where people maintain beliefs and attachment to the institution without regular participation. This challenges traditional secularization theory, suggesting diverse forms of modernity affect religious engagement differently in various societies.

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6
Q

cristiano ronaldo..

A

SUIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII

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7
Q

Voas and Crocket (2005) on criticing Davie’s claim on more believing than belonging

A

Voas and Crockett (2005) do not accept Davie’s claim that there is more believing than belonging. Evidence from** 5,750** respondents shows that both church attendance and belief in God are declining together. If Davie were right, we would expect to see higher levels of belief.

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8
Q

Bruce (2011) criticing neither believing nor belonging

A

Bruce (2011) adds that if people are not willing to invest time in going to church, this just reflects the declining strength of their beliefs. When people no longer believe, they no longer wish to belong, and so their involvement in religion diminishes.
2011 Census results show that 63% of people identified themselves as Christian, which supports the “believing without belonging’ view.

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9
Q

Abby Day (2007) criticing believing not belonging

A

Abby Day (2007) found that very few of the ‘Christians’ she interviewed mentioned God or Christianity. Their reason for describing themselves as Christian was not religious, but simply a way of saying they belonged to a ‘White English’ ethnic group. As Day puts it, they ‘believe in belonging’. Describing themselves as ‘Christian’ was actually a non-religious marker of their ethnic or national identity.

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10
Q

Danièle Hervieu-Léger (2000; 2006) on decline in relgion over generations

A

his is partly because of what she calls cultural amnesia, or a loss of collective memory. For centuries, children used to be taught religion in the extended family and parish church. Nowadays, however, we have largely lost the religion that used to be handed down from generation to generation, because few parents now teach their children about religion. Instead, parents today let children decide for themselves what to believe.

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11
Q

How was greater social equality weakened the Church’s ability to impose religious beliefs on individuals?

A

At the same time, the trend towards greater social equality has undermined the traditional power of the Church to impose religion on people from above. In the context of religion, it suggests that the Church’s historical authority and power to enforce religious beliefs and practices on people have diminished. As a result, young people no longer have a fixed religious identity imposed on them through socialisation and they are ignorant of traditional religion.

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12
Q

2 religious types emerging according to Hervieu-Léger (relating to religion being a spiritual journey)

A
  • Pilgrims are like those in the holistic milieu in the Kendal Project. They follow an individual path in a search for self-discovery, for example exploring New Age spirituality by joining groups, or through individual ‘therapy’. The demand is created by today’s emphasis on personal development.
  • Converts join religious groups that offer a strong sense of belonging, usually based on a shared ethnic background or religious doctrine. Such groups re-create a sense of community in a society that has lost many of its religious traditions. As in the Kendal Project, these include evangelical movements and also the churches of minority ethnic groups.
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13
Q

owever, Hervieu-Léger notes that religion does continue to have some influence on society’s values. How?

A

For example, the values of equality and human rights have their roots in religion, she argues. Such values can be a source of shared cultural identity and social solidarity, even for those who are not actively involved in religion.

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14
Q

Define globalisation

A

Globalisation refers to the growing interconnectedness of societies, which has led to greatly increased movements of ideas and beliefs across national boundaries

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15
Q

Religious ideas have become ‘disembedded’ means -

A

the media lift them out of physical churches and move them to a different place and time. For example, the ‘electronic church’ and televangelism disembed religion from real, local churches and relocate it on the Internet, allowing believers to express their faith without physically attending church - an example of how the boundaries between different areas of social life become blurred in postmodern society

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16
Q

Thus, religion becomes de-institutionalised means

A

detached from its place in religious institutions, floating in cyber- space. Removed from their original location in the church, religious ideas become a cultural resource that individuals can adapt for their own purposes.

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17
Q

Religion online means

A

Religion online is a form of top-down communication where a religious organisation uses the internet to address members and potential converts. There is no feedback or dialogue between the parties. This is an electronic version of the traditional, hierarchical communication of churches to their members, communicating only the officially approved ideas.

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18
Q

Online religion means

A

Online religion is a form of ‘cyber-religion’ that may have no existence outside the internet. It is a ‘many-to-many’ form of communication that allows individuals to create non- hierarchical relationships and a sense of community where they can visit virtual worship or meditation spaces, explore shared spiritual interests and provide mutual support.

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19
Q

Hoover et al (2004) argues about how while postmodernists might see online religion as a radical new alternative that may be replacing religion:

A

However, while postmodernists might see online religion as a radical new alternative that may be replacing religion, evidence from Hoover et al (2004) shows that for most users, it is just a supplement to their church-based activities rather than a substitute for them.

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20
Q

Meaning of becoming ‘religious consumers’

A

As Hervieu-Léger emphasises, this is also true of religion, where we act as ‘spiritual shoppers’, choosing religious beliefs and practices to meet our individual needs, from the vast range available in the religious marketplace.

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21
Q

Example of religious consumerism of churches

A

For example, the American Christian fundamentalists in Nancy Ammerman’s (1987) study made use of a number of churches without giving strong loyalty to any of them. One family attended services at a Methodist church and bereavement counselling at a Baptist church, while taking their children to another church for day care.

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22
Q

One effect of having a great variety of religious products to choose from is a loss of faith

A

The abundance of diverse religious choices erodes belief in all-encompassing “meta-narratives,” including traditional religions. With access to conflicting beliefs, people grow skeptical of singular truths. This weakens religions asserting sole authority, like traditional churches, causing their decline.

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23
Q

meta-narratives

A

theories or worldviews that claim to have the absolute, authoritative truth.

24
Q

postmodernists such as Lyon argue that the decline of traditional churches does not spell the end of religion, but evolve how?

A

However, postmodernists such as Lyon argue that the decline of traditional churches does not spell the end of religion. In their place, he argues, many new religious movements are now springing up that the religious consumer can ‘sample’ and from which they can construct their own personal belief system.
In this view, religion and spirituality are not disappearing; they are simply evolving, taking on new forms that fit the consumerist nature of postmodern society.

25
Q

New Age spirituality?

A

New Age spirituality rejects the idea of obligation and obedience to external authority found in traditional religions. Instead it emphasises the idea of life as a journey of discovery, personal development, autonomy and connecting with one’s ‘inner self’.

26
Q

Idea of individualism (new age spirituality)

A

It is the notion that every individual is free to decide what is true for him or her, for example by engaging in spiritual shopping, picking and mixing ideas found online and so on. For this reason, New Age beliefs and practices have been called ‘self-spirituality’ or ‘self-religion’.

27
Q

Lyon on re-enchantment of the world

A

Although traditional forms of religion have declined, especially in Europe, Lyon points to the growing vitality of non-traditional religion in the West and its resurgence elsewhere in the world.

28
Q

spiritual market aiding the evolving of a spiritual revolution

A

Increased interest in spirituality can be seen in the growth of a ‘spiritual market’, with an explosion in the number of books about self-help and spirituality, and the many practitioners who offer consultations, courses and ‘therapies, ranging from meditation to crystal healing.

29
Q

In their study of Kendal in Cumbria, Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead (2005) investigate…

A

…whether traditional religion has declined and, if so, how far the growth of spirituality is compensating for this.

30
Q

Kendal in Cumbria 2 groups

Congregational Domain, Hollistic Milieu definitions

A

Congregational Domain: This includes traditional and evangelical Christianity.
Holistic Milieu: This encompasses spirituality and the New Age movement.

31
Q

Stats on Congregational Domain, Hollistic Milieu definitions in 2000

A

In 2000, they found that 7.9% of the population attended traditional churches, 1.6% engaged in the holistic milieu. The traditional churches were losing support, while evangelical churches were holding steady.

32
Q

3

Kendal In Cumbria findings

A

Rise of New Age Spirituality: Modern culture has shifted towards personal exploration and away from blind duty and external authority. This shift has fueled the growth of New Age spirituality, focusing on inner self-discovery through spiritual paths.

Decline of Traditional Religions: Traditional religions, which emphasize duty and obedience, are declining as they clash with the culture’s emphasis on individual quest for answers.

Success of Evangelical Churches: Evangelicals and traditional churches both demand discipline, but evangelicals also emphasize spiritual healing and personal growth through being ‘born again,’ making them more appealing and successful.

33
Q

weakness of new age

The problem of scale

A

Even if New Age forms of individualised religion are springing up, this would have to be on a much larger scale if it is to fill the gap left by the decline of traditional institutionalised religions. For example, in Kendal in 1851, about 38% of the population attended church every Sunday. To match that today, there would need to be 14,500 churchgoers, instead of the 3,000 who actually attend church. The 270 people involved in the holistic milieu in the town come nowhere near making up the shortfall.

34
Q

The weakness of the New Age

Socialisation of the next generation

A

For a belief system to survive, it must be passed down to the next generation. However, in Kendal, only 32% of parents who were involved in the New Age said their children shared their spiritual interests. Yet to maintain the same number of believers in the next generation, a typical couple with two children would have to socialise both of them into New Age views.

Furthermore, women in the holistic milieu are more likely to be childless. And in at least three-quarters of marriages with a woman in the holistic milieu, the husband does not share his wife’s beliefs - further reducing the likelihood of transmitting them to their children.

35
Q

The weakness of the New Age

Weak commitment

A

Glendinning and Bruce (2006) found that although many people dabbled in meditation, alternative medicine, astrology, horoscopes and so on, serious commitment to New Age beliefs and practices was very rare. Even among those who described themselves as ‘spiritual”, very few said that such practices were important in their lives. Bruce (2011) notes that ‘most people in every demographic category show no interest in alternative spirituality.

36
Q

The weakness of the New Age

Structural weakness

A

New Age spirituality is itself a cause of secularisation because of its subjective, individualistic nature - it is based on the idea that there is no higher authority than the self.

This means that, unlike traditional religion, the New Age:
- lacks an external power (such as the church hierarchy) to extract commitment from New Age participants against their wishes.
- cannot achieve consensus about its beliefs because everyone is free to believe whatever they wish, so it lacks cohesion as a movement.
- cannot evangelise (persuade others of the truth) because it believes that enlightenment comes from within, not from someone else.

37
Q

4 weakness of new age

A
  • The problem of scale
  • Socialisation of the next generation
  • Weak commitment
  • Structural weakness
38
Q

Who advocated the religious market theory?

A

Stark and Bainbridge (1986)

39
Q

Stark and Bainbridge (1986) on secularisation theory being ‘Eurocentric’

A

It focuses on the decline of religion in Europe and fails to explain its continuing vitality in America and elsewhere.

40
Q

Religious market theory 2 assumptions

A
  • People are naturally religious and religion meets human needs. Therefore the overall demand for religion remains constant, even though the demand for particular types of religion may vary.
  • it is human nature to seek rewards and avoid costs. When people make choices, they weigh up the costs and benefits of the different options available.
41
Q

chatGPT

Religious market theory

A

“Religious market theory” is like looking at religion from a business perspective. Just like how companies compete for customers in a market, different religions can also be seen as competing for followers. People have different options for religions, just like they have choices when buying products. This theory tries to understand how religions attract and keep followers based on what they offer and how they stand out from each other, kind of like how businesses try to attract customers by offering unique products or services.

42
Q

6 aspetcs of religious market theory

A

Compensators
The cycle of renewal
Religious competition
America vs. Europe
Supply not demand
Supply-led religion

43
Q

Religious Market Theory

Compensators

A

According to Stark and Bainbridge, religion is attractive because it provides us with compensators. When real rewards are scarce or unobtainable, religion compensates by promising supernatural ones. For example, immortality is unobtainable, but religion compensates by promising life after death. Only religion can provide such compensators. Non-religious ideologies such as humanism and communism do not provide credible compensators because they do not promise supernatural rewards.

44
Q

Religious Market Theory

The cycle of renewal

A

As an alternative to secularisation theory, which sees a one-way process of continuous decline, Stark and Bainbridge put forward the concept of a cycle of religious decline, revival and renewal. They describe a perpetual cycle throughout history, with some religions declining and others growing and attracting new members. For example, when established churches decline, they leave a gap in the market for sects and cults to attract new followers. From this point of view, secularisation theory is one-sided: it sees the decline, but ignores the growth of new religions and religious revivals.

45
Q

Religious Market Theory

Religious competition

A

According to Stark and Bainbridge, churches operate like companies selling goods in a market. Where secularisation theory sees competition between different religious organisations as undermining religion, religious market theorists take the opposite view. They argue that competition leads to improvements in the quality of the religious ‘goods’ on offer. The churches that make their product attractive will succeed in attracting more ‘customers’. Meanwhile churches that are not responsive to the needs of their members will decline.

46
Q

Religious Market Theory

America vs. Europe

A

Variety of Options Increases Demand: When people have different types of religions to choose from, the demand for religion goes up because they can find one that suits their needs.

Competition Prevents Decline: When there’s only one dominant church with no competition (a religious monopoly), it can lead to a decline in people’s interest in religion. Without competition, there’s no motivation for the church to provide what people want.

Religion in the USA: In the United States, religion is thriving because there has never been a religious monopoly. The Constitution ensures religious freedom and separates religion from the government, and there’s a wide variety of religious denominations to choose from. This has created a healthy religious market where religions grow or decline based on what people want.

Religion in Europe: In contrast, Europe has often had official state churches that held a religious monopoly, like the Church of England. The lack of competition and choice has led to a decline in religious interest.

47
Q

Religious Market Theory

Supply not demand

A

Stark and Bainbridge conclude that the main factor influencing the level of religious participation is not the demand for religion, as secularisation theory suggests, but the supply. Participation increases when there is an ample supply of religious groups to choose from, but declines when supply is restricted. Also based on their comparison of America and Europe, Stark and Bainbridge argue that the decline of religion is not a universal trend happening in all societies, as some versions of secularisation theory suggest.

48
Q

Religious Market Theory

Supply-led religion

A

A range of studies support Stark and Bainbridge’s view that demand for religion is greatly influenced by the quality and variety of religion on offer and the extent to which it responds to people’s needs. For example, Hadden and Shupe (1988) argue that the growth of ‘televangelism’ in America shows that the level of religious participation is supply-led. When commercial funding of religious broadcasts began in the 1960s, it opened up competition in which evangelical churches thrived.

Also, Stark (1990) says that in Japan, having a free market for religion led to more people getting involved. Before 1945, only Shintoism was allowed, and other religions were pushed aside. But after World War Two, they relaxed the rules and let different religions compete. This helped new religions like Soka Gakkai (a kind of Buddhism) to grow. This is different from what happened in post-war Germany. There, the government tightly controlled religion, and because of that, fewer people got interested in it.

49
Q

4 limitations of religious market theory

A
  • Bruce (2011) rejects the view that diversity and competition increase the demand for religion. Statistics show that diversity has been accompanied by religious decline in both Europe and America.
  • Bruce argues that Stark and Bainbridge misrepresent secularisation theory. The theory does not claim there was a past ‘golden age of religion, or that everyone will become atheists. It simply claims that religion is in long- term decline. Nor does it claim secularisation is universal -just that it applies to Europe and America.
  • Norris and Inglehart (2011) show that high levels of religious participation exist in Catholic countries where the Church has a near monopoly, such as Ireland and Venezuela. By contrast, countries with religious pluralism, such as Holland and Australia, often have low levels of participation. This contradicts Stark and Bainbridge’s theory.
  • Beckford criticises religious market theory as unsociological, because it assumes people are ‘naturally’ religious and fails to explain why they make the choices they do.
50
Q

An alternative view: secularisation and security

Norris and Inglehart (2011) - Existential security theory

A

Norris and Inglehart argue that the reason for variations in religiosity between societies is not different degrees of religious choice, but different degrees of existential security. By this, they mean ‘the feeling that survival is secure enough that it can be taken for granted.’ Religion meets a need for security, and therefore societies where people already feel secure have a low level of demand for religion

51
Q

poor vs rich societies on Existential security theory

A
  • Poor societies where people face life-threatening risks such as famine, disease and environmental disasters, have high levels of insecurity and thus high levels of religiosity. Poor people who live in rich societies also face greater insecurity and are therefore more religious than rich people in those societies.
    Rich societies, where people have a high standard of living and are at less risk, have a greater sense of security and thus lower levels of religiosity.
52
Q

existential security

Europe vs. America

A

Thus, although America is more religious than Europe, this is explained by Norris and Inglehart’s general theory of religiosity as the result of insecurity. For example, they point out that although America is religious by the standards of other rich nations, it is less religious than poor ones.

53
Q

Gill and Lundegaarde (2004) - **State welfare and religiosity **

A

The more a country spends on welfare, the lower the level of religious participation. Thus European countries, which spend more than the USA, are also more secular than the USA. Nevertheless, Gill and Lundegaarde do not expect religion to disappear completely, because although welfare provision meets the need for security, it does not answer ‘ultimate’ questions about the meaning of life, unlike religion. Thus although the availability of welfare reduces the need for religion, it does not eliminate that need completely.
- Quality of Life Improvement:
- Shift in Focus
- Social Cohesion
- Rise of Rationalism

54
Q

Evaluation of secularisation and security

Vásquez (2007)

good

A
  • Vásquez (2007) accepts that Norris and Inglehart offer a valuable explanation of different levels of religious participation not only in Europe and the USA, but globally. However, he makes two criticisms:
  • They use only quantitative data about income levels; they don’t examine people’s own definitions of ‘existential security’. Vásquez argues that qualitative research is also needed.
  • Norris and Inglehart only see religion as a negative response to deprivation. They ignore the positive reasons people have for religious participation and the appeal that some types of religion have for the wealthy.
55
Q
A