Lecture 3 (Citizenship Rights, Social Welfare, and Surveillance) Flashcards
(43 cards)
The broadened scope of citizenship rights included 2 things (Marshall):
- What people could do
- To whom rights are eligible
Citizenship acc. Marshall
The rights and duties of the members of a (national) political community
Sequential modernisation theory (Marshall)
The order in which three kinds of citizenship rights were sequentially introduced:
1. Civil rights
2. Political rights
3. Social rights
Civil rights (Marshall)
Protect the freedom of the individual from governments, organisations, and other individuals that try to take away that freedom (e.g. voting rights, right to a fair trial, freedom of speech, etc.)
Political rights (Marshall)
Enable individuals to actively participate in the political world of their state or society (e.g. right to vote, to become political candidate, etc.)
Social rights (Marshall)
Moral, legal, or societal rules that are needed to fulfil personal needs of the people, to meet their basic life necessities (e.g. right to have access to food, education, healthcare, public services, etc.)
Two rights that are tightly connected acc. Marshall
Political rights and social rights. In order to independently use political rights, one must receive proper social rights. This protects the state from inequality and bought votes.
Origins of everlasting tension between rich and poor
When social rights are not sufficient to make up for inequalities (e.g. no right to education, shelter, food, etc.). In many democracies, the rich try to withhold as many social rights as possible, and the poor try to change the income distribution with provided rights –> the rich withholding too many rights can result in revolution
Based on sequential modernisation theory, Marshall argues that political citizenship rights cannot function without social citizenship rights. This arguments can result in two ‘endpoints’:
- Everybody who’s citizen of a certain society has to be granted social citizenship rights (so they can independently use their political rights)
- Political citizenship rights are handed out only to those that can afford social citizenship rights
“Necessary precondition for the responsible exercise of the franchise” - Waldron
Critique Soysal on sequential modernisation theory
For migrants, the sequence of gaining rights is not civil, political, social, but rather civil, social, political (sometimes, political rights are not given at all)
This means that political rights for migrants have become a symbol of national sovereignity (feeling as if being able to make a change)
Soysal’s optimistic view about the rights of guestworkers
There is a trend of international harmonisation of the rights of non-citizens, which can be considered a step closer to global citizenship (migrants that are not formal citizens increasingly have more rights)
Soysal’s global citizenship
Foundation for inclusion within all three rights is based on being a person, and not on being a person belonging to a specific nation.
Symbolic foreigners (Soysal)
Speaking of ‘foreigner’ will be largely symbolic when these foreigners enjoy the same rights based on global citizenship (with global citizenship, you cannot really be a foreigner any more)
Three arguments against more progressive calls for social citizenship rights (Hirschmann)
- The perversity argument
- The futility argument
- The jeopardy argument
Hirschmann’s rethoric tricks, use
Used by conservatives against the implementation of more progressive calls for social citizenship rights
The perversity argument against more progressive social rights + Plant’s counterargument (Hirschmann)
Social rights will weaken the system by encouraging people to stop working
Plant: people will become more motivated knowing they have a social safety net to catch them
The futility argument against more progressive social rights (Hirschmann)
Social rights will undermine the ability of society to be its own safety net (e.g. through family, church, etc.). - the government need not intervene with this
The jeopardy argument against more progressive social rights (Hirschmann)
Social rights are too expensive and therefore form a risk to the already existing system
Hayek’s arguments defending more progressive social rights (2)
- Political citizens must be economically independent, which can be reached by socioeconomic security, less inequality, and redistribution of risk - all this can be reached by social benefits
- Social rights become difficult to think away once introduced because people assume they will be there for a long time. This allows people to take risks because they know they can fall back onto a system of social security. This can be healthy for an economy/society
Hayek’s critique on Marshall
Social rights are fundamentally different from civil and political rights because they are positive rights and run into the problem of compossibility
Positive rights
Based on needs, make claims on scarce resources. It is difficult to get moral consensus on what fundamental needs are that should be included in these rights. (social rights, acc. Hayek)
Negative rights
Allow you and others do, or not do, something. These rights do not rely on scarce resources or moral consensus. (civil and political rights, acc. Hayek)
Problem of compossibility
Not everyone can claim a certain right on the exact same moment because the right relies on scarce resources (e.g. money, hospital beds, etc.).
Social rationing
The government deciding who has the right to claim which rights and when