How great a challenge did WWI and socialism propose to the liberal state? Flashcards

1
Q

Give an example of a nationalist poet who encouraged Italy to join the war

A

d’Annunzio

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2
Q

Why was he and other nationalists supportive of intervention

A

Brecause it would provide an opportunity for Italy to exist itself and at last win glory

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3
Q

What did the nationalists do to put pressure on the govt to intervene

A

Large crowds of them held meetings in the town and city squares

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4
Q

What would M later claim that the announcement of war on Austria in May 1915 was

A

The founding moment of fascism. In his mind a group of heroic Italian nationalists, following his lead, had forced a dithering govt to act to assert Italy’s nationhood

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5
Q

Why was almost everyone in Italy impacted by the war

A

Because of the mass mobilisation of the 20th century

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6
Q

Why were the impacts on the Italian people mixed

A

Some gloried in warfare and the newfound camaraderie of the trenches (trincerismo); others suffered demoralisation and mutilation. On the home front some people were to make financial gains from the war, while others were left feeling exploited

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7
Q

How did the govt respond to the fact that Caporetto was seen to have been caused by low morale

A

They promised reform when the war was over, which led to raised expectations

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8
Q

Political impact of the war

A

Govt powers increased

Parliament just a rubber stamp

Close state industry links

Caporetto led to reorganisation and a promise of major social reform

PSI advocated ‘neither support nor sabotage’

Pope criticised ‘useless slaughter’

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9
Q

Social impact of the war

A

Strict discipline in war industries

Long hours - up to 75 hours a week

Increased female employment

Real wages fell approximately 25%

Rents frozen

Some peasants paid off debts

Bread riots in the summer of 1917 saw 50 killed

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10
Q

What did M say about the trincerismo

A

The war taught us one lesson, the great community of the front. All class differences disappeared under its spell. There was only one people, no individuals. Common suffering and common peril had welded us together

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11
Q

Who made up the army

A

Many of the soldiers were southern peasant conscripts who did not understand why the war was being fought. Most skilled industrial workers were required to stay in their factories to produce war equipment. Soldiers were bitter about these shirkers at home

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12
Q

Factors undermined their morale…

A

Low rations, low pay and a lack of modern equipment, as well as the fact that thousands were killed by cholera, typhus and frostbite

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13
Q

Historians assesment of the impact of the war…

A

!!!

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14
Q

P Morgan

A

The first great collective and national experience for millions of Italians, especially the large peasant conscript army. The war did not bring about national integration and unity, partly due to previous flawed nation forming and partly because of the way Italy entered the war. The experience increased popular alienation from the liberal system while hightening the expectations of transforming it. Italy’s national war was waged in an atmosphere of civil war

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15
Q

Clark

A

By 1919 the Italians were more divided than ever: combatants against shirkers, peasants against workers, patriots against defeatists. No conceivable form of the govt could satisfy them all

The war left other legacies. A thirst for land from the peasants and a transformed industrial economy. The war also produced tens of thousands of new officers, drunk with patriotism and greedy to command. They had won the war, and did not intend to let anyone forget it

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16
Q

Mack Smith

A

The final figure for the cost of the whole war was 148 billion lire, which was twice the sum of govt expenditure between 1861-1913

A great deal of idealism had gone into the war on Italy’s part, but one does not need to look many years beyond 1918 to see that it had been one if the great disasters of her history. As a result Italy suffered 25 years of revolution and tyranny

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17
Q

Blinkhorn

A

War brought profound changes to Italy itself. Most significant was the rapid growth and increased concentration of those industries closely linked with war production. Any suggestion of a lasting boom was misleading, for Italy’s war machine consumed industrial products of a kind and at a rate no peacetime economy was likely to match. A distorted economy short of raw materials, export outlets and a healthy domestic market was a sure recipe for post war difficulties. Returning soldiers likely to then be the sufferers would not be calmed by the sight of those who had got rich while they were on the front: not only financial and industrial profiteers, but also ambitious peasants who had seized the opportunity to but more land. The political situation looked more and more discouraging. To many Italians the liberal govt seemed ineffectual and irrelevant

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18
Q

Make the case that the mutilated victory was a myth

A

All of Italy’s nationalist claims to Italian irredenta were met by the Versailles settlement, as it gained Trentino, South Tyrol and Istria. In fact Italy got more than was strictly justified on nationalist grounds. Around 200,000 German speaking Austrians now lived in territory ruled over by Italy. The principle of self determination did not apply to them and Italy gained the natural frontier of the Brenner Pass. Italy also gained 250,000 Slavs in the mixed territory of Istria.

Despite these gains, most Italians felt bitter, as they had not gained what had been promised under the ToL. This is partly because Dalmatia was now claimed by the new Yugoslav state

Most historians conclude that given the circumstances Italy received a fair reward in the peace settlements, but what matters is how Italians felt at the time, and millions of Italians felt cheated

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19
Q

Why was it no longer practical for Italy to receive everything they had been promised under the ToL

A

The ToL promised Italy major territorial gains, mainly at the expense of the Austro Hungarian Empire. However, this was during an era of secret diplomacy and great power land grabbing. By 1919 the world had changed. The US had entered the war in 1917 and saw it as a fight for democracy. Europe was to be rebuilt using Woodrow Wilson’s 14 points, the most important of which was self determination

20
Q

What did d’Annunzio and Fiume give to fascism

A

Heroic speeches to mass audiences from his balcony

Rhythmic war cries that were often incomprehensible

His followers wore, black shirts and a skull and crossbones and used castor oil to humiliate

Roman straight arm salute

The song ‘Giovinezza’

Plans for organisation of all producers into a new corporative state

Spoke of ‘Mare Nostrum’

Discussed a March on Rome

21
Q

How did the Italian govt respond to the seizure of Fiume

A

It did nothing, an image of its weakness and willingness to submit to violence

22
Q

What did Giolitti’s new govt do in Dec 1920

A

Sent in troops to reassert its authority

23
Q

What did the incident show

A

That force could be used to achieve political aims in postwar Italy

Italians could contrast d’Annunzio’s vigorous efforts to protect Italian interests with the govt’s apparently inadequate performance at the peace conference

24
Q

What did he condemn the existing political system as

A

‘A heap of filth which cannot even serve to manure the nation’s cabbages

25
Q

What did D’Annunzio predict about the future of Italy in 1919

A

One thing is certain after the war. The future will bring something new to us, such as we have never seen before. Something stronger and more beautiful will be born out of this blood and sacrifice. All forms of art and politics will be overthrown; the new ones will be healthier. I believe we are entering a new era

26
Q

What did returning peasant soldiers do

A

Seized unoccupied land

27
Q

Describe the post war economic issues

A

Heavy industry hit by the end of major war orders

The demobilisation of over 2 million soldiers put added strain on the economy

Continuing inflation undermined living standards for many

Whereas unions were able to force increased wages, and many industrialists benefitted from higher prices, the petty bourgeoisie were particularly badly affected. The self employed had no muscle to fight for a higher income

Those who had leant money to the govt during the war found the value of their savings hit by inflation, and became incredibly bitter

The price index reached 591 in 1920

28
Q

Describe how socialism advanced in post war Italy

A

Growth of unions between 1919-20 led to a wave of strikes in industry and agriculture

Over 300 factories occupied between Aug-Sep 1920

1919-20 ex soldiers occupied uncultivated land and some landlords land. The govt legalised these occupations. Between 1918-21 over 1 million hectares of land were transferred to the

Socialism became particularly powerful on agriculture. In Emilia Romagna, the powerful socialist agricultural union (Fedeterra) developed. In 1920 waves of strikes forced employers to improve workers

In the 1920 local elections the PSI won control of over 25% of the locals communes and 25 of the 69 local provinces, mainly in the north and centre

The 1917 Russian Revolution helped inspire many socialists and strikes were held in 1919 in solidarity with Soviet Russia

29
Q

Describe the post war growth of fascism

A

Founded in Milan in 1919

Many cities were taken over by the fascists in Oct 1922, culminating in the March on Rome

Between 1919-22 there were many violent clashes between the fascists and socialists, with over 2000 killed

30
Q

How many PMs were there between 1918-22

A

5

31
Q

What was introduced in 1918 to aid democracy

A

PR and near universal manhood suffrage

32
Q

Why could the Popolari and the socialists not cooperate following the 1919 election

A

The PPI were still split between conservatives and reformers, and the socialists between reformers and revolutionaries. The extreme wings could not cooperate

33
Q

What was the consequence of this failure to cooperate

A

The old liberal politicians remained in power, cobbling together enough support in parliament to form five brief govts between 1918-22. It was still transformismo rather than democracy despite these reforms. Such governments were unrepresentative of opinion in parlaiment and the country as a whole

34
Q

Evaluate the success enjoyed by these liberal govts

A

They did pass various measures to try and help the masses, such as bread subsidies and the 8 hour day, and began to make the tax system fairer. Once again these reforms failed to satisfy the radicals and worried some of the elite

Generally, the succession of weak liberal govts failed to solve Italy’s social, economic and political problems

35
Q

How many PSI deputies were there following the 1919 GE

A

156

36
Q

What did control of town councils allow the socialists to do

A

Control local taxes and services

37
Q

When did the bienno rosso take place

A

1919-20

38
Q

What did the Italian socialist programme aim for

A

Uncomprimising programme. They pronounced themselves a marxist party, aiming for a socialist republic. They thus spoke of an eventual withering away of the state after a period of dictatorship of the proletariat. There would be worker control of industry and nationalisation of all land. Religion would no longer be needed and wither away in this new society

39
Q

Describe the division within the socialist movement

A

The party was deeply split between the minimalists and the maximalists. Maximalists, who controlled the party organisation, urged revolution to enact their full programme. Minimalists, who dominated the parliamentary party, were more prepared to use parliament to enact reforms on the way to full socialism

In Jan 1921 the PSI split into three. An even more radical group, prepared to join the communist international on Lenin’s terms, broke away from the maximalists to join the PCI, the communist party

Matters were futher compicated by the fact that alongside the divided socialist party, there was also an industrial wing, with unions combined the General Confederation of Labour. These also organised Chambers of Labour and Socialist Leagues to protect workers

Socialist support was challenged by rival Catholic unions, organised in the CIL

The PSI controlled many local councils but these failed to cooperate. The main wings of the socialist movement were all internally divided and failed to work together effectively. Perhaps a powerful leader could have overcome these problems, so perhaps it was a mistake to expel M from the party in 1914. Leaders like Turati and Bissolati could not unite a majority

40
Q

Explain how the consequences of the war were mixed for the socialists

A

The PSI looked to pose the greatest threat to the liberal state after the 1919 elections, either through legal challenge or revolution. Their prospects for power looked good but they failed to agree on a coherent strategy. The socialists benefitted for the pressure for change after the war, but also frightened many Italians. Farmers, manufacturors, shopkeepers, professional men and tradesmen felt under attack from the municipal dictatorships of the proletariat

Many patriots had a grudge against the socialists because of their neutral ‘neither support not sabotage’ position during the war. When the war was over many returning soldiers resented the PSI. They resented the socialists who had remained working in the factories for higher wages while they had risked their lives. The war thus split groups who may otherwise have been socialist supporters

41
Q

Why were land occupations taking place in the south despite the fact that the PSI was weak there

A

Because they were organised by the Catholic Land Leagues

42
Q

Explain the significance of the federterra at this time

A

In the more commercialised Po Valley, the socialist agricultural unions of the Federterra were not only making the traditional economic demands of wages and hours, but were also looking to control the supply of labour and employment: in effect, challenging the owners’ property rights and right to manage. The Federterra aimed to gain monopoly control of the labour supply, force employers to employ their workers, even during the winter months. The socialist unions were prepared to use violence against any employer using blackleg labour. They also intimidated peasants and workers who would not cooperate with the pressure tactics on employers. Some of these victims of socialist strongarming would later go on to support fascism

43
Q

Explain the significance of the unions at this time

A

Their increased power and membership of the TUs encouraged a series of strikes from 1919-20. However, some workers were even more extreme. In Sep 1920, half a million workers in Turin and Milan responded to a lockout threat by occupying over 300 factories and running them for a month without the involvement of the bourgeoisie. Red flags flew and armed workers protected ‘their’ factories. Some saw this as the first step towards revolution; others saw it as a means to gain concessions

44
Q

How did the govt respond to this

A

To the annoyance of employers, Giolitti took a conciliatory approach. After three weeks, supplies of raw materials and money were low, and both sides eventually accepted govt mediation. After promises of reform the workers withdrew

45
Q

Evaluate the impact that socialism had on the liberal regime

A

The PSI had talked revolution but had no strategy for achieving it. The party proved to be incapable of carrying out either reform or revolution. The whole period had created a massive fear of bolshevism among groups who had the most to fear from it. The situation was to be skillfully exploited by M. The fascist later claimed they had saved Italy from bolshevism, but with hindsight historians can see that the main danger of socialist revolution was over before the fascists grew strong

46
Q

Cassels on socialism

A

The threat of bolshevism was cunningly exploited by M and it is difficult to overestimate its importance in the fascist rise to power. In truth the threat was almost entirely illusory. No master plan of revolution existed; peasants and workers acted without premeditation and on a local basis only. Even during the occupation of factories, when a pattern of action seemed to emerge, there was no real cooperation between the strikers in one town and other others in the next town. The PSI failed to provide national organisation and take advantage of working class distress. Whenever the PSI called a general strike the response was half hearted and far from revolutionary. The socialist leaders wasted too much energy quarelling among themselves, which led Lenin to dub the Italian socialist movement as too immature for revolution, meaning no direction was received from Moscow. Lower class discontent and revolutionary sentiment waxed and waned with fluctuations in the economy. By 1921 the worst of the post war depression was over; and so too was the worst of workers unrest. By the time M arrived in office a year later to save Italy from bolshevism, the threat, if it ever existed, was gone

47
Q

Mack Smith on socialism

A

Socialism lacked responsible leadership and this prevented constructive action. The only constant factor among the socialist was their association of violent language with a timid uncertainty in deed. They refused to collaborate with the govt against fascsim, and in so doing made their rise inevitable. They had very little idea of a affecting a revolution of their own. They simply sat back under the cosy illusion that universal suffrage inevitably signified the approaching end of liberalism and the dictatorship of the proletariat

Despite their great number, sporadic general strikes and local peasant revolts, the Italian socialists were waiting for the bourgeois state to fall into their lap rather than trying to force events. With the explusion of the syndicalists and M they lost much of their revolutionary zeal

Socialism did not wholeheartedly believe in either revolution or collaboration, and hence it was merely going to provoke fascism