lecture 15 - semantic memory - just the facts Flashcards

(45 cards)

1
Q

Semantic memory: Just the facts

A
  • Synopsis: Long-term memory can also be partitioned into separate sub-
    systems, one of which deals with factual knowledge about the world. We will
    review evidence for this distinction and consider how the semantic memory
    system might work.
  • Essential reading: Memory, Chapter 7
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2
Q

dissociations in long term memory

A

modal model of memory = LTM store is permanent
info goes into LTM from STM and can be retrieved back to the STM store from LTM

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3
Q

Dissociations in long-term memory

A
  • Declarative (or explicit) memory
  • Information that you know you know (in contrast to implicit memory). Involves conscious
    recollection of facts or events
  • Semantic memory: General knowledge about the world
  • Cardiff is the capital of Wales
  • Tafel is Dutch for table
  • How to check in to a hotel
    Episodic memory: Memory for experienced details of a particular episode, including their
    context
  • How I felt when I checked into my room the first time I visited Cardiff, what my room
    looked like, how tired I felt after the journey
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4
Q

Why a distinction between semantic and
episodic memory?

A
  • Amnesia cases
  • In typical amnesia cases, episodic memory is more affected than semantic memory.
  • There are also cases of semantic dementia, in which patients lose access to factual
    knowledge but may still access episodic information.
  • Patients with impaired episodic memory have lesions in the medial temporal lobe (e.g., HM)
  • Patients with impaired semantic memory have damage to the anterior frontal lobe
  • reason to think that these systems are different from each other as they are relying on quite different portions of the brain
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5
Q

Semantic knowledge can boost memory

A

Patients some of whom had very isolated medial temporal lobe damage so no reason think they had problems with semantic memory and some that had more widespread damage and might show some signs of problems with semantic memory and controls learned prices of groceries.
* Some were realistic (congruent with prior knowledge), others not (incongruent)

Lesions in
both MTL and
elsewhere - showing semantic memory difficulties and are not having the same advantage - performing worse than everyone else at 34.5% and 39%. - they are not better when the prices are congruent with reality or their experience than when they’re incongruent - its all the same task to them - they are gaining from this general knowledge of the world that they should have they are not able to access it

Damage
restricted to
MTL - performed worse than the controls at only 50% - but also better on congruent prices than incongruent prices so shows they are getting a boost from what they know about the world in general

control subjects got congruent examples right 70% of the time but for incongruent 61% of the time

Conclusion:
Damage
beyond MTL
prevented
access to
semantic
knowledge. - which suggest that sematic knowledge is organised in a different way and is reliant on other parts of the brain

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6
Q

How does semantic memory work?

A

Some associations are more natural than others
* Think of things that start with P
* A fruit?
* Think of fruits
* One that starts with R?
* When the category comes first, participants find an example faster (Loftus & Suppes, 1972).
Typicality effect- the time needed to decide that a category member belongs to a category is less
for typical than atypical members

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7
Q

First attempt: Hierarchical network model

A

Hierarchical: There
is a broad idea, with
sub-ideas
* Ideas on the same
sub-level are stored
together
* So accessing and
comparing them
should be fast,
and slower to
jump levels
* Turns out to be false - when tested the prediction wasn’t generated - the fastest level was at the bottom and the top levels were the slowest

collins and quillan 1969 - diagram in notes

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8
Q

Deese-Roediger- McDermott paradigm

A
  • Lists are constructed so that all of the words are related to one word that is not on the list
    • Eg BED, REST, DREAM, AWAKE etc all related to SLEEP
    • SLEEP is the critical lure
      Later ptps are given a recognition test
    • Includes words they observed
    • Unrelated lures
    • Critical lures - ones that are highly related to the ones you observed but weren’t actually presented
      If activation of memories occurs is based on relationships between concepts, then the critical lures should be highly activated
    • Ptps will be highly likely to believe that they observed those words
      Ptps are extremely confident that they observed the critical lures (Roediger and McDermott,1995)
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8
Q

Next attempt:
Spreading activation
semantic network -= more or less how it works

A

-Nodes are semantic concepts (purple circles in diagram)
* Length of connectors between them
indicate how closely they are related - and how closely in time they would be activated together
* More flexible than hierarchical network - its much more disorganised and scattered - how its organised from person to person might depend on their experiences
* Problem: Could each concept we know
about be represented by a single node?
Collins & Loftus, 1975

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9
Q

Semantic memory provides “scaffolding”

A
  • Relations, schemas, scripts all provide
    expectations
  • This is a double-edged sword:
  • It fills in gaps where episodic recollection
    fails
  • This means that you are likely to mis-
    remember in a very predictable manner.
    Loftus and Palmer (1974):
  • Watch an auto accident.
  • Later, manipulate how witness is asked
    about it.
  • Whether a key word hinted at severity or
    not -> changes how much damage witnesses
    remembered.

When researchers asked how fast was the
car going when it smashed into the other
car, participants were more likely to
“remember” seeing broken glass. but when asked how fast the car was going when it collided with the other they would less likely say they saw broken glass at the scene

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10
Q

Is memory really
this fallible?
Why aren’t we
constantly
making errors?

A

There is a lot of consistency in environments
* Think about what objects belong in a
kitchen, in a hotel room, etc.
* If you would guess based on your schema,
you would usually be right (Steyvers &
Hemmer, 2012)

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11
Q

improving on
the network
model

A

Which concepts are activated and how activation
spreads depends on goals (Barsalou, 2009)
* How would we situate semantic memory
representations in neural architecture?

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12
Q

Semantic
category is
retrieved
before
perceptual
details
Linde-Domingo et al., 2019

A

they asked ptps to learn associations between a word and an object eg learn spin and toaster are a pair and are related to each other while they were doing this they also had to make a desicion about each picture they saw eg is it a drawing or a photograph or is it animate or inanimate? the researchers then gave the ptps a test where the researchers would present them with a word and the ptps would have to think about the object that went with it and try to remember was inanimate, a picture or a drawing?

they recorded the ptps EEG while the ptps were learning the words and while they were doing the retrievals

they took the data and did a pattern classifier and would say this Brain data is drawings or photographs to try to get it to distinguish between brain data that was associated with seeing drawing and brain data seeing a photograph and similar for living things and not living things until they could train the classifier to get good at saying what brain activity looked like when it was thinking of eg photos, drawings etc

they then took the other half of the data and tested where are these peaks occurring during this task are we seeing perceptual descisions compared to semantic decisions and during encoding while the objects are still available the perceptual decision is a bit faster than the semantic descision. - brain activity is faster for is it a photo vs is it a drawing compared to is it living or non living

you see a more distinct outcome during the retrieval phase when the picture is not on screen so they’re not actually perceiving it - the activity that is generating these classifier peaks is happening by the brain not with any new stimulation - the living/ non-living brain state is peaking sooner than the photograph or drawing brain state. this suggests that when we retrieve something we first think what broad semantic category its in and then pulling up some detail that we might know about precisely what it looked like

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13
Q

Hub-and-spoke
model

A

theres a region in the brain thats the hub and neurological data suggests this hub could be in the interior temporal lobe - its modality invariant but it connects via spokes to other regions of the brain that can provide that modality specific detail - it connects to region that can store info about the sounds and looks associated with that concept
* Different aspects of a concept might activate different
perceptual systems
* Semantic representation can be both amodal and have
modality-specific aspects
- its boiling info we know about other aspects of psychology into how semantic memory might work to make a distributed model of semantic memory throughout the brain
Lambon Ralph, et al. 2017

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14
Q

Neural
implications of
the hub-and-
spoke model

A

If components of a semantic representation are spread
across the brain, there should be patients with very
specific semantic dementias
* In some cases the “hub” is affected – atypical
category members suffer, they have difficulty
rejecting plausible non-category members
* In others, deficits are confined to specific categories
* Perhaps these patterns correspond to lesions in
sensory or motor ”spokes”?
* Transcranial direct current stimulation to excite “hub” or
“spokes” (Ishibashi et al., 2018)
* Stimulate “hub”: boosts access to semantic
information
* Stimulate motor ”spoke”: improves performance
only if task involves thinking about how to hold the
tool

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15
Q

Summary

A
  • We have fast access to a huge store of general knowledge about the world, built via experience
  • This semantic memory system is considered distinct from the episodic memory system
  • Long-term knowledge guides actions and decisions in real time – how?
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16
Q

semantic memory and stored knowledge

A

There is much overlap in the knowledge each of us has stored in semantic memory (e.g., basic vocabulary; general knowledge of the world). However, there are also large individual differences. For example, we have much more information than most people stored in semantic memory in those areas of special interest and importance to us (e.g., work-related knowledge). Consider expert chess players. Chassy and Gobet (2011) analyzed over 70,000 games played by chess players of varying skill levels. They estimated chess masters have memorized 100,000 opening moves! Overall, there was a very strong relationship between chess-playing skill and knowledge of opening moves.

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17
Q

semantic memory vs episodic memory

A

Episodic memories contain specific information about when and where they were formed, whereas semantic memories lack such contextual information (Moscovitch, Cabeza, Winocur, & Nadel, 2016).
Tulving (1972, 2002) identified other differences between semantic and episodic memory. For example, Tulving (2002, p. 5) argued,
Episodic memory … shares many features with semantic memory, out of which it grew … but also possesses features that semantic memory does not.… Episodic memory is a recently evolved, late-developing, and early-deteriorating past-oriented system, more vulnerable than other memory systems to neuronal dysfunction.

ulving’s views are discussed and evaluated by Eysenck and Groome (2015).
Tulving (1972, 2002) also argued that the subjective experiences associated with retrieval from episodic and semantic memory are different. Retrieval from episodic memory is typically accompanied by a sense of consciously recollecting the past lacking when we retrieve information from semantic memory.
In spite of the above differences, there are important similarities between episodic and semantic memory. Suppose you remember meeting a friend yesterday afternoon at a coffee shop. That clearly involves episodic memory because you are remembering an event at a given time in a given place. However, semantic memory is also involved—some of what you remember involves your general knowledge about coffee shops, what coffee tastes like, and so on.

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18
Q

findings - separate systems

A

he distinctiveness of episodic and semantic memory systems by examining patterns of impairment in brain-damaged patients:

Hippocampal damage and episodic memory loss:
Amnesic patients with hippocampal damage (as seen in the Spiers et al., 2001 review) consistently show severe impairment in episodic memory, but often retain relatively preserved semantic memory.
These patients typically can recall facts and concepts learned before the onset of amnesia, although their ability to acquire new semantic information after the onset remains unclear.
Semantic dementia and semantic memory loss:
Patients with semantic dementia, which involves anterior temporal lobe degeneration, exhibit the opposite pattern: profound loss of semantic knowledge (e.g., difficulty understanding word meanings or recognizing objects) while episodic memory remains largely intact.
These patients can still remember recent personal events, likely because episodic memory relies more on frontal and parietal brain regions that remain functional.
Conclusion:
This double dissociation—episodic memory impairment without semantic memory loss in hippocampal amnesia, and semantic memory impairment without episodic memory loss in semantic dementia—strongly supports the theory that episodic and semantic memory are supported by distinct neural systems.

19
Q

findings - interdependent systems

A

episodic and semantic memory often combine in an interdependent fashion (see Greenberg & Verfaellie, 2010, for a review). Renoult et al. (2016) required participants to answer questions belonging to four categories: (1) unique events (e.g., “Did you drink coffee this morning?”); (2) general factual knowledge (e.g., “Do many people drink coffee?”); (3) autobiographical facts (e.g., “Do you drink coffee every day?”); and (4) repeated personal events (e.g., “Have you drunk coffee while shopping?”).
Renoult et al. (2016) assumed that category 1 involves episodic memory and category 2 involves semantic memory. Categories 3 and 4 involve personal semantic memory (a combination of episodic and semantic memory). They tested their assumptions by using event-related potentials (ERPs) to assess the precise timing of brain responses during retrieval for all four question categories. There were clear-cut ERP differences between categories 1 and 2. Of most importance, ERP patterns for category 3 and 4 questions were intermediate between those for categories 1 and 2 suggesting they involved retrieval from both episodic and semantic memory.
Tanguay et al. (2018) reported similar findings. They interpreted the various findings with reference to personal semantics: “Like semantic memory [they] are factual and limited in spatial/temporal details, but (like episodic memory) [they] are idiosyncratically personal” (p. 65).
Finally, Robin and Moscovitch (2017) discussed another way in which episodic and semantic memory are related. They argued that initially episodic memories can be transformed into semantic memories over time: this is known as semanticization. many memories exhibit a transformation from an initially detail-rich episodic representation to a gist-like representation involving semantic memory.

20
Q

conclusions

A

evidence for the distinction comes from brain-damaged patients. Amnesic patients typically have more severe problems with long-term episodic memory than patients with semantic dementia, whereas the opposite is the case so far as long-term memory is concerned.
In spite of the differences between episodic and semantic memory, many memories (perhaps especially autobiographical ones) combine episodic and semantic information. This is probably especially the case in everyday life where our behavior is often influenced by different types of memories at any given moment (Ferbinteanu, 2019). In contrast, researchers typically devise laboratory experiments to target a specific type of memory. In addition, there is evidence that many episodic memories are gradually transformed over time into semantic memories.
Some theorists (e.g., Cabeza, Stanley, & Moscovitch, 2018; Moscovitch et al., 2016) argue that the notion of separate memory systems (e.g., episodic and semantic) is an oversimplification. According to such theorists, we use numerous specific processes during learning and memory. In general terms, we use those processes most relevant for the task in hand rather than limiting ourselves only to episodic or semantic processes. This new theoretical approach has much potential. However, it is currently somewhat vague and considerable research is required to flesh out the details

21
Q

organisation of concepts - traditional views

A

hat information is stored in long-term memory? Much of it consists of concepts of various kinds and we will consider how these concepts are stored. Before you read this section, test yourself on the questions in Box 7.1.
Elizabeth Loftus and her colleagues carried out various experiments exploring the task of coming up with particular words given a category and a first letter as cues. Loftus and Suppes (1972) found participants responded faster when the category preceded the first letter (e.g., fruit–p) than when the first letter preceded the category (e.g., p–fruit). This suggests it is easier to activate the category fruit in preparation for searching for the appropriate first letter than all starting with, say, p. This is probably because the category fruit is reasonably coherent and manageable whereas words starting with p form too large and diffuse a category to be useful.
Evidence supporting the above viewpoint was obtained in a study where the category was type of psychologist and the first letter that of the psychologist’s surname. Hence a typical question might be, “Give me a developmental psychologist whose name begins with P” (Piaget) versus “Initial letter P–a developmental psychologist.” Students just starting to specialize in psychology showed no difference between the two orders of presentation, whereas those who had already specialized were faster when the category was provided first. Presumably they had already developed categories such as “developmental psychologist.” In contrast, the novices simply searched all “psychologists” because they had not sufficiently developed their categories to operate otherwise.

22
Q

hierarchical network theory

A

The first systematic theory of semantic memory was put forward by Collins and Quillian (1969). Their key assumption was that semantic memory is organized into a series of hierarchical networks. Part of one such network is shown in Figure 7.2. The major concepts (e.g., animal; bird; canary) are represented as nodes, and properties or features (e.g., has wings; is yellow) are associated with each concept.

Why is the property can fly stored with the bird concept rather than with the canary concept? After all, one property of canaries is that they can fly. Collins and Quillian (1969) argued it would waste space in semantic memory to have information about being able to fly stored with every bird name. If those properties possessed by nearly all birds (e.g., can fly; has wings) are stored only at the bird node or concept, this satisfies the notion of cognitive economy. The underlying principle is that property information is stored as high up the hierarchy as possible to minimize the amount of information needing to be stored in semantic memory.

According to the model, we can decide very rapidly that the sentence, “A canary is yellow,” is true because the concept (i.e., canary) and the property (i.e., is yellow) are stored at the same level of the hierarchy. In contrast, the sentence “A canary can fly,” should take longer because the concept and property are separated by one level in the hierarchy. The sentence, “A canary has skin,” should take even longer because there are two levels separating the concept and property. Collins and Quillian’s (1969) findings supported their predictions.
The model is on the right lines in assuming we often use inference to answer questions about semantic memory. For example, we know that Leonardo da Vinci had knees because we use an inferential process—we know he was a human being and that human beings have knees.

23
Q

limitations with the theory

A

Limitations of the Hierarchical Network Theory

Unfamiliarity vs. Hierarchy:
Conrad (1972) found slow responses to unfamiliar facts (e.g., “A canary has skin”) were due to unfamiliarity, not hierarchical distance.

Typicality Effect:
Rips et al. (1973): People verify “A canary is a bird” faster than “A penguin is a bird” because canaries are more typical birds—contradicts the theory’s equal-level assumption.

Category Rigidity:
McCloskey & Glucksberg (1978): People’s classification of borderline items (e.g., “Is a pumpkin a fruit?”) often varied over time, challenging the idea of fixed categories.

Individual Differences:
Verheyen & Storms (2013):
Ambiguity: People use different criteria for categorization.

Vagueness: They also differ on how strictly to apply those criteria.

Cultural & Material Bias:
White et al. (2018): Object categorization varies by age—older adults prefer traditional materials (e.g., cardboard boxes), younger adults adapt to modern ones (e.g., plastic)

24
spreading - activation theory and beyond
Collins and Loftus (1975) proposed a spreading-activation theory to resolve problems with Collins and Quillian’s (1969) theory. They argued (correctly!) that the notion of logically organized hierarchies was too inflexible. They assumed semantic memory is organized on the basis of semantic relatedness or semantic distance. We can assess semantic relatedness by asking people to decide how closely related pairs of words are. Alternatively, people can list as many members as possible of a particular category. Those members produced most often are regarded as most closely related to the category. You can see part of the organization of semantic memory assumed by Collins and Loftus (1975) in Figure 7.4. The length of the links between two concepts indicates the degree of semantic relatedness between them. Thus, for example, red is more closely related to orange than to sunsets. According to spreading-activation theory, the appropriate node in semantic memory is activated when we see, hear, or think about a concept. Activation then spreads rapidly to other concepts, with greater activation for concepts closely related semantically than those weakly related. Spreading-activation theory predicts the typicality effect (discussed earlier). Activation passes strongly and rapidly from robin to bird in the sentence, “A robin is a bird”—robin is a typical bird and robin and bird are closely related semantically. Less activation passes from penguin to bird in the sentence, “A penguin is a bird”—penguin is an atypical bird and penguin and bird are only weakly related.
25
findings
indings Supporting Spreading Activation Theory Semantic priming: Faster word recognition when a word is preceded by a semantically related word (e.g., bread → butter). First shown by Meyer & Schvaneveldt (1971) using lexical decision tasks. Supported by later studies (e.g., Bauer & Just, 2017), though effects can be small/inconsistent (Heyman et al., 2018). False memory support: Schacter et al. (1996): People falsely recognized unpresented but semantically related words (e.g., doctor) after studying related words (nurse, hospital), due to high activation. Semantic distance: Kenett et al. (2017): Measured “path distance” (number of steps between words). Shorter distances led to higher perceived relatedness and better episodic memory (e.g., better recall and association tasks). Language production: Rose et al. (2019): Naming target pictures took longer when nearby distractors were semantically close (e.g., owl next to eagle)—demonstrates semantic interference.
26
evaluation
The notion that activation spreads from a presented word or concept to semantically related words or concepts has been (and remains) extremely influential. The spreading activation theory has generally proved more successful than the hierarchical network theory at accounting for the various findings. One important reason is that it is much more flexible. What are the limitations with the theory? First, the notion that each concept in semantic memory is represented by a single node is oversimplified. As we will see shortly, information about most concepts is distributed in various brain regions rather than all being represented in a node. Second, the model implies that each concept has a single, fixed representation. In fact, however, our processing of any given concept is flexible (discussed further shortly). Consider the following two sentences: 1 Fred greatly enjoyed playing the piano. 2 Fred found it difficult to lift the piano. I imagine your processing of the word piano in the second sentence focused on the heaviness of pianos but did not do so when processing the first sentence. Such findings cannot easily be explained by the spreading-activation model. Third, several ways of measuring semantic distance have been proposed (see Kenett et al., 2017, for a review). There is, as yet, no consensus concerning the most appropriate measure of semantic distance.
27
naming objects
Suppose you are shown a photograph of a chair and asked to identify it. You might provide various answers based on the relevant knowledge you have stored in semantic memory. For example, you might describe it as an item of furniture, a chair, or an easy chair. In fact, the great majority of people would describe it as a chair. Below we discuss why that is the case. The above example suggests concepts are organized into hierarchies. Rosch, Mervis, Gray, Johnson, and Boyes-Braem (1976) identified three levels within such hierarchies. There are superordinate categories (e.g., item of furniture) at the top, basic-level categories (e.g., chair) at the intermediate level, and subordinate categories (e.g., easy chair) at the bottom. We sometimes use superordinate categories (e.g., “That furniture is expensive”) or subordinate categories (e.g., “I love my new iPhone”). However, we generally have a strong preference for using basic-level categories. Rosch et al. (1976) asked participants to name pictured objects. Basic-level categories were used 1,595 times during the course of the experiment, subordinate names 14 times, and superordinate names only once. Why do we make such extensive use of basic-level categories? Most of the time, the basic level provides the best balance between informativeness and distinctiveness. Informativeness is lacking at the superordinate level (e.g., simply knowing an object is an item of furniture tells you little). Distinctiveness is lacking at the lowest level (e.g., most types of chairs possess very similar attributes or features). Rigoli, Pezzulo, Dolan, and Friston (2017) developed the above ideas. They argued that, “Categorization requires computations that have benefits in terms of goal achievement [e.g., selecting an appropriate action] but also costs (e.g., metabolic, opportunity costs, etc.) that need to be balanced against the benefits” (p. 2). Categorizing objects at the basic level generally permits selecting the most appropriate action while incurring relatively modest costs.
28
findings
Categorization Levels & Brain Activation Basic-level advantage: Bauer & Just (2017): More brain areas (sensori-motor + language) are activated for basic-level concepts than for subordinate ones (mostly perceptual). Expertise effect: Tanaka & Taylor (1991): Experts (e.g., birdwatchers, dog experts) use subordinate categories more in their field—familiarity influences category use. Familiarity effect: Anaki & Bentin (2009): People categorize familiar subordinate items (e.g., Eiffel Tower) faster than basic-level ones (e.g., tower). Superordinate speed advantage: Prass et al. (2013): Categorization was fastest and most accurate at the superordinate level (e.g., animal vs. dog vs. beagle). Besson et al. (2017): Less information needed at the superordinate level explains this speed. Semantic dementia evidence: Rogers & Patterson (2007): Patients with severe semantic dementia performed better at the superordinate level—supports idea that it requires less processing.
29
using concepts
As we have seen, numerous concepts are represented in semantic memory. What do these representations look like? This question is associated with considerable theoretical controversy (Mahon & Hickok, 2016). We start by considering the “traditional” viewpoint, according to which concept representations have the following characteristics: 1 They are abstract in nature and are thus detached from input (sensory) and output (motor) processes. 2 They are stable in that any given individual uses the same representation of a concept on different occasions. 3 Different people generally have fairly similar representations of any given concept. At the risk of oversimplification, traditional theories assume that concept representations “have the flavor of detached encyclopedia descriptions in a database of categorical knowledge about the world” (Barsalou, 2012, p. 247). This approach forms part of what Barsalou (2016) described as the sandwich model: cognition (including concept processing) is “sandwiched” between perception and action but is regarded as being almost totally separate from them. This model seems problematical because it is unclear how we could use such concept representations to perceive the visual world or decide what actions are appropriate in a given situation.
30
situated simulation theory
Barsalou (2012) argued in his situated simulation theory that all the theoretical assumptions of the traditional approach discussed above are incorrect. He argued we rarely process concepts in isolation. Instead, we process them in various settings with that processing being influenced by the current context or setting. More generally, our concept processing is influenced by our current goals and the major features of the situation. Barsalou (2009) illustrated the limitations with many previous theories by considering the concept of a bicycle. Traditionally, it was assumed a fairly complete abstract representation of the concept would be activated in all situations. This representation would resemble the Chambers Dictionary definition: “vehicle with two wheels one directly in front of the other, driven by pedals.” According to Barsalou (2009), those aspects of the bicycle concept activated depend on your current goals. For example, information about the tires will be activated if you need to repair your bicycle, whereas the height of the saddle will be activated if you want to ride it. In sum, Barsalou’s situated simulation theory makes various predictions. Of particular importance, it predicts that conceptual processing involves extensive use of the perceptual system and the motor or action system. Finally, Barsalou’s theoretical approach differs substantially from the traditional approach with respect to the conduct of experimentation on concepts. Most concept research has involved presenting words referring to concepts in isolation (in the absence of relevant context). This is appropriate if concepts are detached from perception and action. In contrast, it follows from Barsalou’s situated simulation theory that information acquired from studying concepts in isolation will often be limited and misleading (Barsalou, Dutriaux, & Scheepers, 2018, p. 1).
31
findings
Perceptual Aspects of Concept Processing Wu & Barsalou (2009): People list different properties for same object in different contexts (e.g., lawn = blades, rolled-up lawn = soil). Shows concept processing is influenced by perceptual features and context. Participants often listed background-related properties (e.g., picnic for lawn)—supporting situated simulation theory. Abstract concepts: Still involve perceptual/contextual features (e.g., invention linked to laboratory). Barsalou & Wiemer-Hastings (2005): Abstract concepts often tied to concrete settings. Neuroimaging evidence: Wang et al. (2010): Perceptual brain regions more active for concrete than abstract concepts. Borghi et al. (2017): Abstract concepts sometimes involve perceptual processing. Limitations and Findings in Neuroimaging Studies Key Limitation: Neuroimaging studies often provide correlational, not causal, evidence about brain regions involved in conceptual processing (Mkrtychian et al., 2019). Motor System Activation: Hauk et al. (2004): Reading action verbs (e.g., lick, kick) activated motor cortex areas tied to those body parts. Supports motor involvement, but may reflect post-concept processing. Miller et al. (2018): Faster hand/foot responses when words matched the responding limb (e.g., kick → foot). Suggests motor system can influence word processing but… EEG showed no early motor activation → suggests effect was semantic, not motor. Task Design Matters: Differences in findings may be due to task timing: Hauk et al. used slower tasks (allowing motor imagery), Miller et al. used speeded tasks (limited time for motor involvement). Neuropsychological Evidence: Vannuscorps et al. (2016): Patients with motor-system damage (e.g., patient JR) showed intact understanding of action-related concepts. Challenges the idea that motor areas are necessary for conceptual processing.
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evaluation
There is much support for the theoretical assumption that conceptual processing in everyday life Memory otten involves the perceptual and motor systems. This assumption helps to explain why concept processing varies across situations depending on the individual's goals. In other words, the precise way we process a concept depends on the situation and the perceptual and motor processes engaged by the current task. In essence, Barsalou's approach explains much of the flexibility that characterizes conceptual processing. What are the main limitations of Barsalou's theoretical approach? First, he exaggerates the extent to which concept processing varies across time and across situations or contexts. The traditional view that concepts possess a stable, abstract core has not been disproved by Barsalou (Borghesani & Piazza, 2017). As we will see below, both theoretical approaches are partially correct-concepts have a stable core and concept processing is context-dependent. Second, much of our concept knowledge does not consist simply of perceptual and motor features. Borghesani and Piazza (2017, p. 8) give the following example: "Tomatoes are native to South and Central America." Third, we can recognize the similarities between concepts not sharing perceptual or motor features. For example, we categorize watermelon and blackberry as fruit even though they are very different visually and we do not eat them using the same (or similar) motor actions. Fourth, the finding that concept processing often includes perceptual and/or motor features does not mean it is generally necessary to use perceptual and/or motor processes to understand concepts. Alternatively, perceptual and motor processes may not be necessary and may even occur after concept meaning has been accessed (Mahon & Hickok, 2016). The finding that some patients with damage to their motor system can nevertheless understand action-related words (Vannuscorps et al., 2016) is more consistent with the latter viewpoint as are the findings of Miller et al. (2018).
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concepts and the brain
How Semantic Information Is Stored Not stored in one place: Knowledge about a concept (e.g., your cat) is distributed across different brain areas (e.g., visual, auditory, motor features). Supports a feature-based model, aligning with Barsalou’s theory of perceptual and motor involvement. Evidence from Brain-Damaged Patients: Studying patients helps reveal how semantic memory is organized. If features are stored in distinct brain regions, damage should cause category-specific deficits. Category-Specific Deficits: Herpes simplex encephalitis (damaging antero-medial temporal lobes) often leads to selective problems recognizing biological entities (Gainotti, 2018). Chen et al. (2017): Confirmed various category-specific deficits exist. Interpretation Challenges: Hard to isolate why certain categories (e.g., living things) are harder to recognize. Possible reasons: higher visual similarity, structural complexity, and less motor association (Marques et al., 2013).
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hub and spoke model
We saw earlier that concept processing often (but not always) involves the perceptual and motor systems. However, there are several reasons for assuming there is more than that to concept processing. First, we would not have coherent concepts if our processing of any given concept varied considerably across situations. Second, we can detect similarities in concepts that are very different perceptually. For example we know scallops and prawns are both shellfish even though they differ in shape, color, and form of movement (Patterson, Nestor, & Rogers, 2007). Patterson et al. (2007) put forward a hub-and-spoke model (developed by Lambon Ralph, Jefferies, Patterson, and Rogers, 2017) combining several ideas discussed earlier. You can see key features of this model in Figure 7.6. The spokes in the model consist of several modality-specific brain areas where sensory and motor processing occur. The six spokes shown in Figure 7.6 relate to visual features, verbal descriptors, olfaction (smell), sounds, praxis (motor information), and somatosensory information (sensations from the skin and internal organs). Each concept also has a "hub"—a general, modality-independent unified conceptual representation that provides an efficient way of integrating our knowledge of any given concept. It is assumed within the theory that hubs are located within the anterior temporal lobes.
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findings
Hub-and-Spoke Model of Semantic Memory Hub = Anterior Temporal Lobes (ATLs) Binder et al. (2009): Meta-analysis of 120 neuroimaging studies—ATLs consistently activated during semantic tasks. Murphy et al. (2017): Ventral ATL = semantic hub (general meaning). Anterior ATL = responds to modality differences (visual vs. auditory), not truly hub-like. Evidence from Semantic Dementia Mayberry et al. (2011): Semantic dementia causes loss of core/hub info, leading to blurring of category boundaries. Patients struggled with: Atypical members (e.g., emu as a bird), Similar non-members (e.g., butterfly as bird-like). Spokes = Modality-Specific Areas Cree & McRae (2003): Identified 7 category-specific deficit patterns across brain-damaged patients. Most commonly impaired features: color, taste, smell, visual motion, function. Supports idea that different properties of concepts rely on distinct brain regions. Experimental Support: tDCS Stimulation Ishibashi et al. (2018): Used anodal tDCS (to enhance brain activity) during tool tasks: Anterior Temporal Lobe (ATL): improved both function and manipulation tasks—supports ATL as a hub. Inferior Parietal Lobule: improved only manipulation, consistent with its role in action-related processing
36
evaluation
Memory hub-and-spoke model provides a more comprehensive account of semantic memory than previous theoretical approaches. There is considerable support for the notion that concepts are represented in semantic memory by a combination of abstract core (hub) and modality-specific information (spokes). There has been good progress in identifying the brain areas associated with hubs and the various types of spokes. Memory What are the model's main limitations? First, the role of the anterior temporal lobes in concept processing is more complex than assumed theoretically (e.g., Murphy et al., 2017). Second, more remains to be discovered about the information contained within concept hubs. For example, is more information stored in the hubs of very familiar concepts than less familiar ones? Third, how is modality-specific "spoke" information integrated with modality-independent "hub" information? Fourth, there is still no consensus concerning the number and nature of concept "spokes."
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beyond the hub-and-spoke model
The original hub-and-spoke model focused on the semantic representations of concepts. However, Memory " vro are to use our semantic knowledge effectively, we need to control our processing to emphasize those aspects of our semantic knowledge of most current relevance in the present context. For example, consider the piano concept. As Hoffman, McClelland, and Lambon Ralph (2018) pointed out, if we want to play a piano, we need to focus on its keys and pedals. In contrast, if we want to move a piano, this information is irrelevant and our focus should be on features of a piano such as its weight and whether or not it has wheels. The notion that current context strongly influences which aspects of any given concept are relevant has led theorists (Lambon Ralph et al., 2017) to develop the hub-and-spoke model. Hoffman et al. (2018) produced a detailed model combining a hub-and-spoke architecture with a mechanism to take account of the current context that accurately predicted concept processing in brain-damaged and healthy individuals.
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schemas
Our discussion so far may have created the false impression that nearly all the information in Memory semantic memory is in the form of simple concepts. In fact, however, much of the knowledge we have stored in semantic memory consists of larger structures of information. What do these larger knowledge structures look like? Frederic Bartlett (1932) provided an extremely influential answer to that question. He argued for the importance of schemas, which are "superordinate knowledge structures that reflect abstracted commonalities across multiple experiences" (Gilboa & Marlatte, 2017, p. 618). Bartlett's key insight was that what we remember (including our errors when remembering) is strongly affected by our schematic knowledge. Ghosh and Gilboa (2014) provided a more detailed definition of schemas. They argued schemas possess four necessary and sufficient features: Associative structure: schemas consist of interconnected units. Basis in multiple episodes: schemas consist of integrated information based on several similar events. Lack of unit detail: this follows from the variability of events from which any given schema is formed. 4 Adaptability: schemas change and adapt as they are updated in the light of new information. There are various kinds of schemas. Scripts contain information about sequences of events. For example, Bower, Black, and Turner (1979) asked people to list actions typically occurring during a restaurant meal. At least 73% mentioned the following: being given a menu; ordering; eating; and paying the bill. Frames are knowledge structures referring to some aspect of the world (e.g., building) containing fixed structural information (e.g., has floors; has walls) and slots for variable information (e.g., materials from which the building is constructed).
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schemas vs concepts
Concept vs. Schema Processing Prediction: Different brain areas should activate for concepts (individual words) and schemas (broader organizational structures). Patients might show double dissociation: difficulties accessing concept-based info vs. schema-based info, suggesting distinct brain mechanisms. Brain Activation Concept Processing: Anterior Temporal Lobes (ATLs) activated (Binder et al., 2009; Murphy et al., 2017). Schema Processing: Ventral Prefrontal Cortex (PFC) especially important (Gilboa & Marlatte, 2017). Overlap: ATLs involved in both concept and schema processing. Evidence from Brain-Damaged Patients Semantic Dementia (SD): Patients with damage to ATLs show impaired concept processing but retain some ability to use schema-based info (Bier et al., 2013). Fronto-Temporal Dementia (FTD): Damage to prefrontal cortex impairs script memory, especially sequencing (Cosentino et al., 2006). Damage to ventromedial prefrontal cortex affects schema-related tasks (Ghosh et al., 2014). Double Dissociation in Schema/Concept Processing Ghosh et al. (2014): Ventromedial PFC damage impairs schema-related processing. Zahn et al. (2017): Fronto-polar cortex damage = poorer script knowledge than social concept knowledge. Summary: Concept Memory = primarily involves anterior temporal lobes. Schema/Script Memory = involves prefrontal cortex (especially ventromedial). Overlap: Concept knowledge is needed to use schemas effectively (e.g., preparing a meal).
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how useful is schematic knowledge?
We have seen that schematic knowledge in the form of scripts is useful because it allows us to form Memory realistic expectations about the immediate future. Schemas (including scripts) make the world more predictable than would otherwise be the case because our expectations are generally confirmed. If our script-based expectations are disconfirmed, we usually take action. For example, if no menu is produced in a restaurant, we try to catch the eye of the waiter or waitress. There are other reasons why schematic knowledge is useful. First, schemas are important in reading and listening because they allow us to fill in the gaps in what we are reading or listening to and so enhance our understanding. More specifically, they enable us to draw inferences as we read or listen (see Box 7.2). Second, schemas help to prevent cognitive overload. Consider stereotypes (schemas involving simplified generalizations about various groups). When meeting someone for the first time, we often use stereotypical information (e.g., about their sex, age, and ethnicity) to help form an impression of that person. It is simpler and less demanding (but potentially very misleading) to use such information rather than engage in detailed cognitive processing of his/her behavior (Macrae & Bodenhausen, 2000). Potential disadvantages of relying on stereotypical information were shown by Reynolds, Garnham, and Oakhill (2006). Read the following passage they used in their study and then answer Memory the yuesuon: A man and his son were away for a trip. They were driving along the highway when they had a terrible accident. The man was killed outright but his son was alive, although badly injured. The son was rushed to the hospital and was to have an emergency operation. On entering the operating theater, the surgeon looked at the boy, and said, "I can't do this operation. This is my son." How can this be? If you found the problem difficult, you are in good company. We tend to have a stereotypical view that surgeons are men. However, some surgeons are female and the surgeon in the passage above was the boy's mother. Thus, schemas in the form of stereotypical information can interfere with problem solving. Third, schematic information can assist us when we are trying to recognize an object. For example, Auckland, Cave, and Donnelly (2007) presented observers briefly with a target object (e.g., playing cards) surrounded by four context objects. Sometimes the context objects were semantically related to the target object (e.g., dice; chess pieces; plastic chips; dominoes) and so provided information relevant to the game schema. The target was recognized more often in this condition than when the context objects were semantically unrelated. Lupyan (2017) reviewed research showing how top-down processes triggered by contextual or schematic information facilitate object recognition. Fourth, as mentioned earlier, Ghosh and Gilboa (2014) identified adaptability as an important lemory uspect of schemas. As Richter, Bays, Jeyarathnarajah, and Simons (2019) pointed out, adaptability is very useful. It means we can adapt to changing environmental conditions by flexibly making changes to incorporate additional information to a pre-existing schema structure or by modifying the existing structure itself. Richter et al. showed experimentally how schemas are modified and updated when the knowledge within them no longer reflects current environmental conditions.
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errors and distortions
So far we have emphasized the value of schematic knowledge-it makes the world a more Memory predictable place, enhances our understanding of what we read and other people say, and it facilitates visual perception of the world around us. However, Bartlett (1932) argued that schematic knowledge can cause significant memory costs. He argued our memory for stories is affected not only by the presented story itself but also by the participant's store of relevant schematic knowledge. Bartlett tested the above notions by presenting people with stories producing a conflict between what was presented and their prior knowledge. Suppose people read a story taken from a different culture. Their prior knowledge might produce distortions in the remembered version of the story, making it more conventional and acceptable from their own cultural background. Bartlett (1932) carried out several studies in which English students read and recalled stories taken from the North American Indian culture. One such story was The War of the Ghosts (reproduced on p. 165). As predicted, participants' schematic knowledge in the form of cultural expectations led to numerous recall errors conforming to that knowledge. Bartlett used the term rationalization for this type of error. According to Bartlett (1932), memory for the precise information presented is forgotten over time whereas memory for the underlying schemas is not. Thus, there should be more rationalization errors (which depend on schematic knowledge) at longer retention intervals. In the interests of historical accuracy, it should be noted that Bartlett's (1932) approach was less original than typically assumed (Davis, 2018). Henderson (1903) had previously used experimental paradigm very similar to Bartlett's, and had anticipated many of Bartlett's theoretical ideas.
41
findings
Numerous experimental studies have supported Bartlett's general approach (see Chapter 6 for a detailed account). However, it is arguable that most of these studies lack ecological validity (applicability to everyday life). For example, many studies involved participants reading artificially constructed texts knowing their memory for these texts would be assessed. In contrast, Brewer and Treyens (1981) argued that most information we remember during our everyday lives is acquired incidentally rather than deliberately. Brewer and Treyens In their own research, Brewer and Treyens (1981) used a naturalistic learning situation. Participants spent about 35 seconds in a room designed to look like a graduate student's office (see photograph). The room contained a mixture of schema-consistent objects you would expect to find in a graduate student's office (e.g., desk, calendar, eraser, pencils) and schema-inconsistent objects (e.g., skull; toy top). Some schema-consistent objects (e.g., books) were omitted. Finally, participants received unexpected recall and recognition tests. Schemas and Memory: Effects on Recall and Recognition 🧠 Brewer & Treyens (1981) Participants waited in an office and were later asked to recall its contents. False memories: High-confidence “recall” of objects that were not present but were schema-consistent (e.g., books, filing cabinet). Shows schemas can distort memory. True recall: More schema-consistent than inconsistent items remembered—positive effect of schemas. 🧠 Webb, Turney & Dennis (2016) Participants viewed scenes (e.g., bathroom) with both schema-consistent and inconsistent objects. Later did a recognition-memory test including: Seen consistent/inconsistent objects Unseen schema-consistent lures (e.g., toilet paper) Neuroimaging findings: Schema-inconsistent retrieval required more prefrontal cortex activity → more effortful cognitive control. False memories for nonpresented schema-consistent objects involved greater lateral temporal activation, suggesting reliance on gist-based (schematic) retrieval. Schema-consistent retrieval is easier but more prone to false memories. 🧠 Steyvers & Hemmer (2012) – A More Balanced View Argued previous studies exaggerate memory errors. In real-life, schema-driven guesses are usually accurate. Experiments: Naming objects expected in various real-world scenes: False recall was lower for high schema-relevance objects (9%) vs. low schema-relevance (18%). Correct guesses more likely for high-relevance objects. Photograph-based recall: Best recall for high schema-consistency objects. Also, very schema-inconsistent objects were remembered well — von Restorff effect (distinctive items stand out). 📌 Key Takeaways Schemas improve recall of consistent info but can also cause false memories. Inconsistent info requires more effort to retrieve but may be well remembered if distinctive. Memory is adaptively efficient, not simply error-prone—schemas often help in realistic settings.
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evaluation
Schemas theories have proved generally successful. There is compelling evidence that learning and Memory merory often involve top-down processes triggered by schematic knowledge. More generally, schemas allow us to form expectations that are often confirmed subsequently. Schemas are adaptable and can be altered in response to changing environmental conditions. Schemas often enhance long-term memory for both schema-consistent and schema-inconsistent information (Greve, Cooper, Tibon, & Henson, 2019; Steyvers & Hemmer, 2012) with the latter occurring because schema-inconsistent information conflicts with learners' expectations and leads to more thorough encoding. However, use of schematic knowledge can lead to various memory distortions and errors. What are the limitations of schema theories? First, they are typically vague with their precise scope and nature remaining unclear. In addition, much remains to be discovered about how episodic and semantic memory processes interact. Second, our memory representations are often more complex than implied by schema theories. For example, we do not just have a basic restaurant script. We also know you do not sit down before ordering your food at fast-food restaurants, expensive restaurants often have wine waiters, you need to book at some restaurants but not others, and so on. Most schema-based theories have not focused on these complexities. Third, most schema theories exaggerate the number of schema-driven memory errors occurring in everyday life. As Steyvers and Hemmer (2012, p. 140) argued, "In a naturalistic environment, the prior knowledge of the occurrence of objects in a given scene type can lead to effective guesses ... Such guessing with prior [schematic] knowledge can result in high accuracy and a low number of intrusions."
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summary
There is an important distinction between semantic and episodic memory: the latter involves more conscious recollection of the past and is more "personal." The distinction between semantic and episodic memory is supported by research on brain-damaged patients: amnesic patients typically have greater problems with episodic than semantic memory whereas patients with semantic dementia show the opposite pattern. In spite of the differences between semantic and episodic memory, many long-term memories combine episodic and semantic information. In addition, memories that are initially episodic can become transformed into semantic memories over time: semanticization. According to Collins and Quillian's (1969) hierarchical network model, concepts are represented by nodes within hierarchical networks; concept properties or features are stored as far up the hierarchy as possible. The hierarchical network theory is based on the erroneous assumption that concepts are stored in semantic memory much more neatly than is actually the case. The theory also fails to acknowledge that many concepts are fuzzy or imprecise. According to Collins and Loftus's (1975) spreading-activation theory, semantic memory is organized by semantic distance. Activation of any given concept causes activation to spread to all other related concepts. The spreading-activation theory assumes all information about a given concept is stored at a single node, which is a substantial oversimplification. Many concepts within semantic memory are organized into hierarches consisting of superordinate, basic, and subordinate levels. Individuals generally prefer the basic level because it combines informativeness and distinctiveness. Memory nuwever, experts often prefer the subordinate level because it is more informative than the basic level. Categorization typically occurs faster at the superordinate level than the basic level because less information is required. Barsalou claimed in his situated simulation theory that concept processing (even with abstract concepts) involves the perceptual and motor systems and depends very much on the current context. It is the case that concept processing often includes perceptual and/or motor features, but this does not mean it is necessary to use perceptual and/or motor processes to understand concepts. Barsalou's theoretical approach de-emphasizes that evidence that most concepts have a stable, central core of meaning unaffected by context. According to the hub-and-spoke model, concepts consist of hubs (unified abstract representations) and spokes (modality-specific information). Evidence from patients with semantic dementia indicates that hubs are stored in the anterior temporal lobes. In contrast, spokes are stored in several different brain areas, as is indicated by the existence of category-specific deficits and brain-stimulation studies. It is not clear within the hub-and-spoke model how modality-specific "spoke" information integrated with modality-independent "hub" information. Schemas are well-integrated chunks of knowledge about the world, events, people, and actions. As such, they are broader in scope than concepts. Research on concepts and schemas has provided some evidence of a double dissociation: patients with semantic dementia generally have greater problems with accessing concepts than schematic information, whereas those with fronto-temporal dementia show the opposite pattern. Schamas are useful because they allow us to make predictions about the immediate future, to make Memory inferences during reading, and they adapt to take account of changing environmental conditions. Schemas are also useful because they often enhance long-term memory for both schema-consistent and schema-inconsistent information. Schematic knowledge can cause distortions in long-term memory when what we read or hear is inconsistent with that knowledge. However, such distortions are relatively infrequent when we are exposed to natural scenes containing mostly objects that are highly probable in the particular context. In contrast, memory distortions are much more common when we are exposed to manipulated scenes in the Laboratory where high-probability objects are often replaced by low-probability ones.